PART 


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IOWA. 


Books,  like  chickens,  should  come  home  to  roost. 


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THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 


IN  MEMORY  OF 

PROFESSOR 
EUGENE  I.  McCORMAC 




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Problems  and  Leaders 

-^^~ofi896  , 


AN  IMPARTIAL  PRESENTATION  OF  LIVING 
NATIONAL  QUESTIONS, 

EMBRACING: 

The  Campaign  Outlook — President  Making — Status  of  Parties 

Principles  of  Free-Trade  and  Protection — Gold  and 

Silver  Issues — Tariff  Legislation — American 

Reciprocity — The  Monroe  Doctrine — 

Our  Cuban  Relations. 

WITH 

PORTRAITS  AND  BIOGRAPHIES 
DISTINGUISHED  PARTYLEADERS; 


-ALSO- 


Lives  of  the  Candidates  for 

President  and  Vice-President,  Convention  Proceedings  and  Full 
Text  of  National  Platforms. 

BY 

JAMES  P.  BOYD,  A*  M. 

Author  of  "  Men  and  Issues  of  '92,"  "  Vital  Questions,"  Etc. 


PUBLISHERS'  UNION. 

1896. 


COPYEIGHT,    1896. 

BY  JAMES  P.  BOYD. 


INTRODUCTORY. 


THE  national  will  finds  expression  for  the  twenty-eighth 
time  in  the  presidential  election  of  1896.  The  last  event 
is  no  less  momentous  than  the  first,  or  any  intermediate 
one.  Considered  as  a  spectacle  it  is  the  most  imposing  of 
all,  for  everything  that  enters  into  it  is  on  a  stupendous 
scale.  An  empire  of  forty-five  states,  breasting  the  two 
great  oceans  of  the  globe,  chooses  by  common  consent  its 
executive  guardian  for  four  years.  Thirteen  million 
voters  meet  in  national  tribunal  to  determine  their  quad 
rennial  policy.  Never  before  has  earth  yielded  areas  of 
such  magnitude  to  popular  government.  History  no 
where  records  the  voluntary,  peaceful  judgment  of  so 
many  freemen,  spoken  at  an  agreed  upon  time,  and,  as  it 
were,  with  a  single  breath. 

But  the  recurrence  of  a  national  election  in  this  great 
republic  is  far  other  than  a  mere  spectacle.  It  is  pre 
eminently  suggestive  of  the  inner  meaning  of  popular 
empire,  and  eloquently  expressive  of  the  underlying  forces 
that  make  empire  possible  and  permanent.  It  is  the 
opened  mouth  of  sovereignty,  whose  voice  is  heard  on  hill 
top  and  in  valley,  by  river  and  lake,  and  whose  speech  is, 
for  the  time,  the  irresistible  edict. 

And  what  a  meaning  the  word  sovereignty  has  in  a 
republic  like  ours,  as  compared  with  other  forms  of  em 
pire  I  It  was  never  a  part  of  any  feudal  government  to 

(5) 

209 


8  INTKODUCTOKY. 

and  decisive  as  possible.  This  work  has  been  prepared 
with  a  view  to  helping  him.  If  it  should  be  accepted  as 
his  preparatory  hand-book,  he  can  readily  prime  himself 
for  the  election  occasion  and  form  a  judgment  which  he 
can  defend  in  the  forum  of  conscience  and  before  the 
world.  One  thing  he  can  be  sure  of  to  start  with,  and 
that  is  that  he  will  be  unhampered  by  any  attempt  on  the 
part  of  the  author  to  sway  his  feelings  or  influence  his  in 
clinations.  As  partisanship  is  not  a  proper  part  of  free 
education,  and  as  every  fountain  of  knowledge  should  be 
of  unadulterated  liquid,  so  the  information  offered  in  this 
volume  is  neither  speculative  nor  biased,  but  only  such  as 
the  historic  verities  warrant. 

The  problems  of  the  times  are  most  serious,  the  issues 
broad.  Voters  are  in  no  humor  to  "  go  it  blind  "  for  the 
sake  of  party.  The  spirit  of  this  work  meets  their  spirit. 
It  presents  the  living  questions,  the  issues  that  burn  for 
solution,  not  as  seen  by  partisan  or  party,  not  in  any 
narrow,  controversial  view,  but  as  the  intelligent,  inde 
pendent  voter  would  have  them,  and  had  best  have  them, 
so  that  he  can  see  them  from  all  sides  and  form  for  him 
self  an  estimate  of  their  worth. 

The  constant  aim  of  the  author  has  been  to  steer  clear 
of  the  narrowness,  selfishness,  partisanship  and  perish 
ability  of  the  ordinary  campaign  book,  and  to  present  the 
problems  involved  in  the  national  election  in  all  their 
phases,  so  that  both,  or  all,  sides  may  be  studied,  and  so 
that  their  study  may  not  be  for  to-day  only,  but  for  all 
the  time  the  problems  may  be  uppermost.  In  no  other 
form  could  a  work  touching  on  political  questions,  and  is 
sued  during  a  period  of  political  controversy,  prove  as 
high  a  compliment  to  the  intelligence  and  independence 
of  the  reader.  In  no  other  form  could  it  deserve  or  find 


INTRODUCTORY.  9 

so  permanent  a  place  in  the  library  and  great  school  of 
the  home. 

The  problems  amplified  are  those  of  President  Making, 
Parties,  Free  Trade,  Protection,  Silver  and  Gold,  Tariff 
Legislation,  Reciprocity,  Monroe  Doctrine,  Cuban  Rela 
tions — all  vital  and  urgent.  They  are  introduced  Avith  a 
horoscope  of  the  campaign,  interspersed  with  frequent 
portraits  of  eminent  statesmen  and  political  leaders  of  all 
parties,  together  with  their  biographies,  and  supplemented 
with  lives  of  the  presidential  candidates. 

The  publishers  have  greatly  helped  the  purpose  of  the 
author  to  provide  a  plain,  impartial  educational  work  of  a 
political  kind  for  legislators,  public  speakers  and  voters, 
by  gracing  it  with  so  many  beautiful  illustrations,  so  clear 
and  readable  a  type  and  such  unsurpassed  excellence  and 
beauty  of  paper  and  binding. 


COITENTS. 


I. 

POLITICAL  LINES  OF  1896. 

Trend  of  Political  Sentiment — Earnestness  of  Voters — Solemnity  of 
the  Issues — Their  Nearness  to  the  Masses — Homes  and  Pockets 
Touched — Impotence  of  Mere  Politicians — Sound  Doctrines  in 
Demand— Issues  Make  the  Leaders — A  Hard-working  Cam 
paign — Printing  Press  and  Club  Room — The  Issue  of  Tariff — 
The  Tariff  Situation— View  of  Past  Measures— Tariff  Reform— 
The  Wilson  Bill — Trial  in  the  Courts  of  Public  Opinion — Finan 
cial  Depression — A  Square  Test  Required — Results  of  Recent 
Elections — Revolution  of  Parties — Silver  and  Gold  Problem — 
Rapid  Growth  of  Silver  Sentiment — Effect  on  Parties — A  Battle 
Royal  Anticipated— The  Populist  Attitude— Place  of  the  Gold 
Men — Silver  Legislation — Effects  of  Congressional  Action — 
Great  Importance  of  the  National  Election  to  Parties  and  the 
Country — The  Currency  Problem — Attitude  of  Sound  Money 
Democrats — Republican  and  Prohibition  Bolters — Union  of 
Populists  and  Democrats .<*.  •  •  • 23 

II. 

PRESIDENT  MAKING  SINCE  1788. 

Electoral  Votes  by  States  in  1892,  1888  and  1884— Popular  Votes- 
Electoral  College  in  all  Presidential  Years — Candidates  and 
Parties— Disputed  Elections— Effect  of  the  Twelfth  Amend 
ment — Votes  for  Each  Candidate — The  Popular  Vote — When 
the  Popular  Vote  Began  to  be  Counted — As  Cast  for  Each  Can 
didate — Valuable  and  Interesting  Data 41 


12  CONTENTS. 

III. 

PARTIES  PAST  AND  PRESENT. 

Use  of  Political  Parties — Necessary  in  a  Republic — Views  Respect 
ing  Them — Fanciful  Party  Names — Origin  of  Whig,  Tory,  Lo- 
cofoco,  Etc. — Colonial  Parties — Parties  of  the  Revolution — Par 
ties  of  the  Confederation — Extinction  of  Whig  and  Tory  Titles 
— Rise  of  Federalism — Principles  of  Federalism — Rise  of  the 
Old  Republican  Party — Its  Leaders  and  Principles — Fall  of  the 
Federal  Party — Triumph  of  the  Republican  Party — Its  Division 
and  Fall— How  the  Whig  Party  Rose— Rise  of  Democratic  Party 
— Principles  and  Leaders  of  Each — Impress  on  Legislation — De 
cline  of  Whig  Party — Its  Legacy  to  the  Nation — Slavery  and 
Political  Parties — Democratic  Divisions — Free-soil  Party — Rise 
of  the  New  Republican  Party — Its  Principles,  Leaders  and 
Strength — Rise  and  Fall  of  Know-nothing  Party — Its  place 
in  History — The  Greenback  Party — Revival  of  Democracy — 
Growth  of  Prohibition  Party— Rise  of  Populism— The  People's 
Party— Free  Silver  Party— Labor  and  Other  Parties 49 

IV. 

PRINCIPLES  OF  FREE  TRADE. 

Definition  of  Free  Trade— Principle  of  a  Tariff— Early  Free  Traders 
— Tariff  for  Revenue — Tariff  Reform — Politics  Confuses  Terms 
— The  English  Idea — Old  and  New  Theories — Law  as  to  Capital 
— As  to  Labor — Productiveness  and  Labor — Increased  Price — 
Doctrine  of  "Laissez  Faire  " — Protection  Iniquitous — Class 
Taxation — Diminished  Labor — Wrong  of  the  Custom  House — 
Division  of  Labor — Aggregate  of  Labor — Diversified  Industry — 
Produce  for  Produce — Value  of  Free  Competition — Facility  of 
Exchanges — Diminution  of  Labor — Capital  and  Employment — 
Independence  of  Foreigners — Free  Trade  in  Politics — Tariff  a 
Tax — Monopolies  and  Trusts — Views  of  Gladstone  and  Patrick 
Henry — Protection  Invokes  Wars — England  Repudiated  Her 
Own  Protection  Laws— Reaches  Free  Trade— Views  of  Wells, 
Taussig,  Robert  Peel,  Jackson,  Rowan,  Dallas — Protection 
Leads  to  Smuggling — Comparison  of  Free  Trade  and  Protection 
Eras — Views  of  Buchanan,  Lloyd,  Garfield — Smith — Free  Trade 
Era  of  1850  to  1860  one  of  Prosperity— General  Principles  ...  105 


CONTENTS.  13 

V. 

PRINCIPLES  OF  PROTECTION. 

Principle  not  in  Doubt— Practiced  by  all  Nations — Necessary  to 
Commercial  Supremacy — For  Industrial  and  Manufacturing  In 
dependence — Protection  Unites  Art  and  Nature — Protective  and 
Revenue  Tariffs — Revenue  Duties  Fall  on  Necessaries — Protect 
ive  Duties  Fall  on  Competitive  Articles — Rate  and  Adjustment 
of  Protective  Duties — Prohibitory  Rates — Essence  of  Labor  in 
Products — Per  Cent,  of  Labor — Application  of  Protection  to 
Labor — Effect  of  Protection  on  Labor — Protection  Does  not  In 
crease  Cost  to  Consumer — Competition  Regulates  Cost — Encour 
agement  to  Capital — To  Invention — More  and  Better  Goods — 
Tariff  for  Protection  not  a  Tax — Producers  Pay  the  Duty — Sen 
timent  in  Bradford — Opinions  of  List,  Smith,  Mill — Advantage 
of  Protection  to  Agricultural  Communities — "The  American 
System" — Opinions  of  Washington,  Madison,  Jefferson,  Taus- 
sig — American  Conditions — European  Conditions — Protection 
Cures  Monopoly — Gives  Competing  Power  Abroad — Revenue 
Tariff  a  Tax— Doctrine  of  Natural  Right— Duty  of  Development 
— Use  of  Natural  Gifts — Our  Own  Economics — Absolute  Cheap 
ness  not  Desirable — Protection  Does  not  Tend  to  Overproduc 
tion — Protection  Since  1861  —  Carey's  Deductions — Uses  to 
Farmers — Free  "Raw  Material  " — Protection  not  for  Privileged 
Classes — Does  not  Contribute  to  Great  Fortunes — Nor  to  Trusts 
—Tends  to  Fairer  Profits— Our  Material  Growth  .  .129 


VI. 

SILVER  AND  GOLD. 

Importance  of  the  Question,  "What  is  Money  ?  " — Kinds  of  Money — 
Money  Values — Money  Systems — American  Coinage — First  Coin 
age  Act — Gold  and  Silver  Values — Reasons  for  a  Change — Coin 
age  Act  of  1834— Mistaken  Ratios— Silver  Monometalized— 
"Gresham's  Law  "— "  Mint  Act  "  of  1837— Coinage  Act  of  1849 
— Effects  of  the  Discovery  of  Gold — Alarm  of  the  Commercial 
World— Our  "Legal  Tender  Acts  "—Resumption  of  the  Coin 
age  Act  of  1873— Silver  Demonetized— The  "Trade  Dollar"  of 
1876— Extent  of  Coinage  to  1878— Coinage  Act  of  1878— Free 


14  CONTENTS. 

and  Unlimited  Coinage  System — Restoration  of  the  Silver  Dol 
lar—Coinage  Act  of  1890— What  it  Did— The  Proposed  Free 
Coinage  Act  of  1892— What  it  Sought  Compared  with  Other 
Acts — Repeal  of  Purchasing  Clause  in  Sherman  Act — Rapid 
Growth  of  Free  Silver  Coinage  Sentiment — How  it  Affected 
Parties  and  Legislation — Place  in  Party  Platforms — Effects 
Upon  Finance  and  Business — Silver  and  the  Campaign  of  1896 
— Opinions  of  Party  Leaders  .  . 154 

VII. 

HISTOEY  OF  AMERICAN  TARIFFS. 

English  Colonial  System— The  Confederation  and  Free  Trade— The 
Constitution  and  Imposts — Tariff  Act  of  1789 — Protective  Era 
—Embargo  and  Tariff  of  1812— High  Protective  Era— Act  of 
1816— Disasters  of  1817-19— Act  of  1824  and  the  "American 
System  "—Attitude  of  Parties— Act  of  1828— Hostility  to  It 
and  Compromise  Act  of  1833— Nullification— Panic  of  1837— 
Protective  Rates  of  1842— Repealing  Act  of  1846— Effect  of  Mex 
ican  War,  Discovery  of  G old,  Foreign  Wars  and  Famines — Tariff 
Act  of  1857— Panic  of  1857— Protective  Act  of  1861— Effect  of 
Civil  War— Panic  of  1873  and  Act  of  1874— The  Tariff  Commis 
sion  and  Tariff  of  1883— The  Morrison  Bill— The  Mills  Bill- 
Tariff  Act  of  1890— Policy  of  Reciprocity— Tariff  Legislation  in 
1892— Doctrine  of  Tariff  Reform— The  Wilson  Tariff  Act  of  1894 
— Reduction  of  Duties — Destruction  of  Reciprocity — Failure  of 
its  Income  Feature — A  Deficit  of  Income — Panic  and  Industrial 
Depression— The  Dingley  Relief  Measure  of  1896— Tariff  Senti 
ment  Abroad — Lord  Salisbury's  Views — Protective  Legislation,  207 

VIII. 

AMERICAN  RECIPROCITY. 

General  View  of  Reciprocity — Commercial  Treaties — "  Most  Favored 
Nation"  Clause— Reciprocity  and  the  American  Republics — 
Modern  Commercial  Era — Escape  from  European  Dominion — 
The  "Monroe  Doctrine" — Prophecy  of  John  Adams — The  In 
ternational  Conference — Report  on  Reciprocity — Blaine's  Re 
view  and  Recommendation — Reciprocity  and  Tariff  Act  of  1890 
— Second  Stage  of  Reciprocity — Acceptance  by  Foreign  Nations 


CONTENTS.  15 

— Effect  upon  Commercial  Relations — General  View  of  its  Oper 
ations — Repeal  of  Reciprocity  by  Wilson  Tariff  Act — Effect  of 
Repeal— Discrimination  by  Foreign  Nations 300 

IX. 

! 
j 

THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

The  Venezuelan  Boundary  Dispute — England's  Attitude — Position 
of  the  United  States — Arbitration  Proposed,  and  Monroe  Doc 
trine  Explained — England  Denies  the  Doctrine  and  Refuses  to 
Arbitrate — Olaey's  State  Paper — The  President's  Bold  Message 
— Response  of  the  Congress — The  Venezuelan  Commission — 
American  War  Sentiment— A  Firm  Foreign  Policy  Demanded— 
Change  in  English  Sentiment — Historic  Review  of  Monroe 
Doctrine — The  Holy  Alliance — Attitude  of  Allied  Monarchs  To 
ward  America — England's  Proposition  to  America — Rush's 
First  Announcement  of  the  Doctrine — Consideration  by  Ameri 
can  Statesmen — Formulated  and  Announced  by  President  Mon 
roe—Supported  by  Adams,  Clay,  Webster  and  Other  Statesmen 
— Various  Announcements  by  Presidents  and  Secretaries  of 
State — An  Enduring  Principle  of  Our  Unwritten  Law — How  it 
is  Applicable  to  the  Venezuelan  Question 366 

X. 

OUR  CUBAN  RELATIONS, 

Spain  and  Cuba— History  of  Cuban  Insurrections— Spanish  Attitude 
Toward  the  Island — The  Last  Uprising — Review  of  Insurgent 
Work — Victories  Afield — Institution  of  a  Government — Demand 
for  Belligerent  Rights  by  the  United  States— Resolutions  by 
Congress — Attitude  of  President  Cleveland — Should  Our  For 
eign  Relations  Change  as  to  Spain  and  Cuba — Sentiment  of 
Statesmen  and  Publicists  —  Reasons  For  and  Against  a 
Grant  of  Belligerent  Rights— Execution  of  Neutrality  Laws- 
How  Our  Nation  is  Affected — American  Interests  in  Cuba — 
Appeal  of  Patriotism  and  Humanity — Extent  of  American 
Sympathy 402 


16  CONTENTS. 

XI. 

LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  MCKINLEY 

Parentage  and  Birth — Early  Life  and  Education — Characteristics 
of  Yonth — Career  as  a  Soldier — Promotions  in  Service — A  Law 
Student — Admission  to  Bar — Success  in  Practice — Orator  and 
Debater — District  Attorney — In  Public  Life- -Rapid  Rise  in  ' 
Statesmanship—  "  The  Apostle  of  Protection  " —Brilliant 
Speeches— Father  of  the  "  McKinley  Bill  "—As  Governor  of 
Ohio  for  Two  Terms — His  Tremendous  Majorities — Popularity 
with  the  People— Family  and  Home  Life— Personal  Traits — The 
Popular  Uprising — Strength  in  Republican  Convention — Nom 
ination  for  the  Presidency — The  Home  Ovations  and  Speech  of 
Acceptance — National  Congratulations 435 

XII. 

LIFE  OF  GARRET  A.  HOBART. 

Birth  and  Education — As  a  Lawyer — Rise  to  Public  Station — Posi 
tions  of  Civic  Trust — In  State  Assembly — Member  of  State 
Committee — Powerful  Political  Worker — Personal  Characteris 
tics — Home  and  Social  Position — Nomination  for  Vice-President 
Ovations  and  Acceptance 483 

XIII. 

THE  REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM  OF  1896. 
501 

XIV. 

LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN. 

Parentage  and  Birth — Common  School  Education— Farm  Residence 
— At  College — An  Oratorical  Student — Graduation  with  Honors 
— In  the  Law  School — Admission  to  the  Bar — In  Practice  at 
Salem — His  Marriage — Removal  to  Lincoln,  Nebraska — Law 


CONTENTS.  17 

Firm  of  Talbot  and  Bryan— Success  as  a  Lawyer— Fame  as  a 
Political  Speaker — Election  to  52d  Congress — Remarkable 
Tariff  Speech — Universal  Congratulations — Election  to  53d 
Congress— Champion  of  Free  Silver  Coinage— Senatorial  Aspir 
ations — Personal  Appearance — Leading  Traits  of  Character — 
Their  Washington  Life — Wife's  Appearance  and  Characteristics 
— Home  Life — Powers  as  an  Orator — A  Leader  in  the  Chicago 
Convention — His  Magnetic  Speech — Convention  Acclaim — His 
Nomination  for  President — His  Notification  and  Ovation — 
Triumphant  Homeward  Journey 510 


XV. 

LIFE  OF  AETHUE  SEWALL. 

Parentage  and  Birth — Early  Education — In  the  Calling  of  Ship 
builder — A  Practical  Workman — Entry  into  the  Shipbuilding 
Firm — Large  Vessel  Builder  and  Owner — Devotion  to  Cause  of 
Merchant  Marine — A  Railway  President  aid  Manager — Bank 
President — Promoter  and  Manager  of  Industrial  Enterprises — 
Persosalisni  and  Social  Life — His  Wife,  Children  and  Home — 
Nomination  as  Vice-President — A  Logical  Selection — Reception 
of  Nomination — Home  Ovation 555 

XYI. 

DEMOCEATIC  PLATFOEM  OF  1896. 
564 

XVII. 

LIFE  OF  JOSHUA  LEVEEING. 

Parentage  and  Birth — Education — Entry  into  Commercial  Pursuits 
— Prominent  Baltimore  Merchant — Marriage  and  Family — Civic 
and  Public  Trusts — Political  Career — Nomination  for  President 
— The  Prohibition  Platform — Proceedings  of  Pittsburg  Conven 
tion  671 


18  CONTENTS. 

XVIII. 

LIFE  OF  HALE  JOHNSON. 

Birth  and  Education— Career  as  Soldier— Admission  to  the  Bar— Prom 
inence  in  Practice — Honorary  Positions—Standing  in  Prohibi 
tion  Counsels — Nomination  for  Vice-President 582 

XIX. 

THE  NATIONAL  PARTY  AND  PLATFORM  OF  1896. 
Origin— Appeal  to  the  People— Platform 584 

XX, 

LIFE  OF  CHARLES  E.  BENTLEY. 

Parentage  and  Birth— Early  Life  and  Education — Marriage — Public 
Services— Fanner — Philanthropist — Joined  Prohibition  Party — 
Member  of  National  Prohibition  Committee — Advocate  of  Wo 
man  Suffrage — Preacher— Personal  Appearance— Orator — Natural 
Leader 590 

XXI. 

LIFE  OF  JAMES  H.  SOUTHGATE. 

Birth — Education — Business  Career — Marriage — Public  Services — 
Chairman  Prohibition  State  Executive  Committee 594 

XXII. 

THE  PEOPLE'S  PARTY. 

First  National  Convention — Second  National  Convention  1896 — Con 
vention  Proceedings— Nomination  of  a  Vice-President — Nomina 
tion  of  W.  J.  Bryan  for  President.  "  Middle  of  the  Road"  Men  596 

XXIII. 

PEOPLE'S  PARTY  PLATFORM  FOR  1896. 
599 

XXIV. 

LIFE  OF  THOMAS  E.  WATSON. 

Birth — Education — Admission  to  the  Bar — Enters  the  Political  Arena 
— Elected  to  Congress  as  a  Democrat — Nominee  of  People's  Party 
for  Congress — Charges  against  Members  of  the  House — Wonder- 
fill  Oratorical  Powers • 607 

XXV. 

NATIONAL  SILVER  PARTY. 
Candidates  and  Platform 609 


HON.  JAMES  MCMILLAN. 

Born  at  Hamilton,  Ont.,  May  12,  1838  ;  prepared  for  College,  but 
entered  business  in  Detroit,  1855 ;  established  Michigan  Car  Company, 
1863;  member  and  chairman  of  Republican  State  Central  Committee, 
1876,  1886,  1890 ;  President  of  Detroit  Park  Commission  and  Board 
of  Estimates;  Republican  Presidential  Elector,  1884 ;  elected  to  United 
States  Senate,  as  Republican,  for  term  beginning  March  4,  1889,  and  re- 
elected  in  1895;  an  industrious,  practical  member,  whose  opinions  com 
mand  respect;  Chairman  of  Committee  on  District  of  Columbia  and 
member  of  Committees  on  Commerce,  Naval  Affairs  and  Corporations  in 
D.  C. 


HON.  GEORGE  GRAHAM  VEST. 

Born  at  Frankfort,  Ky.,  December  6,  1830;  graduated  at  Centre  Col 
lege,  Ky.,  1848,  and  at  Law  Department  of  Transylvania  University, 
1853;  same  year  moved  to  Missouri  and  began  practice  of  law ;  Presi 
dential  Elector  on  Democratic  ticket,  1860;  member  of  Missouri  Legis 
lature,  1860-61 ;  served  for  two  years  as  member  of  Confederate 
Congress,  and  one  year  in  Confederate  Senate ;  elected  to  U.  S. 
Senate,  as  a  Democrat,  1879 ;  re-elected  1885  and  1890 ;  member  of 
Committees  on  Finance,  Commerce,  Public  Buildings  and  Grounds,  and 
Epidemic  Diseases. 


List  of  Illustrations. 


THE  "WHITE  HOUSE"  Frontispiece. 

JOHN  ADAMS   . 

N.  W.  ALDRICH 

JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS 

WM.  B.  ALLISON      . 

CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR 

RICHARD  P.  BLAND      , 

JAMES  BUCHANAN 

J.  C.  S.  BLACKBURN 

MARION  BUTLER   . 

HORACE  BOIES 

W.  J.  BRYAN     . 

GROVER  CLEVELAND 

JOHN  G.  CARLISLE 

WM.  E.  CHANDLER 

CHAS.  F.  CRISP 

SHELBY  M.  CULLOM 

D.  B.  CULBERSON 

C.  W.  DEPEW    . 

I.W.DANIEL     . 

FRED  F.  DUBOIS     . 

S.  B.  ELKINS      . 

MILLARD  FILLMORE 


PAGE 

PAGE 

itispiece. 

J.  B.  FORAKER 

362 

37 

WM.  P.  FRYE    . 

.        285 

73 

ULYSSES  S.  GRANT       . 

55 

37 

JAMES  Z.  GEORGE 

361 

127 

JAMES  A.  GARFIELD    . 

56 

56 

ARTHUR  P.  GORMAN    . 

163 

181 

MARK  A.  HANNA       ;  %  - 

469 

55 

WM.  H.  HARRISON      .. 

38 

.        200 

ISHAM  G.  HARRIS           .; 

344 

605 

R.  B.  HAYES      ,  J       .£  ^  - 

56 

.,       182 

JOS.  R.  HAWLEY     .  -  «." 

145 

523 

BENJAMIN  HARRISON 

56 

.        271 

DAVID  B.  HILL 

254 

272 

GARRET  A.  HOB  ART 

487 

128 

THOMAS  JEFFERSON 

37 

110 

JAMES  K.  JONES     . 

505 

343 

ANDREW  JACKSON       . 

38 

416 

HALE  JOHNSON      . 

592 

470 

ANDREW  JOHNSON 

55 

415 

HENRY  CABOT  LODGE 

.        452 

74 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN     . 

55 

506 

JOSHUA  LEVERING      . 

.        591 

55 

JAMES  MADISON    . 

37 

21 


22 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


WM.  McKINLEY      . 

JAMES  MONROE    . 
JAMES  MCMILLAN 

R.Q.  MILLS        .        .       . 
LEVI  P.  MORTON    . 
KNUTE  NELSON      . 
JAMES  K.  POLK       . 
JOHN  M.  PALMER 
FRANKLIN  PIERCE       . 
ROBT.  E.  PATTISON       . 
W.  A.  PEFFER 
R.  F.  PETTIGREW 
THOS.  G.  PLATT      . 
REDFIELD  PROCTOR    . 
JAMES  L.  PUGH       .       . 
M.S.  QUAY        .       .       . 
THOS.  B.  REED 
ARTHUR  SEW  ALL 


PAGE 

PAGE 

434 

JOHN  SHERMAN     . 

.       433 

37 

ADLAI  E.  STEVENSON 

308 

19 

WM.  M.  STEWART 

199 

217 

W.  J.  SEWELL 

.       290 

91 

JOHN  TYLER    .       .       . 

.    '      38 

289 

HENRY  M.  TELLER      . 

164 

38 

ZACHARY  TAYLOR 

38 

325 

BENJ.  R.  TILLMAN 

.        109 

55 

DAVID  TURPIE 

.        236 

379 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 

38 

92 

GEO.  V.  VEST    . 

20 

380 

WM  F.  VILAS  . 

307 

488 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

37 

398 

WM.  C.WHITNEY   . 

.       253 

397 

WM.  L.  WILSON 

218 

451 

STEPHEN  M.  WHITE    . 

326 

146 

THOMAS  E.  WATSON   . 

606 

524 

POLITICAL  LINES  OF  1896. 


THE  campaign  of  1896  has  much  in  common  with  pre 
ceding  ones,  yet  is  so  different  in  vital  respects  as  to  be 
of  an  exceptional  kind  in  American  political  history. 

The  turmoil  incident  to  a  national  election,  the  blight 
of  uncertainty  that  settles  on  enterprise,  the  suspension 
of  industrial  and  mercantile  energies  in  the  midst  of  ex 
citement,  have,  too  often,  contributed  to  the  feeling  that 
such  an  election  was  more  of  a  visitation  than  a  welcome 
event. 

Happily  for  the  one  now  pending,  it  is  eagerly  looked 
to  by  all  parties,  and  even  by  all  classes  of  men,  as  an 
event  which  is  to  dispose  of  questions  that  more  nearly 
concern  their  business  efforts,  mechanical  skill  and  eco 
nomic  welfare,  than  their  partisan  prejudices.  Never 
heretofore  have  the  masses  been  in  so  subdued  and 
thoughtful  a  mood,  and  never  before  have  the  issues  in 
their  hands  for  disposal  reached  down  closer  to  their 
homes,  pockets,  prosperity  and  happiness.  Therefore  the 
campaign  is  more  than  ever  a  period  of  serious  consider 
ation  rather  than  noisy  excitement,  and  the  election  a 
welcome  opportunity  rather  than  a  simple  and  recurrent 
political  event. 

One  feature  not  hitherto  uncommon  to  national  cam 
paigns,  and  which,  while  fascinating,  has  been  least  pro 
ductive  of  satisfactory  results,  is  the  outside  place  at  pres- 

(23) 


24  POLITICAL   LINES   OF    1896. 

ent  accorded  to  the  politician  pure  and  simple.  This  fea 
ture  has  been  prominent  ever  since  the  beginning  of  the 
presidential  year.  In  all  those  preliminary  stages  of  the 
campaign,  when  ground  was  being  broken  for  the  national 
conventions,  and  when  political  leaders  expected  to  find 
rich  soil  in  which  to  cultivate  their  crops  of  selfish  pipe- 
laying  and  sordid  patronage  manipulation,  they  were,  as  a 
rule,  relegated  to  the  rear,  or  thwarted  in  their  most  cun 
ning  designs,  by  a  majestic  and  irresistible  flow  of  gen 
eral  sentiment.  This  was  so  marked  in  the  Republican 
organization  as  to  place  both  a  unanimous  party  policy 
and  a  prospective  candidate  far  beyond  reach  of  ambitious 
coteries  or  scheming  juntas;  and  in  the  Democratic  organ 
ization,  as  to  amount  to  a  proclamation,  "hands  off  till  the 
hour  of  final  counsel." 

And  as  the  contentions  took  the  glow  and  gleam  of 
heated  campaign,  as  the  stump  became  radiant  with  con 
troversy  and  redolent  with  eloquence,  as  the  grand  surges 
of  political  thought  swept  onward  toward  the  goal  of  the 
ballot,  more  than  ever  was  the  politician  lost  sight  of  as 
cither  an  animating  or  directing  energy.  He  became  as  a 
mere  piece  of  drift  in  a  resistless  current.  There  was  no 
toleration  of  his  presence  or  plans,  no  time  nor  opportu 
nity  for  him  to  intrigue,  flatter  or  control. 

In  the  two  or  three  preceding  presidential  campaigns 
the  presence  of  a  cold-blooded,  calculating  element,  capa 
ble  of  dark,  designing  work  which  might  have  the  effect 
of  entrapping  candidates,  modifying  vital  party  measures, 
securing  dangerous  selfish  concessions,  or  entirely  con 
trolling  the  problems  of  defeat  and  victory,  served  to 
cloud  and  chill  the  situations,  to  provoke  doubts  and  as 
perities,  and  to  degrade  all  the  functions  of  open,  honor 
able  canvass.  Good  men  grew  ashamed,  earnest  men  lost 


POLITICAL   LINES   OF   1896.  25 

heart,  candid  men  became  puzzled,  convinced  men  wav 
ered,  those  who  sought  conviction  at  the  shrines  of  lead 
ers  came  away  in  a  shroud  of  doubt,  or  oftener,  and 
what  was  worse,  filled  with  false  notions  of  duty  to  self, 
party  and  country.  Such  an  element  has  been  eliminated 
from  this  campaign  by  force  of  its  very  earliest  conditions 
— a  determination  on  the  part  of  voters  to  think,  speak 
and  act  more  largely  and  independently  for  themselves. 

The  highest  educative  political  forces,  the  most  teach 
able  object  lessons,  of  many  years  past,  have  so  wrought  upon 
individual  welfares,  have  entered  so  minutely  every  sphere 
of  activity,  have  so  punctured  every  mind  susceptible  to 
impression,  that  independency  has  come  to  be  looked  upon 
as  a  salvation.  What  was  once  holy  allegiance  to  party 
creed  is  now  the  application  of  experience — often  hard 
and  bitter  experience — to  the  more  immediate  conditions 
of  existence.  The  party  shibboleth  is  as  nothing  com 
pared  with  the  ultimate  principle,  the  overspreading,  all 
pervading  law,  whose  practical  application  means  the 
mental  and  moral  lifting  up,  the  social  and  industrial  bet- 
terment,of  those  whose  destinies  are  in  their  own  keeping. 
It  is  likely  that  the  radical  political  revolutions  of  the 
last  few  years  have  done  more  to  call  the  attention  of 
voters  to  themselves,  to  their  personal  and  home  needs,  to 
the  effect  of  tried  principles  upon  the  nation,  its  institu 
tions,  its  industries,  its  prosperity,  than  any  other  events 
could  possibly  have  done.  These  revolutions  have  taught 
voters  their  power,  yet  at  the  same  time  that  simple  im 
pulses  should  never  be  mistaken  for  judgments,  and  that 
where  the  latter  strike  so  deeply  as  to  reach  the  workshop 
and  the  hearthstone,  they  ought  to  be  the  most  seriously 
considered  of  all  judgments.  They  have  still  further 
taught  that  in  the  application  of  great  economic  laws  and 


26  POLITICAL    LINES    OF    1896. 

broad  business  principles  to  human  situations,  mutation, 
even  when  it  assumes  the  brilliant  and  fascinating  hues  of 
revolution,  may  prove  to  be  means  of  devastation  rather 
than  help.  Says  that  exquisite  pundit,  James  Russell 
Lowell ; — 

"  Change  jes  for  change  is  like  them  big  hotels, 
Where  they  change  plates  and  let  you  live  on  smells." 

But  independency  on  the  part  of  voters  is  often  in 
separable  from  a  species  of  turbulency  most  distracting  to 
exact  campaign  methods.  However  it  may  gratify  per 
sonal  sentiment  or  conviction,  whatever  the  effect  may  be 
on  individual  or  general  welfare,  there  is,  for  the  time 
being,  party  disconcert,  amounting  to  even  the  fracture 
of  old  established  lines,  to  the  enunciation  of  fresh  prin 
ciples,  to  the  establishment  of  new  parties,  to  the  multi 
plication  of  candidatures.  The  time  has  been  when  these 
have  gone  so  far  as  to  entirely  befog  real  situations  and 
to  lead  to  results  quite  contrary  to  what  was  desired  by 
anyone.  The  present  situation  may  not,  in  all  respects, 
exactly  repeat  that  above  alluded  to,  but  if  not,  it  is  be 
cause  the  average  voter  sought  a  landing  place  before  he 
took  his  leap.  He  has  not  allowed  broken  party  allegiance 
to  run  wild,  but  has  anchored  it  quickly  and  spontaneously 
on  a  previously  chosen  bottom.  In  changing  boats  he  has 
not  become  a  waif,  to  be  tossed  helplessly  on  waves  of 
tumultuous  sentiment.  Hence  the  very  discords  that 
have  characterized  former  analogous  situations  and  often 
thwarted  their  aims,  are  not  now  either  dangerous  or 
undesirable.  Even  supposing  the  disconcert  to  become 
most  distracting,  and  the  tumult  most  discordant,  the 
life  lines  of  very  peculiar  circumstances  are  out  in  pleni 
tude,  and  voters  can,  if  they  choose,  land  themselves 


POLITICAL    LINKS    OF    1896.  "27 

safely  on  friendly  shores.  Even  supposing  candidatures 
to  be  inordinately  mtltiplied,  the  room  for  wise  choice 
can  hardly  be  said  to  be  so  curtailed  as  to  provoke 
lengthy  doubt  or  impel  to  disastrous  mistake. 

And  this  is  particularly  true  because  in  all  the  outcrops 
of  the  present  campaign  thus  far,  the  matter  of  mere  men 
has  been  subordinated  to  the  matter  of  measures.  Con 
sidering  the  earnestness  of  all,  the  magnitude  of  measures, 
the  solemnity  of  the  political  situation,  what  we  as  a  peo 
ple  of  workers  and  business  are  to  escape,  what  to 
remedy,  what  to  confront,  there  is  no  good  reason  to  sup 
pose  that  campaign  beginnings  do  not  exactly  reflect 
their  endings,  and  that  the  final  verdict  will  be  the  procla 
mation  of  a  much  needed  and  desirable  result. 

This  displacement  of  leaders,  especially  the  candidates, 
by  the  measures  they  represent,  happily  leaves  little 
provocation  for  vulgar,  personal  politics.  All  must  re 
member  with  humiliation  the  indecent  opening  of  the 
campaign  of  1884.  For  weeks,  and  even  months,  it  was  a 
game  of  personal  sharpshooting,  an  occasion  of  revilement, 
a  fiery  furnace  of  character  attacks  and  defences,  most 
degrading  to  party  honor  and  despicable  in  the  eyes  of 
individuals  whatever  their  political  predilections.  Such 
an  exhibition  cannot  be  repeated  now,  if  ever.  Candidates 
are  not  standing  for  more  than  measures.  In  this,  as  very 
likely  in  all  the  political  battles  of  the  near  future,  it  is 
hardly  probable  that  voters  will  permit  an  overthrow  of 
their  deliberative  mood,  and  an  eclipse  of  issues  at  stake, 
by  halting  to  indulge  in  the  vile  tactics  of  personalism. 

Honorable  partisanship  is  the  making  of  a  campaign. 
As  issues  broaden  and  deepen,  their  very  solemnity 
smoothes  the  rough  and  acerb  edges  of  partisanship,  gives 
it  healthy  tone,  adapts  it  to  the  high  and  noble  work  of 


28  POLITICAL   LINES    OF    1896. 

clear,  fair,  truthful  statement,  and  calm,  deliberative, 
forceful  defence.  The  true  partisan  becomes  the  best  of 
political  school-teachers.  He  may  be  the  statesman  of  the 
hour,  the  leader  of  the  future.  This  campaign  is  prolific 
of  opportunities  for  that  class  of  partisans  who  have  honest 
convictions,  fearless  natures,  clear  judgments,  fair  spirits 
and  gifted  expression.  The  partisan  of  only  heated  words, 
loud  expletives,  false  assertions,  specious  logic  and  idle 
•promises,  will  find  himself  without  a  mission,  or  ought  to 
so  find  himself,  at  a  time  when  dispassionate  discussions 
should  rule  the  hour  and  when  all  bitterness  and  falsehood 
should  be  at  lowest  discount.  The  orator  of  this  grandest 
of  all  political  occasions,  a  presidential  election,  will  have 
before  him  such  an  audience  RS  he  never  before  addressed. 
It  will  be  a  large  audience,  for  the  masses  are  in  motion  ; 
a  critical  audience,  for  the  masses  are  inquiring  ;  a  studious 
audience, for  the  masses  are  thinking;  a  subdued  audience, 
for  the  masses  are  not  in  jubilee  humor,  but  in  grimly  de 
fiant  mood.  A  forcible  fact  is  going  to  avail  far  more 
than  a  pyrotechnic  spurt.  Vituperative  thunder  is  going 
to  addle  very  few  brains.  Sophistical  balloons  will  find 
themselves  punctured  ere  they  reach  a  floating  medium. 
There  may  be  localities  in  which  all  this  will  prove  an  ex 
ception,  but  they  will  be  few  and  wide  apart.  There  may 
be  men  foolish  enough,  or  ignorant  enough,  to  rely  for 
argument  and  effort  on  sarcasm,  bitterness,  vituperation 
and  deceit,  but  they  will  certainly  look  in  vain  for  spirited 
applause  or  sincere  converts. 

The  activities  and  energies  of  the  campaign  can  hardly 
fail  to  prove  variegated  and  interesting.  What  will  be 
lacking  in  the  spectacular  will  be  made  up  in  that  as 
siduity  of  speech  and  competitive  vigor  of  work  which 
the  political  situation  demands.  The  crisis  warrants  a 


POLITICAL   LINES   OF    1896.  29 

*  *  campaign  of  education ' '  in  the  highest  and  most 
diversified  sense.  The  issues  seek  enlargement,  require 
emphasis.  Campaign  agency  must  prove  vigorous  and 
untiring,  energy,  restless  and  persevering,  devotion, 
sincere  and  uncompromising. 

National  questions  were  never  more  national.  So  the 
popular  verdict  should  be  all  the  more  dispassionate. 
This  campaign  and  election  should  emphasize  the  era 
which  notes  the  final  departure  of  all  dishonorable 
means  for  securing  political  victories. 

This  campaign,  as  it  surges  along,  makes  rapid  head 
way  toward  the  two  only  issues  that  the  past  few  years 
have  rendered  logical  and  inevitable.  The  sweep  of 
events  has  been  so  magnificent  and  irresistible  as  to 
crush  out  of  sight  party  questions  of  minor  moment,  and 
to  subordinate  all  lesser  political  differences  to  those  of 
supreme  magnitude.  Ever  since  1887,  there  existed  a 
determination  on  the  part  of  those  who  passed  as  tariff 
reformers  to  wage  relentless  war  upon  the  existing 
economic  system  of  the  country.  In  the  national  battle 
of  1888  they  suffered  single  defeat.  Not  daunted,  how 
ever,  they  rendered  the  war  more  vigorously  than  ever, 
and  in  the  national  engagement  of  1892  they  scored 
a  significant  triumph,  which  they  speedily  put  to  use  by 
overthrowing  the  tariff  system  of  1890,  and  introducing 
that  quite  opposite  system  of  1894. 

For  reasons  of  whose  accuracy  everyone  must  be  left 
to  judge  for  himself,  the  country  was  dissatisfied  with  a 
regime  so  opposite  to  that  which  had  been  overthrown, 
and  so  full  of  melancholy  contrasts  with  it.  This  dis 
satisfaction  was  made  manifest  in  the  State  elections  ol 
1893.  In  the  Congressional  elections  of  1894,  it  assumed 
the  proportions  of  emphatic  protest,  and  the  political 


30  POLITICAL  LINES   OF   1896. 

situation  was  entirely  reversed.  In  1895  the  verdicts  of 
disapproval  were  still  stranger.  Democracy  lost  in  its 
very  strongest  holds. 

Here,  then,  was  a  full  three  year  trend  toward  a 
culmination  which  was  unavoidable  in  1896.  No  matter 
what  politicians,  economists  and  parties  thought,  as  to 
the  propriety  of  a  battle  royal,  in  1896,  over  the  tariff 
issue,  -the  voters  themselves  had  seemingly  determined 
in  advance  thas  the  time  was  opportune  for  them  to  re 
cast  their  judgment  of  1892.  Thus  there  was  no  escape 
in  1896,  from  the  issue  that  had  not  been  allowed  to 
rest  for  three  years.  There  must  be  another  trial  of 
strength  over  a  question  so  vital  to  national  welfare  and 
so  intimately  woven  with  individual  prosperity.  In  all 
the  preliminaries  of  the  campaign  of  1896,  throughout 
all  its  earliest  stages,  the  parties  looked  to  such  a  trial 
as  inevitable  and  braced  themselves  for  it.  But  the 
tariff  was  not  to  be  an  issue  merely  ;  it  was  to  be  the 
main  issue.  Nothing  could  eclipse  it  in  importance. 
It  meant  meat,  clothing  and  shelter  for  toilers.  It  meant 
revived  industry,  living  wages,  an  era  of  restored  pros 
perity  and  happiness,  where  all  was  idleness,  poverty 
and  discontent.  This  on  the  one  hand  ;  on  the  other 
hand  it  meant  for  those  who  saw  in  the  tariff  of  1894  the 
culmination  of  anti-protectionism  an  opportunity  to 
confirm  the  wisdom  of  the  doctrine  they  had  carried  to 
triumph  in  1892,  and  had  so  fully  and  energetically  in 
corporated  into  our  economic  system.  They  could  not 
but  be  eager  to  repeat  that  triumph,  for  them  the  tariff 
policy  of  the  country  would  be  fixed  in  their  favor  for  a 
generation  at  least. 

But  while  the  parties  with  their  banners  were  thus 
lining  up  foi  the  tariff  fray,  there  came  upon  them  a 


POLITICAL   LINES   OF    1896.  31 

diversion  which  quite  transfixed  them  for  a  time  at  least. 
It  could  not  be  said  to  have  come  suddenly  nor  unex 
pectedly,  but  its  favor,  manner  and  force  were  so  over 
whelming  as  to  carry  with  it  a  sense  of  shock,  if  not 
dismay.  The  question  of  free  silver  coinage  was  an  old 
one,  and  one  which  had  been  made  familiar  by  its 
especial  champion,  Mr.  Bland.  It  had  been  made  a 
cardinal  doctrine  by  the  People's,  or  Populist,  party  in 
their  platform  of  1892,  and  had  been  stoutly  advocated 
on  the  stump  wherever  that  party  exercised  its  cam 
paign  energies.  With  the  spread  of  Populism  in  the 
West  and  South,  it  became  more  and  more  a  party 
tenet,  and  its  advocates  in  both  Democratic  and  Repub 
lican  ranks  made  it  stronger  with  themselves  than  their 
party  allegiance.  They  used  it  in  the  Fifty-fourth 
Congress  as  a  foil  to  the  legislation  which  the  House 
had  passed,  the  condition  being  that  no  legislation  of 
moment  should  be  completed  by  the  Senate  unless  it 
bore  the  free  silver  coinage  stamp. 

Statesmen  and  publicists  of  both  the  leading  parties 
felt  that  a  grave  political  error  had  been  committed  in 
1892  by  Mr.  Cleveland's  party  managers  in  seeking  al 
liances  with  the  Populists  in  the  Western  States.  They 
were  warned  by  the  most  astute  minds  in  the  Democratic 
party  that  such  alliances  would  prove  troublesome,  it 
not  fatal.  But  they  adhered  to  their  purpose,  feeling 
that  all  was  fair  in  politics,  that  the  Republicans  could 
receive  no  harder  blow,  and  trusting  to  Mr.  Cleveland's 
power  to  hold  all  that  would  be  gained  to  strict  party 
allegiance,  and  mould  all  to  the  dominant  party  will. 

It  took  but  little  time  to  ascertain  that  these  alliances 
had  given  an  impetus  to  the  free  silver  coinage  senti 
ment,  which  threatens  to  sweep  Democracy  from  its 


32  POLITICAL    LINES   OF    1896. 

ancient  moorings.  What  it  had  sown  was  not  the  true 
seed,  but  dragons'  teeth;  what  it  had  admitted  into 
its  citadel  was  not  a  helpful  engine,  but  a  Trojan 
horse.  It  became  a  rule  at  Democratic  conventions  in 
the  West  and  South,  and  especially  in  those  conven 
tions  whose  main  object  was  to  elect  delegates  to  the 
Chicago  Convention,  to  declare  in  favor  of  the  free 
coinage  of  silver  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  1,  which  was  one 
of  the  planks  in  the  Populist  platform  of  1892,  inserted 
at  the  Omaha  Convention. 

In  order  to  stem  this  rapidly  rising  silver  tide,  and  to 
correct  as  far  as  possible  the  error  of  1892,  the  admin 
istration  entered  into  contests  in  several  States,  notably 
in  Kentucky,  but  with  little  avail.  Its  every  advice 
and  appeal  either  passed  unheeded,  or  served  to  stir 
opposition  to  deeper  depth  and  bitterer  proportions. 
The  tide  daily  grew  higher  and  swept  along  more 
irresistibly.  It  took  on  more  and  more  the  lines  of  sturdy 
purpose  and  intelligent  direction.  Direct  antagonism 
to  the  administration  was  courted  rather  than  feared, 
and  defiance  became  a  test  of  faith  in  the  free  silver 
doctrine. 

Meanwhile  circumstances  all  contributed  to  a  pos 
sible  coherence  of  the  silver  strength.  The  Prohibi 
tionists  met  in  National  Convention  at  Pittsburgh  in 
May,  only  to  find  that  a  lar^e  contingent  of  their 
strength  was  so  infected  with  free  silver  coinage  as 
to  make  its  acceptance  a  condition  of  support  of  the  old 
cardinal  principles  of  the  party.  Being  defeated,  this 
"broad  guage"  contingent  bolted  the  convention  and 
nominated  a  ticket  on  a  free  silver  coinage  platform. 

In  June,  the  Republicans  met  in  National  Convention 
at  St.  lyouis.  There  also  a  free  silver  contingent  was  on 


POLITICAL   LINES   OF   1896.  33 

hand,  and  in  earnest  demand  for  a  free  silver  coinage 
plank  in  the  platform  of  the  party.  Their  request  was 
denied,  and  they  too  bolted  the  convention  to  cast  their 
political  fortunes  in  with  the  other  exponents  of  their 
doctrine.  These  bolts  affected  the  respective  parties 
more  or  less  seriously.  While  they  were  deprecated, 
they  served,  perhaps,  to  clarify  party  situations;  at  least 
they  served  to  encourage  the  free  silver  coinage  senti 
ment,  and  to  render  it  brave  for  the  work  of  closer 
amalgamation  and  final  coherence. 

At  length,  the  opportunity  that  had  long  been  desired 
for  a  show  of  coherent  strength  and  aggressive  initial 
came  with  the  Democratic  Convention  at  Chicago,  in 
July.  A  single  test  of  strength  showed  that  free  silver 
coinage  had  captured  the  Democratic  citadel,  and  that, 
as  to  aggressiveness,  it  was  fully  endowed  with  the  old 
Democratic  martial  spirit.  It  would  hear  no  concession 
or  compromise,  but  enthroned  itself  as  an  only  rightful 
master,  determined  that  its  cardinal  doctrines  which 
were  many,  novel,  striking,  and,  as  some  say,  dangerous, 
should  henceforth  bear  the  full  Democratic  stamp  and 
possess  the  clear  Democratic  ring.  . 

This  signal  triumph  gave  new  metes  and  bounds  to 
the  political  situation.  As  to  Democracy,  it  was  a  right 
about-face  of  the  oldest  political  organization  in  the 
country.  It  at  once  put  the  hitherto  unorganized  free 
silver  element  in  possession  of  a  party  name  and  party 
machinery.  It  afforded  them  a  nucleus  around  which 
every  other  free  silver  party,  or  element,  by  whatever 
name  called,  could  rally.  It  imparted  the  prestige  of 
generations  of  conflict  to  the  newly  pledged  captors  of 
a  time-honored  political  army.  The  standard  of  Jeffer 
son,  the  gonfalon  of  Jackson,  the  ancient  spirit  of 


34  POLITICAL  LINES   OF   1896. 

battled-scarred  Democracy,  were  all  theirs  by  virtue  of 
bravery  and  numbers,  and  for  inspiration  in  fresh  wars 
for  newly  engrafted  principals.  What  matter  if  the 
dissaffected  should  bolt?  Better  that  than  divided 
counsels,  or  traitorous  priests  within  the  holy-of-holies. 
What  matter  if  the  unruly  and  untrue  should  set  up 
counter  tickets  or  go  off  into  the  wilderness  of  despair 
to  worship  strange  gods?  Every  vacancy  would  be 
filled  by  two  recuits.  Thus  hopefully  did  the  enthusi 
astic  victors  of  Chicago  reason,  thus  they  presumed  on 
the  strength  and  character  of  their  conquest.  Their 
position  had  all  the  radiance  of  newly  achieved  glory, 
all  the  promise  of  a  broad  popular  victory  at  the  polls. 

Discoinfitted  and  mourning  Democrats  likened  the 
situation  to  that  of  1860,  when  the  party  was  rent  into 
two  irreconcilable  factions  over  the  question  of  slavery. 
They  saw  in  the  new  departure  of  the  majority  of  their 
party  a  step  toward  repudiation  and  anarchy,  and  they 
naturally  likened  it  to  a  time  when  patriotism  was  pre 
ferred  to  party  allegiance.  The  problem  was  how  best 
to  cope  with  a  situation  they  deemed  revolutionary  and 
dangerous.  Should  they  cope  with  it  by  holding  to  the 
party  name  and  making  another  nomination  for  Presi-  j 
dent?  Should  they  quietly  acknowledge  the  will  of 
the  majority  and  enter  secret  protest  at  the  polls?  Never 
had  dilemma  two  such  formidable  horns.  Both  were 
charged  with  a  voltage  that  rendered  their  touch 
hazardous.  A  second  ticket  would  divert  strength  that 
ought  to  go  to  to  the  defeat  of  the  first,  and  which 
might,  in  the  end,  only  show  the  weakness  of  the  mi 
nority.  To  let  matters  drift  might,  in  the  end,  be 
accepted  as  acquiescence  in  what  they  regarded  as 
absurd  politics  and  as  an  attact  on  national  credit  and 


POLITICAL   LINES   OF    1896.  35 

institutions.  Time  alone  could  bring  about  an  intelli 
gent  decision.  The  new  frontage  of  Democracy  not 
only  bore  the  seeds  of  disintegration  on  the  winds  of 
alarm,  but  it  presented  a  stragetic  problem  to  the 
Republicans  who  were  fully  committed  to  the  dual  doc 
trines  of  sound  money  and  protective  tariff.  They  had 
even  dug  their  trenches  and  stretched  their  tents  on  an 
alignment  by  means  of  which  they  could  most  success 
fully  resist  a  free  trade  onslaught.  Should  they  shift 
position  and  re-arrange  for  a  currency  attack  by  flank 
and  front?  And  if  so,  what  was  to  become  of  the  issue 
upon  which  they  staked  their  most  ardent  hopes  of 
success,  which  had  for  them  involved  a  life  or  death 
principle  throughout  all  the  years  of  their  existence? 
The  Democratic  dilemma  became  the  Republican 
quandary. 

The  judgment  was  eventually  reached  that  the  Repub 
lican  lines  as  first  laid  down  were  ample,  with  a  little 
shifting  so  as  to  anticipate  the  free  silver  artillery 
charge,  and  a  little  strengthening  in  places,  so  as  to 
provide  against  unexpected  developments  of  strength  by 
the  enemy.  It  would  still  be  an  industrial  battle  as 
well  as  one  of  finance,  but  with  the  former  as  a  reserve 
to  the  latter  wherever  the  character  of  the  fray  deter 
mined  it  wise .  Thus  the  sudden  and  alarming  diversion 
at  Chicago  would  not  necessarily  prove  fatal,  however 
disturbing  it  might  be  to  political  calculations  fof  a  time. 

It  is  almost  unnecessary  to  speak  of  the  influence  of 
the  Chicago  outcome  upon  the  fortunes  of  the  trium 
phant  majority  of  the  Democratic  party  there,  or 
rather  upon  the  Democratic  party  as  it  existed  after 
that  triumph.  Its  platform  called  for  much  of  a 
radical  and  impracticable  nature,  but  on  nothing  so 


36  POLITICAL    LINES   OF    1896. 

loudly,  squarely  and  honestly  as  the  free  coinage  of 
silver  at  a  ratio  of  16  to  1.  This  was  the  momentous 
and  absorbing  tenet.  In  this  it  was  to  be  original,  in 
this  wholly  at  variance  with  ancient  party  traditions. 
On  this  it  was  to  go  before  the  country  as  an  independ 
ent  pleader  for  suffrage.  It  would  scarcely  have  another 
battle  cry.  Around  this  standard  it  expected  to  rally 
the  disaffected  of  all  parties.  With  this  inspiration  it 
confidently  counted  on  a  campaign  as  triumphant  in  the 
end  as  that  which  had  placed  a  venerable  Democracy 
within  its  control.  If  nothing  occurred  to  thwart  its 
plans  or  depress  its  hopes,  the  country  would  certainly 
witness  one  of  the  grandest  of  marches  of  sentiment 
toward  a  coveted  destination.  No  political  calculation 
could  for  a  time  compass  this  novel,  persistent,  daunt 
less  and  enthusiastic  force.  It  certainly  had  a  right  to 
the  confidence  its  captains  of  Democracy  inspired.  It 
also  had  a  right  to  pose  as  the  central  planet  about 
which  all  other  silver  planets  should  revolve.  Upon  it 
would  rest  the  responsibility  of  every  initiative  in  the 
pending  battle,  and  with  it  would  abide  all  the  glories 
of  victory  or  disgraces  of  defeat.  Hence  its  boundless 
energy  and  restless  determination  ;  hence  also  its  right 
to  expect,  or  even  command,  the  adhesion  of  all  senti 
ment  that  looked  toward  free  silver  coinage  as  a  relief 
from  existing  ills. 

At  no  stage  of  the  campaign  were  party  lines  ever  so 
tightly  drawn  as  to  exclude  free  intercourse  between  the 
pickets  or  free  leaps  over  the  parapets.  This  was 
essential.  The  educative  work  was  stupendous  —  far 
more  so  than  if  tariff  alone  had  been  an  only,  or  the 
prime,  issue,  for  the  average  voter  had  made  himself 
familiar  with  the  objects  and  effects  of  a  tariff.  To 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 


JOHN  ADAMS. 


THOMAS  JEFFEKSON. 


JAMES  MADISON. 


JAMES  MONROE. 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 


ANDREW  JACKSON 


MARTIN  VAN  BUREN. 


WII,UAM  H.  HARRISON. 


JOHN  TYI<ER. 


JAMES  K. 


ZACHARY  TAYI«OR. 


POLITICAL   LINES   OF   1896.  39 

speak  more  accurately,  the  tariff  had  lost  its  mystery 
as  an  economical  problem,  and  had  become  one  of  those 
e very-day  questions,  comprehensive  to  everyone  who 
had  heads  to  shelter,  mouths  to  feed,  and  backs  to  clothe. 

But  it  was  not  so  with  the  financial  question.  The 
averment  was  that  low  prices,  hard  times,  and  every 
cognate  ill,  was  due  to  the  demonitization  of  silver,  and 
would  flee  away  under  the  spell  of  free  and  unlimited 
coinage  of  silver  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  1.  But  who  arose 
to  prove  all  this  ?  It  never  at  any  time  passed  beyond 
the  stage  of  vehement  and  plausible  averment.  And 
who  understood  all  this  ?  Certainly  not  the  average 
voter  to  whom  it  was  first  introduced.  Demonitization 
to  him  was  the  veriest  Greek,  and  16  to  1  was  a  Chinese 
puzzle.  Ratios  were  as  nothing  compared  with  bread 
and  butter. 

On  the  other  hand  the  averment  was  that  free  silver 
coinage  meant  the  repudiation  of  debts,  the  scaling 
of  prices  and  wages,  the  introduction  of  panic, 
the  destruction  of  credits,  universal  bankruptcy  and 
demoralization.  Admitting  it  all,  still  men  would 
ask,  how  then  comes  it  that  so  many  advocates 
of  disaster  are  found  in  the  country?  How  could  these 
calamity  seekers  walk  into  a  great  conservative  and 
patriotic  convention  and  walk  away  with  it  bodily? 
How  could  they  make  so  many  and  such  easy  converts 
in  so  short  a  time  ?  Surely  there  must  be  some  mis 
representation  of  a  situation  which  proves  so  alluring 
and  potential  as  to  attract  and  hold  as  this  one  does! 
It  cannot  be  that  the  multitude  are  so  filled  with  the 
gadarene  spirit  as  to  wish  to  rush  over  the  precipice 
into  the  sea! 

All  along  in  the  campaign  it  has  been  the  wish  of 


40  POLITICAL   LINES   OF    1896. 

every  man  of  patriotic  instincts,  and  the  expectation  of 
parties,  that  the  leading  issues,  as  already  foreshadowed, 
should  never  be  lost  sight  of,  but  should  be  persistently 
fought  to  a  finish.  As  the  country  has  seen,  dalliance 
with  a  great  economic  and  industrial  problem,  like  the 
tariff,  is  destructive  of  energies  and  hopes,  subversive 
of  investment  and  enterprise,  and  quite  as  costly  in  the 
end  as  actual  war. 

The  same  can  be  truthfully  said  of  agitation 
respecting  the  country's  currency  and  finances,  espec 
ially  when  such  agitation  is  suddenly  sprung  by  those 
who  oppose  the  established  usages  of  credit  and  ex 
change,  and  who  favor  radical  departures  in  the  interest 
of  debtor  and  against  creditor.  If  they  are  right,  the 
quicker  they  establish  the  fact  the  better.  The  indi 
vidual  creditor,  the  savings  bank,  the  building  associa 
tion,  the  bank  of  deposit,  the  stock-and-bond-owing  cor 
poration,  the  pensioner,  the  day  laborer,  are  all  in  sus 
pense,  'till  they  know  whether  what  they  are  entitled  to 
is  above  or  below  par.  If  they  are  wrong,  let  the  ver 
dict  be  emphatic,  as  that  they  will  not  soon  return  to 
vex  the  country  with  sophistries,  distract  it  with  conten 
tions,  threaten  it  with  sectional  division,  or  endanger  it 
with  internal  convulsion.  Let  the  campaign  be  hard 
and  earnest ;  let  the  lines  be  clear  and  strong ;  let  the 
result  be  an  explosion  forever  of  wrong  thought  and 
dangerous  principle,  and  the  permanent  establishment 
of  right  doctrine  and  righteous  aspiration,  no  matter 
what  the  standard  upon  which  they  are  inscribed. 


PRESIDENT  MAKING  SINCE  1788. 


ELECTORAL  VOTE  FOR  PRESIDENT,  1892. 


Republican.         Democrat.          ropullst. 

Basis  of          Votes.         Harrison.  Cleveland.         Weaver. 

States.         173,90!. 

Alabama 9  11  11 

Arkansas fi  8  8 

California 791  8 

Colorado 24  4 

Connecticut 46  6 

Delaware 13  3 

Florida 24  4 

Georgia 11  13  13 

Idaho 1  3  3 

Illinois 22  24  24 

Indiana 13  15  15 

Iowa 11  33  13 

Kansas 8  10  10 

Kentucky 11  13  13 

Louisiana 68  8 

Maine 466 

Maryland 6.8  8 

Massachusetts 13  15  15 

Michigan 12  14  9  5 

Minnesota 799 

Mississippi 79  9 

Missouri 15  17  17 

Montana 133 

Nebraska 688 

Nevada 13  3 

New  Hampshire 244 

New  Jersey 8  10  10 

New  York 34  36  36 

North  Carolina 9  11  11 

North  Dakota 13  3 

Ohio 21  23  22  1 

Oregon 243  1 

Pennsylvania 30  32  32 

Rhode  Island 244 

South  Carolina 79  9 

South  Dakota 244 

Tennessee 10  12  12 

Texas 13  15  15 

Vermont 244 

Virginia 10  12  12 

Washington 2  4  4 

West  Virginia 4  6  6 

Wisconsin 10  12 

Wyoming 133  12 

Totals 356  444  144  277  ~23~ 

The  popular  vote  was — Cleveland.  Democrat,  5.545,227;  Harrison,  Republican, 
5,126,418;  Weaver,  Populist,  1,125,842;  Bidwell,  Prohibitionist,  262,386. 

(41) 


42 


PRESIDENT  MAKING  SINCE   1788. 


ELECTORAL  VOTE   OF    1888. 


Basis  of 

Republican.                  Democrat. 
Benj.         Levi  P.      Grover       Allen  G. 
Harrison,     Morton,  Cleveland,  Thurman, 

States.      154,325. 

Votes. 

Ind. 

N.  Y. 

N.  Y. 

Ohio. 

Alabama  

8 

IO 

, 

10 

10 

Arkansas  

5 

7 

.  . 

7 

7 

California  

6 

8 

*8 

8 

Colorado  

I 

3 

3 

3 

Connecticut.  .  .  . 

4 

6 

6 

6 

Delaware  

I 

3 

3 

3 

Florida  

2 

4 

4 

4 

Georgia  

10 

12 

12 

12 

Illinois  

20 

22 

22 

22 

Indiana  

13 

15 

15 

IS 

Iowa  

ii 

13 

13 

13 

Kansas  

7 

9 

9 

9 

Kentucky  

ii 

13 

'3 

13 

Louisiana  

6 

8 

.  . 

.  . 

8 

8 

Maine  

4 

6 

6 

6 

Maryland  

6 

8 

8 

8 

Massachusetts  .  . 

12 

14 

H 

H 

Michigan  

II 

13 

13 

13 

Minnesota  

5 

7 

7 

7 

7 

9 

9 

9 

Missouri  

14 

16 

16 

16 

Nebraska  ,  

3 

5 

5 

5 

Nevada  

i 

3 

3 

3 

New  Hampshire 

2 

4 

4 

4 

New  Jersey.  .  .  . 

7 

9 

9 

9 

New  York  

34 

36 

36 

36 

North  Carolina. 

9 

ii 

ii 

ii 

Ohio  

21 

23 

23 

23 

Oregon  

I 

3 

3 

3 

Pennsylvania  .  .  . 

28 

30 

3° 

30 

Rhode  Island.  . 

2 

4 

4 

4 

South  Carolina. 

7 

9 

9 

9 

Tennessee  

10 

12 

e 

B  . 

12 

12 

ii 

13 

13 

13 

Vermont  

2 

4 

4 

4 

Virginia  

IO 

12 

12 

12 

West  Virginia.  . 

4 

6 

.  . 

.  . 

6 

6 

Wisconsin  

9 

Ii 

ii 

ii 

Totals.... 325  401  233  233  168          1 68 

THE  POPULAR  VOTE. — Harrison,  5,438,157 — 20  States;  Cleveland,  5,535,- 
626 — 18  States;  Prohibition,  250,157;  Labor,  150,624. 

4 


PRESIDENT   MAKING   SINCE    1788. 


43 


ELECTORAL  VOTE   OF    1884. 


Democrat. 
Grover 

Basis  of  Cleveland 

States.       154,325  Votes.           N.  Y.             Ind. 

Alabama 8  10                 10                 10 

Arkansas 5  7                     7                     7 

California 6  8 

Colorado I  3 

Connecticut....   4666 

Delaware   I  3                    3                    3 

Florida 2  4                    4                    4 

Georgia 10  12                 12                 12 

Illinois 20  22 

Indiana 13  15                  15                  15 

Iowa II  13 

Kansas 7  9 

Kentucky 11  13                 13                 13 

Louisiana 6  8                  8                  8 

Maine 4  6 

Maryland 6  8                   8                   8 

Massachusetts  ..  12  14 

Michigan u  13 

Minnesota 5  7 

Mississippi 7  9                   9                   9 

Missouri 14  16                 16                 16 

Nebraska 3  5                  .. 

Nevada I  3 

New  Hampshire  2  4 

New  Jersey.  ...    7  9                    9                    9 

New  York 34  36                 36                 36 

North  Carolina  .9  II                   1 1                  1 1 

Ohio 21  23 

Oregon I  3 

Pennsylvania.  .  .28  30                  ..                   .. 

Rhode  Island  .  .    2  4 

South  Carolina.   7999 

Tennessee 10  12                  12                  12 

Texas II  13                  13                  13 

Vermont 2  4 

Virginia 10  12                  12                  12 

West  Virginia.  .4  6                   6                   6 

Wisconsin 9  n 


Republican. 

Thos.  A.    James  G.  John  A. 
Hendiicks,     Elaine,     Logan. 


Totals 325 


Maine. 

8 
3 


22 
13 

9 


23 
3 

30 
4 


401 


219 


219 


ii 


182 


111. 

8 
3 


22 
13 

9 


14 
13 

7 


23 
3 

30 
4 


182 


POPULAR  VOTE. — Cleveland,  4,911,017 — States,  20;  Elaine,  4,848,334 — 
States,  18;  Butler,  Greenback-Labor,  133,825;  St.  John,  Prohibition,  151,809; 
Scattering,  11,362. 


44  PRESIDENT    MAKING    SINCE    1788. 

PREVIOUS    ELECTORAL   VOTES. 

Republican.  1 880.  Democrat. 

James  A.  Garfield,  O.,        214  Winfield  S.  Hancock,  N.  Y.,  155 

Chester  A.  Arthur,  N.  Y.,  214  Win.  H.  English,  Ind.,  155 

Total  electoral  vote,  369 ;  38  States. 

POPULAR  VOTE. — Garfield,  4,449,053 — 19  States;  Hancock,  4,442,035 — 19 
States;  Weaver,  Greenback,  308,578  ;  Prohibition,  10,305  ;  American,  707  ; 
Scattering,  989. 

Republican.  1876.                                   Democrat. 

R.  B.  Hayes,  Ohio,          185  S.  J.  Tilden,  N.  Y.,        184 

VV.  A.  Wheeler,  N.  Y.,  185  T.  A.  Hendricks,  Ind.,  184 

Total  electoral  vote,  369;  38  States. 

POPULAR    VOTE. — Hayes,  4,033,950—21    States;    Tilden,   4,284,885 — 17 

States;   Cooper,  Greenback,  81,740;   Smith,   Prohibition,   9,522;   American, 
539;  Scattering,  14,715- 

Republican.  1872.  Democrat. 

Ulysses  S.  Grant,  111.,  286  Horace  Greeley 

Henry  Wilson,  Mass.,  286  B.  Gratz  Brow* 

Total  electoral  vote,  366;  37  States. 

POPULAR  VOTE. — The  death  of  Mr.  Greeley  before  the  electoral  count 
caused  the  scattering  of  his  66  votes  among  various  candidates.  The  votes 
of  Louisiana  and  Arkansas  were  not  counted  on  account  of  fraudulent  returns. 
Grant,  3,597,071 — 31  States;  Greeley,  2,834,079 — 6  States;  O'Connor,  Labor, 
29,408;  Black,  Prohibition,  5,608. 

Republican.  1 868.                                   Democrat. 

Ulysses  S.  Grant,  111.,    214  Horatio  Seymour,  N.  Y.,  80 

Schuyler  Colfax,  Ind.,  214  Francis  P.  Blair,  Mo.,        80 

Total  electoral  vote,  317;  34  States;  Mississippi,  Texas  and  Virginia  still  in 
rebellion,  and  not  voting. 

POPULAR  VOTE. — Grant,  3,015,071 — 26  States;  Seymour,  2,709,613 — 8 
States. 

Republican.  1864.  Democrat. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  111.,     212  Geo.  B.  McClellan,  N.  J.,  21 

Andrew  Johnson,  Tenn.,  212  Geo.  H.  Pendleton,  Ohio,  21 

Total  electoral  vote,  314;  not  voting,  n  States  in  rebellion. 

POPULAR  VOTE. — Lincoln,  2,216,067 — 22  States;  McClellan,  1,808,725 — 
3  States. 


PRESIDENT    MAKING   SINCE    1788.  45 

Republican.  1 860.  Democrat. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  111.,    180  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  111.,      12 

Hannibal  Hamlin   Me.,  180  H.  V.  Johnson,  Ga.,  12 

Jno.  C.  Breckinridge,  Ky.,  72 
J.  Lane,  Oregon,  72 

Constitutional  Union. 

John  Bell,  Tenn.,  39 

Edward  Everett,  Mass.,        39 
Total  electoral  vote,  303 ;  33  States. 

POPULAR  VOTE. — Lincoln,  1,866,352—17  States,  N.  J.  divided;  Douglas, 
1,375,157—1  State,  N.  J.,  divided;  Breckinridge,  845,763 — II  States;  Bell, 
589,581—3  States. 

Democrat.  1856.  Republican. 

James  Buchanan,  Pa.,  174  Jno.  C.  Fremont,  Cal.,          114 

Jno.  C.  Breckinridge,  Ky.,  174  William  L.  Dayton,  N.  Y.,  114 

American. 

Millard  Fillmore,  N.  Y.,  8 
A.  J.  Donelson,  Tenn.,    8 
Total  electoral  vote,  296;  31  States. 

POPULAR  VOTE. — Buchanan,  1,838,169 — 19  States;  Fremont,  1,341,264 — 
II  States;  Fillmore,  874,534 — I  State. 

Democrat.  1852.  Whig. 

Franklin  Pearce,  N.  H.,  254  Winfkld  Scott,  Va.,          42 

William  R.  King,  Ala.,   254  Wm.  A.  Graham,  N.  C.,  42 

Total  electoral  vote,  296;  31  States. 

POPULAR  VOTE. — Pearce,  1,601,474 — 27  States ;  Scott,  1,386,578 — 4  States; 
Hale,  156,149. 

Whig.  1848.  Democrat. 

Zachary  Taylor,  La.,          163  Lewis  Cass,  Mich.,      127 

Millard  Fillmore,  N.  Y.,  163  Wm.  O.  Butler,  Ky.,  127 

Total  electoral  vote,  290;  30  States. 

POPULAR  VOTE. — Taylor,  1,360,101 — 15  States;  Cass,  1,220,544 — 15 
States;  Van  Buren,  N.  Y.,  Free-soil  Dem.,  291,263. 

Democrat.  1844.  Whig. 

James  K.  Polk,  Tenn.,    170  Henry  Clay,  Ky.,  105 

George  M.  Dallas,  Pa.,  170  Theo.  Frelinghuysen,  N.  J.,  105 

Total  electoral  vote,  275  ;  26  States. 


46  PRESIDENT   MAKING  SINCE   1788. 

POPULAR  VOTE.—  Polk,  1,337,243  —  15  States;  Clay,  1,299,068  —  II  States; 
Birney,  62,300. 

Whig.                                        1840.  Democrat. 

William  Henry  Harrison,  Ohio,  234  Martin  Van  Buren,  N.  Y.,  60 

John  Tyler,  Va.,                             234  R.  M.  Johnson,  Ky.,           48 

Total  electoral  vote,  294  ;  26  States. 

POPULAR  VOTE.—  Harrison,  1,275,017  —  19  States;  Van  Buren,  1,128,702 
—  7  States;  Birney,  7,059. 

Democrat.  1836.  Whig. 

Martin  Van  Buren,  N.  Y.,  170  Wm.  H.  Harrison,  O.,  73 

R.  M.  Johnson,  Ky.,  147  F.  Granger,  N.  Y.,        77 

Total  electoral  vote,  294  ;  26  States. 

POPULAR  VOTE.  —  Van   Buren,    761,549  —  45   States;  Harrison,  7   States; 
White,  2  States  ;  Webster,  I  State  ;  Mangum,  I  State  —  236,656  votes. 

Democrat.  1832.  Nat.  Republican. 

Andrew  Jackson,  Tenn.,     219  Henry  Clay,  Ky.,  49 

Martin  Van  Buren,  N.  Y.,  189  J.  Sergeant,  Pa.,    49 

Anti-Mason. 
William  Wirt,  Va.,     7 
Amos  Ellmaker,  Pa.,  7 
Total  electoral  vote,  288. 

POPULAR  VOTE.  —  Andrew  Jackson,  687,502;  Henry  Clay,  530,189;  Wil 
liam  Wirt,  33,108. 

Democrat.  1  82$.  Nat.  Republican. 

Andrew  Jackson,  Tenn.,  178  Jno.  Q.  Adams,  Mass.,  83 

Jno.  C.  Calhoun,  S.  C.,     171  Richard  Rush,  Pa.,        83 

Total  electoral  vote,  261. 

From  the  time  of  the  disputed  election,  which  resulted  in  the  choice  of 
John  Adams,  the  popular  vote  began  to  be  regarded  as  of  importance. 

POPULAR  VOTE.  —  Jackson,  647,231  —  States,  15  ;  Adams,  509,097—  States.  9 

Republican. 
1824.  Andrew  Jackson,  Tenn.,    99  ^ 


Henry  Clay,  Ky.,  37 

JN°SaCn 
Total  electoral  vote,  261. 


PRESIDENT   MAKING   SINCE    1788. 


47 


There  being  no  choice  for  President  under  the  Twelfth 
Amendment  to  the  Constitution,  which  requires  that  a  can 
didate  shall  have  a  majority  of  all  the  electoral  votes,  the 
election  was  thrown  into  the  House.  In  the  contest  in  the 
House,  Clay,  who  was  out  of  the  fight,  threw  his  strength, 
or  as  much  of  it  as  he  could  control,  to  Adams,  which  gave 
him  13  States,  as  against  7  for  Jackson  and  4  for  Crawford. 
Though  the  election  of  Adams  was  perfectly  regular  and 
constitutional,  it  forced  the  liberal  and  strict  schools  of  in 
terpreters  wide  apart,  and  the  latter,  carrying  their  fight  to 
the  country  in  the  shape  of  a  rebuke  to  those  Representa 
tives  who  had  slaughtered  Jackson,  soon  had  the  vantage 
ground. 

Republican. 

1820  James  Monroe,  Va.,  231 

Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  N.  Y.,  218 

Total  electoral  vote,  235.     The  Missouri  vote  was  disputed;  and  New 
Hampshire  gave  one  vote  to  J.  Q.  Adams. 


Republican.  1816. 

James  Monroe,  Va.,  183 

Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  N.  Y.,  183 
Total  electoral  vote,  221. 

Repu  blica  n.  1 8 1 2 . 

James  Madison,  Va.,      12$ 
Elbridge  Gerry,  Mass.,  131 
Total  electoral  vote,  218. 

Republican.  1808. 

James  Madison,  Va.,       122 
George  Clinton,  N.  Y.,  113 
Total  electoral  vote,  176. 

Republican.  1 804. 

Thomas  Jefferson,  Va.,   162 
George  Clinton,  N.  Y.,  162 
Total  electoral  vote,  176. 


Federal. 

Rufus  King,  N.  Y.,  34 
No  nom.  for  V.-P. 


Fed.  or  Clinton  Dem. 
De  Witt  Clinton,  N.  Y.,  89 
Jared  Ingersoll,  Pa.,        86 


Federal. 

C.  C.  Pinckney,  S.  C.,  47 
Rufus  King,  N.  Y.,       47 


Federal. 

C.  C.  Pinckney,  S.  C.,  14 
Rufus  King,  N.  Y.,       14 


48  PRESIDENT   MAKING  SINCE   1788. 

This  was  the  first  National  election  which  distinguished 
between  nominees  for  President  and  Vice-President,  under 
Twelfth  Amendment  to  Federal  Constitution. 

Republican.  1800.  Federal. 

Thomas  Jefferson,  Va.,  73  John  Adams,  Mass.,      65 

Aaron  Burr,  N.  Y.,        73  C.  C.  Pinckney,  S.  C.,  64 

As  there  was,  up  till  this  time,  no  distinction  between 
nominees  for  President  and  Vice-President — the  one  having 
the  highest  number  of  votes  being  the  President — and  Jeffer^ 
son  and  Burr  having  each  73  votes,  the  election  went  to  the 
House,  where  a  prolonged  and  bitter  struggle  ensued,  re 
sulting  in  the  choice  of  Jefferson.  This  dispute  led  to  the 
adoption  of  the  Twelfth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution. 

Federal.  1796.                               Republican. 

John  Adams,  Mass.,     71  Thomas  Jefferson,  Va.,  68 

Thos.  Pinckney,  Md.,  59  Aaron  Burr,  N.  Y.,        30 
Total  electoral  vote,  138. 

Federal.  J792.  Republican. 

George  Washington,  Va.,  132  Geo.  Clinton>  N.  Y.,  50 

John  Adams,  Mass.,  77 

Total  electoral  vote,  135. 

1788. 

George  Washington  was  nominated  by  a  caucus  of  the 
Continental  Congress.  The  State  Legislatures  chose  elec 
tors  for  President  and  Vice-President  on  the  first  Wednes 
day  of  January,  1789.  These  electors  voted  on  the  first  Wed 
nesday  in  February,  casting  69  votes  for  Washington  as 
President,  and  34  for  John  Adams  as  Vice-President. 
Washington  was  sworn  into  office  by  Chancellor  Living 
stone  on  April  29,  1789. 


PARTIES,  PAST  AND  PRESENT. 


POLITICAL  parties  are  inseparable  from  republican  in 
stitutions.  They  are  the  birth  of  free  thought  and  ex 
pression.  If  at  all  times  they  are  the  birth  of  high  and 
noble  sentiment  and  have  for  a  purpose  something  definite 
and  useful,  they  are  both  a  necessity  and  blessing.  If,  on 
the  contrary,  they  find  birth  in  ignorance,  fanaticism  or 
sheer  arbitrariness,  and  in  their  exercise  of  power  use  only 
low  and  brutish  forces,  they  become  elements  of  danger, 
and  are  not  to  be  classed  as  among  the  welcome  political 
energies. 

Happily  for  our  free  institutions,  volcanic  parties,  those 
of  quick  rise  and  fierce  outburst,  those  that  bear  on  their 
foreheads  their  own  danger  signal,  are  of  short  life.  This 
is  so  for  two  great  reasons.  First,  a  high  state  of  effer 
vescence  soon  exhausts  itself,  and  a  high  state  of  explos- 
iveness  generally  leads  to  a  speedy  bursting  of  the  bands 
of  organization.  Second,  the  sober  intelligence  of  the 
country,  the  property  instinct,  the  solid  business  interests, 
the  peace  and  order  sentiment,  will  not,  for  any  long  time, 
tolerate  threats  of  danger  or  intolerable  disturbance. 

There  are  therefore  philosophers  who  look  upon  parties 
of  any  and  every  kind  as  essential.  Their  argument  is 
that  no  matter  what  may  be  the  aim  of  a  party,  nor  how 
narrow  and  fanatical,  or  even  dangerous,  it  may  be,  it  is 
better  that  it  should  find  the  rebuke  and  correction  which 

(49) 


50  PARTIES,    VAST    AND   PRESENT. 

an  outlet  affords,  than  smoulder  and  consume  like  some 
internal  fire,  and  thus  prolong  apprehension  of  irruption. 
This  argument  shows  a  high  appreciation  of  the  corrective 
forces  in  society,  and  a  strong  reliance  on  the  conservatism 
of  our  institutions.  And  it  has  the  historic  fact  to  sup 
port  it,  that  as  yet  excessive  partyism  has  somewhat  re 
sembled  violent  disease,  and  run  a  swift  course  without 
detriment  to  a  resolute  constitution.  Washington's  opin 
ion  of  political  parties  was  this :  "  From  the  natural 
tendency  of  governments  of  a  popular  character,  it  is 
certain  there  will  always  be  enough  of  party  spirit  for 
salutary  purposes.  And  there  being  constant  danger  of 
excess,  the  effort  ought  to  be,  by  force  of  public  opinion, 
to  mitigate  and  assuage  it.  A  fire  not  to  be  quenched,  it 
demands  a  uniform  vigilance  to  prevent  its  bursting  into 
flame,  lest,  instead  of  warming,  it  should  consume." 

NAMES  AND  DRIFT  OF  PARTIES. 

Party  names  are  frequently  misnomers,  in  so  far  as  they 
reflect  the  principles  and  objects  of  parties.  Some  have 
been  assumed  hastily,  by  force  of  outward  circumstances, 
and  without  reference  to  preconceived  purposes.  Others 
have  been  forced  upon  new  political  organizations  in  a 
spirit  of  the  ludicrous,  or  as  a  likeness  of  something  fa 
miliar,  or  as  an  expression  of  intense  enmity.  Thus 
"  Whig  "  came  into  use  in  America,  as  a  distinctive  and 
honorable  party  name,  for  no  other  reason  than  because  it 
was  familiar  and  suited  an  existing  fancy.  In  its  colonial 
sense  it  was  a  convenient  set-off  to  the  title  "  Tory,"  but 
in  its  truly  national  sense,  and  as  the  designation  of  the 
successor  to  the  National  Republican  party,  or  as  descrip 
tive  of  one  who  favored  internal  improvements,  a  protect 
ive  tariff,  and  a  strong  central  government,  or  as  the  op- 


PARTIES,   PAST   AND   PRESENT.  51 

posite  of  "  Democrat,"  it  had  no  significance  whatever. 
"  Whig  "  was  originally  the  word  "  Whiggamore,"  a  mem 
ber  of  a  body  of  insurgents,  carters  and  others,  who 
marched  from  the  southwest  of  Scotland  upon  Edinburgh, 
in  1648,  in  opposition  to  the  compromise  with  Charles  I. 
Their  cry  of  Whiggam,  used  in  driving  their  horses,  gave 
them  the  title  of  "  Whiggamore  raiders."  The  name,  in 
the  contracted  form  of  Whig,  passed,  in  a  spirit  of  deri 
sion  to  the  Presbyterian  rebels  of  the  west  of  Scotland. 
After  the  restoration,  1660,  it  was  applied  to  the  Round 
heads  or  Parliamentarians,  as  opposed  to  the  Cavaliers. 
Still  a  nickname,  and  opposed  to  that  other  nickname, 
"  tory,"  it  came  to  designate  the  liberal,  or  country,  party 
of  England,  a  use  that  was  continued  till  the  title  "  Tory  " 
was  lost  in  that  of  "Conservative,"  after  1832. 

"  Tory  "  itself  was  an  English  party  nickname  for  a 
hundred  and  fifty  years,  and  while  it  covered  those  who 
sustained  the  court  and  the  divine  right  of  kings,  its  orig 
inal  use  by  the  Whigs  was  to  confuse  all  Tories  with  the 
tories  or  outlaws,  inhabiting  the  Irish  bogs.  So  the  word 
"locofoco"  as  a  designation  of  Democrat,  and  hence  of 
the  party,  sprang  into  popular  use,  after  1835,  through  the 
incident  of  re-lighting  the  extinguished  gas  in  Tammany 
Hall  by  means  of  friction  matches,  then  a  new  device,  and 
called  "locofocos."  The  title  "Know  Nothing,"  was 
meaningless  as  to  the  principles  of  the  American  party, 
and  only  indirectly  perpetuates  the  fact  that  it  grew  out 
of  a  set  of  secret  societies. 

But  a  greater  anomaly  as  to  political  parties  is  that 
where  they  exist  for  any  great  lengtk  of  time  they  fre 
quently  cross  their  principles,  and  sometimes  drift  en 
tirely  away  from  the  intentions  of  their  founders.  In 
such  instances,  where  original  principles  are  lost  sight  of, 


52  PARTIES,   PAST   AND   PRESENT. 

the  party  name  becomes  a  mere  shibboleth,  and  blind 
partyism  usurps  intelligent  adherence  to  principles.  A 
party  in  such  a  strait  is  more  of  an  obstruction-  and 
menace  than  a  purifying,  progressive  and  exalting  agency, 
and  it  may  well  be  questioned  whether  it  is  any  longer 
entitled  to  the  use  of  an  ancient  and  honorable  name. 

EARLY  PARTIES. 

The  Colonial  period  could  develop  no  national  parties 
as  we  now  know  them,  for  the  colonies  were  disjointed. 
But  as  they  began  to  adhere  over  the  question  of  tax 
ation  without  representation,  two  orders  of  thought  arose, 
one  of  which  favored  the  right  of  the  British  parliament 
to  tax  America,  and  the  other  opposed  it.  These  same 
orders  of  thought  existed  in  England,  the  former  being 
designated  by  Tory  and  the  latter  by  Whig,  and  these 
names  were  readily  transferred  to  America.  The  Tory 
remained  the  fast  friend  of  English  sovereignty  on  our 
soil.  The  Whig,  at  first  only  an  opponent  of  parlia 
mentary  claims,  •  drifted  into  a  Colonial  unionist  without 
separation  from  the  mother  country,  and  finally  into  a 
unionist  with  separation. 

The  Declaration  of  Independence  and  the  Revolution 
ary  war  brought  the  Tory  party  under  odium  and  left  it 
without  a  mission  on  American  soil.  Its  members  be 
came  enemies  of  the  country,  and  even  traitors.  As  a 
party  it  met  a  speedy  and  deserved  death.  The  prin 
ciples  of  the  Whig  party  became  overwhelming,  but  its 
name  grew  to  be  traditional,  through  the  almost  universal 
use,  according  to  locality  or  fancy,  of  such  equivalents  as 
"  Popular  Party,"  "  Party  of  Independence,"  "  American 
Party,"  "  Liberty  Party,"  «  Patriots,"  etc. 

The  Whig  idea  both  brought  about  the  Confederation 


PARTIES,   PAST   AND   PRESENT.  53 

and  forced  its  abandonment.  It  equally  substituted  the 
Constitution  for  the  Articles,  and  Union  for  Confederacy. 
The  Tory  title  being  a  thing  of  the  past,  there  was  little 
use  for  its  antithesis,  Whig.  The  dominant  idea  under 
the  new  constitution  was  how  to  unite  the  states  more 
firmly,  and  how  to  provide  for  peace  and  war.  This  was 
federalism,  or  whigism  under  changed  auspices,  and  in  a 
new  political  role.  Whigs  lost  their  name  entirely  in  the 
title  Federalists.  The  Federal  party  became  the  national 
party,  and  in  a  certain  sense  the  nation,  for  as  yet  Anti- 
Federalism  had  not  become  coherent,  had  accepted  even 
what  it  opposed,  so  as  not  to  jeopardize  the  experiment  of 
Union.  Thus  Federalism,  which  was  responsible  for  the 
new  government,  naturally  sought  its  strength  and  per 
petuity,  by  throwing  all  doubtful  constructions  of  the 
Constitutions  in  favor  of  the  central  authority ;  that  is, 
it  interpreted  the  Constitution  openly  and  liberally,  saw 
in  it  a  spirit  as  well  as  a  letter,  looked  upon  government 
under  it  as  a  creation  with  powers  and  functions  to  be 
questioned  only  by  the  people  at  large. 

Now  that  the  experiment  of  popular  government  had 
been  fully  launched,  and  the  fact  of  a  Union  was  no 
longer  in  danger,  the  Anti-Federal  spirit  of  the  day  began 
to  take  shape.  It  assumed  the  negative  of  the  proposition1 
of  government  as  laid  down  by  Federalism,  and  inclined 
to  such  a  construction  of  the  Constitution  as  would  throw 
all  doubt  in  favor  of  the  States ;  that  is,  it  interpreted 
the  instrument  closely,  regarding  it  as  an  inelastic  code, 
and  government  under  it  as  simply  an  aggregate  of 
powers  with  which  the  States  had  parted,  and  which  they 
alone  in  their  sovereign  capacity  were  at  liberty  to  ques 
tion,  or,  if  need  be,  recall. 

These  may  be  regarded  rather  as  schools  of  thought 


54  PARTIES,    PAST   AND   PRESENT. 

than  as  active  and  antagonistic  political  parties,  yet  they 
laid  the  foundation  of  subsequent  parties,  coherent  in 
organization  and  with  contra-distinguishing  titles.  While 
both  schools  were  united  as  to  the  policy  of  a  protective 
tariff,  the  propriety  of  honoring  Washington  with  a 
second  term  of  office,  and  in  general  a  scheme  of  funding 
the  national  debt,  there  was  an  unconscious  drift  apart 
upon  the  question  of  open  or  close  construction  of  the 
Constitution,  the  trend  of  the  liberal  interpreters,  or 
Federals,  being  more  and  more  toward  a  fuller  exercise 
of  powers  on  the  part  of  the  national  government,  and  of 
the  close  interpreters  toward  the  doctrine  of  State  rights. 
The  adoption  of  the  first  ten  amendments  to  the 
Constitution,  which  were  regarded  as  in  the  nature  of 
a  declarative  bill  of  rights,  so  disarmed  all  Anti- 
Federal  opposition  to  the  instrument,  as  to  render 
the  title  "  Anti-Federal  "  a  party  misnomer.  Jefferson 
felt  that  it  was  a  perpetual  reminder  of  opposition  to  the 
fact  of  government,  and  that  if  ever  the  varying,  and 
often  discordant,  sentiments  it  represented  were  to  be 
crystalized,  some  new  and  more  appropriate  name  must 
be  adopted.  His  opportunity  soon  came.  Aglow  with 
the  spirit  of  the  French  Revolution  and  the  fires  of  the 
French  Republic,  his  admiration,  on  his  return  to  this 
country,  became  infectious,  even  assuming  the  fantastic 
form  of  dress  and  manner.  The  Federals,  fearing  the  in 
troduction  of  the  ungovernable,  leveling  and  communis 
tic  spirit  of  France,  opposed  such  threatened  innova 
tions,  and  became  more  coherent  than  ever  as  a  party. 
In  proportion,  Jefferson  and  his  admirers  grew  warmer, 
more  united,  more  aggressive.  Only  a  name  and  banner 
were  needed  to  complete  a  formidable  organization.  These 
the  genius  of  Jefferson  supplied.  His  party  should,  first 


MlLLARD   FlLLMORE. 


FRANKLIN  PIERCE. 


JAMES  BUCHANAN. 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


ANDREW  JOHNSON. 


ULYSSES  S.  GRANT. 


KUTHERFORD    B.    HAYES.  JAMKS   A.    GARFIKL.D. 


CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR.  GROVER  CLEVELAND. 


BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


PARTIES,    PAST   AND   PRESENT.  57 

of  all,  be  "  Republican."  That  would  set  it  off  sharply 
against  Federalism.  In  order  to  group  all  elements  within 
it,  it  should  be  "  Democratic."  What  therefore  so  com 
prehensive,  popular  and  imposing  as  "  Democratic — Re 
publican,"  for  that  because  the  new  party  name,  symbol 
of  all  opposition  to  Federal,  crystalization  of  everything 
Anti-Federal. 

Then  began  partyism  as  we  have  known  it  ever  since. 
The  Federals  denounced  Democratic-Republicans  as  Jac 
obins,  held  their  pretensions  up  to  contempt,  and  so  ridi 
culed  their  compound  title  as  to  force  abandonment  of  its 
first  part,  leaving  only  the  word  "  Republican  "  as  the  dis 
tinctive  and  popular  name.  Nor  was  abuse  wholly  on 
the  side  of  the  Federals.  The  Republicans  countered  bit 
terly,  denouncing  their  opponents  as  aristocrats  and  mon 
archists,  and  stirring  all  the  fires  of  partisan  animosity  in 
the  bosom  of  the  masses.  Such  was  the  antagonism  that 
Washington  openly  complained  of  it  as  a  substitution  of 
unjust  suspicion  and  personal  antipathy  for  the  old  spirit 
of  friendly  compromise. 

As  already  intimated  this  alignment  of  parties  did  not 
affect  Washington's  second  election,  though  it  brought 
the  wrath  of  the  Republicans  on  him  and  all  Federals  for 
their  policy  of  neutrality  between  England  and  France. 
Jefferson  left  Washington's  cabinet,  and  retired  to  his 
Virginia  plantation  to  further  develop,  by  writing  and 
plan,  the  new  Republican  party  of  which  he  was  the  ac 
knowledged  founder.  His  master  hand  became  visible  in 
promoting  attacks  on  the  administration.  The  Republi 
cans  opposed  indirect  taxes  with  direct  taxes,  the  liability 
of  state  to  suit  with  the  eleventh  amendment  to  the  Con 
stitution,  the  Jay  treaty  with  denunciation  of  Washington 
as  an  embezzler  and  usurper. 


iS  PARTIES,   PAST   AND   PRESENT. 

The  expiration  of  Washington's  second  term  brought 
the  two  parties  into  square  contentions  for  that  national 
supremacy  indicated  by  the  choice  of  a  presidential  candi 
date. 

FEDERAL  AND  REPUBLICAN  PARTIES. 

In  the  national  convention  of  1796,  the  Federals,  with 
John  Adams  as  candidate,  and  with  no  platform,  except 
the  claim  to  represent  Washington's  policy  of  peace,  neu 
trality,  finance,  progress  and  safety,  won  a  victory  over 
the  Republicans,  with  Thomas  Jefferson  as  candidate,  and 
with  no  platform  except  the  claim  to  economy,  enlarged 
liberty,  rights  of  man  and  rights  of  states.  But  this  vic 
tory  was  rendered  incomplete  and  partially  barren  by  the 
choice  of  a  Republican  Vice  President  in  the  person  of 
Thomas  Jefferson,  the  election  at  that  time  being  held 
through  the  state  legislatures,  and  the  candidate  receiving 
next  to  the  highest  number  of  votes  becoming  the  Vice 
President. 

During  Adams'  administration  the  Republicans  gained 
ground  by  their  opposition  to  the  Alien  and  Sedition  laws- 
But  their  most  substantial  gain  was  that  indirect  one 
which  grew  out  of  division  in  the  Federal  ranks.  Adams 
had  estranged  such  advisors  as  Hamilton,  and  had  ignored ' 
his  entire  cabinet  in  his  change  of  policy  toward  France. 
Though  nominated  for  the  Presidency  by  the  Federals  in 
1800,  the  Republicans  won  a  victory  with  Jefferson  and 
Burr,  the  contest  between  these  two  being  settled  in  the 
House  of  Representatives. 

The  Republican  victory  was  nothing  in  its  bearing  on 
party  lines  as  compared  with  the  permanent  breach  in  the 
Federal  ranks.  The  strength  and  glory  of  Federalism 
seemed  to  have  expended  itself  in  placing  the  government 


PARTIES,   PAST   AND  PRESENT.  59 

on  a  firm  basis,  in  giving  it  such  power  as  would  make  it 
respected  at  home  and  abroad,  in  restraining  French  Re 
publican  influence  and  in  establishing  a  permanent  policy 
of  neutrality.  The  unanimity  and  boldnesss  which  had 
been  equal  to  the  solution  of  most  intricate  financial 
problems,  to  the  provision  of  ample  revenue,  and  to  the 
building  up  of  an  enduring  national  credit,  were  in  strange 
contrast  with  its  divisions  and  weaknesses  at  the  time  the 
Republicans  won  their  first  national  victory. 

Jefferson  was  supported  by  Republican  majorities  in 
both  Houses  of  Congress.  He  mapped  a  vigorous  policy 
for  his  party,  and  in  his  choice  of  officials,  showed  little 
mercy  for  the  Federals.  The  act  repealing  the  establish 
ment  of  circuit  courts  drove  the  Federals  from  their  last 
hold  on  the  government,  and  they  never  recovered  their 
lost  ground.  Though  they  largely  typed  the  wealth,  in 
tellect  and  culture  of  the  country,  there  seemed  to  be  no 
escape  from  the  blow  of  1800.  In  1804  they  were  van 
quished  in  every  state  except  Connecticut,  Delaware  and 
part  of  Maryland.  Jefferson  adroitly  turned  every  new 
situation  to  popular  account,  and  as  he  had  the  entire  con 
fidence  of  the  masses,  he  kept  his  party  on  a  happy  van 
tage  ground  with  a  vigor  that  was  well-nigh  autocratic. 
He  gave  to  Republicanism  a  decided  affirmative  in  action, 
and  kept  the  Federals  on  a  distractive  defensive  but  little 
removed  from  the  sharp  agony  that  presaged  a  not  dis 
tant  death. 

The  unpopular  Embargo  Act  of  1807  proved  to  be  a 
Republican  boomerang,  by  which  the  Federals  profited  to 
the  extent  of  greatly  reducing  "Republican  majorities  for 
Madison  as  President  and  in  the  House.  But  threats  of 
war  with  England,  and  finally  the  war  of  1812,  served  to 
render  Madison's  reelection  sure.  Just  here  a  notable 


60  PAKTIES,    PAST   AND   PRESENT. 

change  came  over  the  spirit  of  the  Republican  party. 
The  ordeal  of  war  had  taught  it  the  necessity  of  doing 
many  things  for  the  safety  of  the  country  it  had  before  re 
pudiated  as  Federal  measures.  If  Federalism  was  dying, 
Republicanism  was  honoring  it  by  occupying  its  ground 
on  most  of  the  questions  relating  to  national  preservation. 
While  dire  emergency  was  the  excuse,  the  same  excuse 
had  not  been  accepted  as  geod  Federal  logic.  But  more 
than  this,  a  new  school  of  thought  had  sprung  up  within 
Republican  ranks.  It  was  critical,  independent,  largely 
Federal  in  that  it  found  in  the  preservation  of  our  com 
merce  grounds  for  opposition  to  the  war,  progressive,  in 
that  it  favored  internal  improvement,  liberal  in  that  it  ob' 
jected  to  the  Republican  idea  of  strict  construction.  It 
did  not  dread  the  title  Jacobin,  and  was  rather  pleased 
with  the  title  Democrat.  Indeed,  as  Clintonian  Demo 
crats,  it  made  its  presence  and  strength  felt  in  the  na 
tional  election  of  1812,  when  it  nominated  De  Witt  Clin 
ton  for  the  presidency,  which  nomination  was  accepted  by 
the  Federals  as  the  best  that  then  offered. 

President  Madison  felt  that  the  peace  of  1814,  meaning 
less  though  it  was,  was  a  narrow  escape  for  him  and  the 
Republican  party.     The   war,   unpopular  though  it  was, 
had  proven  another  nail  in  the   Federal  coffin.     Inflamed  ' 
partisanship  formed  in  the  Hartford  convention  a  weapon 
both  keen  for  cutting  and  blunt  for  beating.     The  Federal 
decay  was  thenceforth  rapid.     The  party  nominated  Rufus 
King  for  the    presidency    in  1816,  but  carried  only  Massa 
chusetts,  Connecticut  and  Delaware. 

Upon  the  election  of  Monroe,  in  1816,  came  what  was 
called  "  The  era  of  good  feeling."  Organized  Federal 
opposition  had  nearly  ceased.  The  Republican  House  or 
ganized  by  the  unanimous  election  of  Henry  Clay  as 


PARTIES,   PAST   AND   PRESENT.  61 

Speaker.  He  was  one  of  the  liberal  and  advanced  Re 
publicans,  able  to  carry  his  party  with  him  as  to  protec 
tion,  internal  improvement,  and  even  the  establishment 
of  a  national  bank,  all  favorite  Federal  measures.  Calhoun 
belonged  to  his  school  of  thought.  President  Monroe 
favored  it.  The  old,  or  strict  construction,  school  of  Re 
publicans  looked  with  alarm  on  the  daily  growing  strength, 
number  and  boldness  of  the  new  element  in  their  ranks. 
The  movement,  so  ably  led,  so  aggressive,  so  fully  sup 
ported  by  Federal  aid  as  to  absorb  the  remains  of  that 
party  and  stamp  its  extinction  as  complete,  proved  to  be 
the  germ  of  a  new  party,  whose  growth  was  hastened  by 
the  slavery  discussions  over  the  entry  of  Missouri  as  a 
State  in  1818-20,  and  by  the  distinct  affirmation  of  the 
protective  doctrine  in  the  same  years.  The  latter  doctrine 
fairly  divided  the  Republican  ranks. 

There  were  really  no  political  parties  in  1820,  Monroe 
being  chosen  President  without  opposition,  and  without 
even  a  nomination  by  the  Republicans.  In  the  16th  Con 
gress,  Nov.  1820,  Clay  resigned  the  Speakership  of  the 
House.  The  election  of  his  successor  showed  that  the 
new  and  liberal  wing  of  the  Republican  party  was  now  the 
stronger,  for  Taylor  of  New  York,  the  successful  candi 
date,  was  equally,  if  not  further,  advanced  than  Clay  in  his 
advocacy  of  a  protective  tariff  and  internal  improvements, 
and  in  his  opposition  to  the  extension  of  slavery  in  the 
territories. 

During  Monroe's  second  term,  1821-25,  the  contention 
between  the  old  school  element  of  the  Republican  party 
and  the  new,  or  liberal,  school,  grew  bitter,  and  the  breach 
rapidly  widened.  Monroe  broke  with  the  liberals,  and 
opposed  internal  improvement.  The  contention  reached 
down  to  the  masses.  The  election  of  Clay  as  Speaker  of 


62  PARTIES,   PAST   AND   PRESENT. 

the  House  in  1823,  was  heralded  as  a  significant  victory 
of  the  Liberal  Republican  wing,  which  now  took  the 
affirmative  of  all  national  questions.  Clay  had  already 
foreshadowed  the  "  Monroe  Doctrine,"  and  Monroe  swung 
back  sufficiently  to  the  liberal  side  to  favor,  in  his  message 
of  1823,  the  tariff  act  of  1824,  and  a  plan  of  internal 
improvement,  thus  emphasizing  what  became  known  as 
"The  American  System." 

In  the  national  election  of  1824,  known  as  the  "  Scrub 
race,"  the  two  Republican  wings  ran  separate  presidential 
candidates,  the  Liberals  supporting  Clay  and  Adams,  and 
the  strict-constructionists  Crawford  and  Jackson.  The 
election  went  to  the  House,  and  John  Adams  was  chosen. 
This  result  practically  disrupted  the  Republican  party  and 
sounded  its  death  knell.  It  was  now  to  find  a  grave  with 
its  deceased  antagonist,  the  Federal  party,  which  it  had 
outlived  for  but  a  few  years.  They  both  died  of  the  same 
disease,  inanition  due  to  violent  disruption. 

WHIG  AND  DEMOCRATIC  PARTIES. 

The  political  movement  which,  as  we  have  just  seen,  had 
ripened  within  the  Republican  ranks,  and  had  broken  them 
in  twain,  was  now  ready  for  separate  identity  under  a  na 
tional  name.  But  a  proper  title  was  not  easy  to  be  found 
at  first.  The  right  name  must  be  evolved  by  the  ferment 
of  the  situation.  Adams,  as  was  to  be  expected,  entered 
on  his  administration  with  the  Crawford  adherents  dead 
against  him.  These  belonged  to  the  "straightest  sect"  of 
strict  constructionists.  It  was  but  reasonable  for  Adams 
to  expect  the  support  of  Jackson  and  his  followers,  for  all 
these  had  mostly  inclined  to  the  old  Federal  ideas  of  pro 
tection  and  internal  improvement,  and  in  this  respect  had 


PARTIES,    PAST    AND   PRESENT.  63 

cooperated  with  Clay  in  bringing  about  revolution  in  the 
Republican  ranks. 

But  Jackson  was  embittered  by  his  defeat  by  Adams, 
and  he  and  his  forces  joined  those  of  Crawford  in  opposi 
tion  to  Adams'  administration.  Adams  had  made  Clay  his 
Secretary  of  State.  This  opened  the  way  for  charges  of 
collusion  between  Adams  and  Clay,  and  much  crimination 
and  recrimination  followed,  serving  to  unite  more  closely 
the  followers  of  Crawford  and  Jackson,  as  well  as  those  of 
Adams  and  Clay. 

President  Adams,  in  both  his  inaugural  and  first  mes 
sage  to  Congress,  mapped  a  set  of  principles  which,  as  to 
protection,  internal  improvement  and  liberal  construction 
of  the  Constitution,  answered  as  a  permanent  bond  of 
agreement  between  his  own  followers  and  those  of  Clay. 
Thus  solidified,  the  party,  now  virtually  a  separate  one, 
with  distinctive  principles,  and  with  John  Adams  as  its 
candidate  for  President  in  1828,  adopted  for  its  name  that 
of  "  National  Republican,"  though  it  passed  through  that 
campaign  under  the  general  designation  of  "  Adams  Men." 
The  title  "  National  Republican  "  was  comprehensive  and 
excellently  chosen,  for  it  not  only  showed  that  the  new 
party  had  germinated  within  the  old  Republican  ranks,  but 
that  it  had  assumed  independent  being  as  a  liberal,  or  na 
tional  interpreter  of  the  Constitution.  But  accurate  and 
full  of  meaning  as  the  title  was,  it  was  bound,  by  that 
strange  fatality  which  sometimes  attends  party  names,  to 
be  of  short  duration,  for  in  a  few  years  it  was  pushed  aside 
to  make  room  for  the  meaningless  title  of  "  Whig." 

The  Crawford  and  Jackson  followers  were  united  only 
in  their  opposition  to  the  National  Republicans.  No  doubt 
they  would  have  perpetuated  the  title  of  Republican  in 
the  campaign  of  1828,  but  for  the  fact  that  Crawford  was 


64  PAKTIES,    PAST   AND   PRESENT. 

sick,  and  it  required  the  tremendous  personalism  of  Jack 
son  to  hold  the  two  opposing  wings  of  the  party  together. 
This  he  did  by  becoming  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency 
against  Adams,  and  by  dropping  the  title  Republican  al 
together,  his  followers  becoming  known  as  "Jackson  Men," 
in  contradistinction  to  "Adams  Men." 

But  as  the  title  "  Adams  Men  "  only  temporarily  usurped 
that  of  "  National  Republican,"  so  when  it  became  neces 
sary  to  get  rid  of  the  personalism  of  Jackson,  the  title 
"  Jackson  Men  "  began  to  give  away  to  something  else. 
Men  like  Calhoun  and  others,  who  never  cared  for  the 
name  Republican,  preferred  to  be  spoken  of  as  "  Demo 
crats."  The  title  "Democrat"  could  not,  however,  be  at 
once  projected  on  the  party,  for  Jackson's  personalism  was 
yet  too  strong,  and  if  his  own  name  was  to  be  lost  as  a  party 
shibboleth,  he  preferred  that  it  should  be  swamped  by  a  re 
vival  of  the  old  Republican  name,  rather  than  by  the  new 
name  of  Democrat,  especially  since  the  latter  had  been 
proposed  by  the  ultra  wing  of  strict-constructionists. 

The  time  when  "  Democrat "  began  to  have  meaning  in 
a  party  sense,  and  as  comprehensive  of  "  Jackson  Men,"  or 
of  Republican,  and  as  expressive  of  definite  principles, 
was  in  1831,  preparatory  to  the  presidential  election  of 
1832.  Yet  even  in  that  election,  the  transition  to  "  Demo 
crat  "  was  not  complete,  for  the  Jackson,  or  Republican, 
ticket  was  thus  headed  "  Democrat-Republican  ticket  for 
President  in  1S3@,  Andrew  Jackson."  While  this  compro 
mise  title  showed  the  elimination  of  Jackson's  personal 
ism  to  a  certain  extent,  it  showed  also  that  the  time  was 
not  yet  ripe  for  the  entire  dropping  of  the  old  word  "Re 
publican"  and  the  complete  substitution  of  the  new  word 
"  Democrat."  This  substitution  was  not  completed  until 
1832-33. 


PARTIES,   FAST    AND   PRESENT.  65 

In  1832,  the  ticket  of  the  National  Republican  party 
was  headed,  "National  Republican  Candidate  for  President 
in  1S32,  Henry  Clay"  thus  showing  that  the  title  had  come 
into  full  recognition  prior  to  that  time. 

In  the  national  campaign  of  1832,  the  National  Repub 
licans,  with  Clay  as  their  nominee,  defined  their  principles 
as  tariff,  internal  improvement,  question  of  removing 
the  Cherokee  Indians,  renewal  of  United  States  Bank 
Charter.  The  Democrat-Republican  published  no  declar 
ation  of  principles,  they  being  agitated  within  either  by 
the  grave  question  of  nullification,  or  by  serious  divisions 
respecting  the  tariff.  In  the  former,  Jackson  scored  a  sig 
nal  triumph,  after  his  election.  Respecting  the  latter,  Clay 
effected  one  of  his  disastrous  compromises,  by  accepting 
the  ten  year  scaling  tariff  of  1832-42. 

Jackson's  financial  policy,  especially  that  relating  to  the 
destruction  of  the  United  States  Bank,  together  with  dis 
satisfaction  respecting  the  workings  of  the  sliding  scale 
tariff,  intensified  opposition  to  his  second  administration, 
and  to  his  party,  which  had  by  this  time  adopted  the  single 
term  "  Democrat."  Party  antagonism  was  heightened  by 
the  bursting  on  the  country  of  the  panic  of  1837.  During 
the  latter  part  of  Jackson's  administration,  the  title  "  Whig  " 
had  come  into  general  use  as  a  substitute  for  that  of  Na 
tional  Republican,  and  as  a  party  designation  it  was  com 
plete  in  the  National  campaign  of  1836. 

In  order  to  head  off  the  strict  State -rights  Democrats 
of  the  South,  who  had  early  nominated  H.  L.  White,  of 
Tennessee,  for  the  Presidency,  the  forces  of  Martin  Van 
Buren,whom  Jackson  desired  should  be  his  successor,  met 
in  popular  convention  in  Baltimore  in  May,  1835,  nomi 
nated  Van  Buren  for  President,  and  set  forth  a  platform, 


66  PARTIES,   PAST   AKD   PRESENT. 

the  most  important  plank  in  which  was  adherence  to  gold 
and  silver  as  a  circulating  medium. 

The  members  of  this  convention  were  not  designated  as 
Democrats,  but  as  "  Locofocos,"  a  term  which  had  sprung 
into  popular  use  the  year  before,  and  which  grew  out  of 
an  incident  at  Tammany  Hall,  New  York,  in  which  the 
lights  were  put  out  during  a  Democratic  meeting,  and  re 
lit  by  means  of  locofoco  matches,  then  a  new  invention. 

Thus  "Locofoco"  and  "Whig,"  coming  into  popular 
use  at  nearly  the  same  time,  were  fair  set-offs  to  each, 
other,  and  one  was  as  meaningless  as  the  other. 

In  this  campaign  of  1836,  the  Whigs,  Anti-Masons,  and 
some  other  opponents  of  Van  Buren  nominated  William 
Henry  Harrison,  of  Ohio,  for  president.  Van  Buren  was 
elected.  During  the  closing  days  of  Jackson's  second 
administration  a  new  and  hitherto  silent  force,  known  as 
the  National  An ti- Slavery  Society,  incorporated  in  1833, 
began  to  make  itself  felt  in  a  political  way*  By  means 
of  lectures  and  literature  it  had  given  offence  to  the 
South,  and  a  strenuous  effort  was  made  to  deny  it  the 
use  of  the  United  States  mails.  But  Congress  was  not 
yet  found  ripe  for  so  hazardous  an  experiment. 

Van  Buren  felt  himself  to  be  the  executor  of  Jackson's 
financial  policy,  but  the  crisis  of  1837,  and  a  violent  fac 
tion  of  his  own  party,  calling  themselves  "Conservatives," 
caused  the  25th  Congress  to  defeat  some  of  his  pet  schemes 
of  finance.  This  Congress,  too,  was  the  scene  of  long 
debates  over  the  question  of  Federal  control  of  slavery, 
a  question  that  entered  nearly  every  subsequent  congress 
till  1863. 

In  1840  the  Whigs  nominated  William  Henry  Harrison 
for  president,  without  a  platform.  The  Democrats  renomi- 
nated  Martin  Van  Buren,  with  a  lengthy  platform,  which 


PARTIES,  PAST  AND  PRESENT.  07 

is  curious  as  serving  to  shape  Democratic  policy  for  a  long 
time,  if  not  even  to  the  present  day.  Its  gist  was  (1) 
The  Federal  Government  is  one  of  limited  powers. 

(2)  The  Constitution  does  not  confer  on  the  Government 
the  right  to  carry  on  a  system  of  internal  improvement. 

(3)  Nor  to  assume  the  debts  of  the  States  contracted  for 
internal  improvement.      (4)  Justice   and   sound    policy 
forbids  the  Government  to  foster  one  branch  of  industry 
to  the  detriment  of  another,  or  one  section  to  the  injury 
of  another.     (5)  Economy  urged.     (6)  Congress  has  no 
power  to  charter  a  United  States  Bank.     (7)  No  power  to 
interfere  with  the  domestic  institutions  of  the  States.     (8) 
Government  money  must  be  separated  from  banking  insti 
tutions.     (9)  This  country  is  an  asylum  for  the  oppressed 
of  all  nations. 

THE  LIBERTY  PARTY. 

During  this  campaign,  the  Abolition  or  Liberty  party 
first  openly  appeared  in  the  political  arena,  with  James 
G.  Birney,  as  its  candidate  for  President,  and  with  a  plat 
form  favoring  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of 
Columbia,  and  in  the  Territories ;  stoppage  of  the  inter 
state  slave  trade ;  and  opposition  to  slavery  to  the  fullest 
extent  of  all  Constitutional  powers. 

General  Harrison  was  elected,  but  died  April  4,  1841, 
leaving  Tyler  as  his  successor.  Then  came  an  era  of 
antagonism  between  the  President  and  the  Whig  majority 
in  Congress,  pending  which  Tyler  was  excommunicated 
by  his  party.  The  Whigs  were  greatly  demoralized  by 
Tyler's  defection,  and  it  was  only  with  the  greatest  diffi 
culty,  and  after  repeated  modifications,  that  they  secured 
Presidential  sanction  of  their  favorite  measure,  the  tariff 
act  of  1842.  Clay  became  so  disgusted  with  attacks  upon 


68  PARTIES,    PAST   AND   PRESENT. 

him,  and  with  public  life  in  general,  that  he  resigned  from 
the  Senate.  This  was  a  terrible  blow  to  the  Whigs,  for 
in  Clay's  action  they  had  lost  their  recognized  leader. 
They  lost  the  Congressional  elections  of  1842,  and  were 
further  demoralized  by  divisions  over  a  policy  suited  to 
the  questions  of  slavery  and  Texas  annexation. 

In  the  campaign  of  1844,  the  three  existing  political 
parties  were  in  the  field.  The  Liberty  party  nominated 
for  president,  James  G.  Birne}r,  of  Michigan,  and  adopted 
a  platform  which  was  explicit  in  its  denunciation  of  slavery 
and  the  slave  trade. 

The  Whigs  nominated  Henry  Clay  for  president,  on  a 
platform  declaring  for  well  regulated  currency ;  tariff  for 
revenue,  but  discriminating  in  favor  of  domestic  labor ; 
distribution  of  proceeds  of  sales  of  public  lands;  single 
term  for  the  presidency;  reform  of  executive  usurpation. 

The  Democrats  tried  to  nominate  Van  Buren,  but  his 
defeat  was  accomplished  by  the  adoption  of  the  two-thirds 
rule  for  securing  a  nomination,  a  practice  that  has  held 
ever  since  in  Democratic  national  conventions.  The 
nominee  became  James  K.  Polk,  of  Tennessee,  on  a  plat 
form  affirming  that  of  1840,  with  the  addition  that  Oregon 
and  Texas  ought  to  be  annexed. 

The  Whigs  fought  the  battle  on  the  lines  of  protection. 
It  was  a  close  battle,  and  would  have  been  won  for  Clay, 
but  for  the  fact  that  he  unwisely  undertook  to  conciliate 
southern  Democrats  by  a  letter  favoring  postponed  action 
on  the  question  of  Texas  annexation.  Polk  was  elected, 
and  with  him  a  Democratic  Congress. 

The  leading  party  measures  of  Folk's  administration 
were  the  Mexican  war,  which  the  Whigs  could  not,  in  a 
spirit  of  patriotism,  bitterly  oppose;  the  settlement  of  the 
Oregon  boundary,  in  which  the  Whigs  came  to  the  rescue 


PARTIES,    PAST   AND    PRESENT.  69 

of  a  Democratic  minority  ,  the  disappointing  tariff  act  of 
1846,  passed  in  defiance  of  Democratic  campaign  prom 
ises  not  to  disturb  the  tariff  of  184*2;  and  the  historic 
"  Wilinot  Proviso,"  whose  introduction  marked  the  begin 
ning  of  a  wide  split  in  the  Democratic  party. 

FREE  SOIL  DEMOCRATS. 

In  1848,  the  Democrats  nominated  for  president,  Lewis 
Cass,  of  Michigan,  on  a  platform  affirming  that  of  1844, 
and  adding  congratulations  over  the  results  of  the  Mexican 
war ;  denouncing  a  tariff,  except  for  revenue  ;  hailing  the 
tariff  of  1846  as  a  substitute  for  that  of  1842. 

The  Whigs  nominated  General  Zachary  Taylor,  of 
Louisiana,  without  a  platform,  but  with  a  subsequent 
series  of  ratification  resolutions  endorsing  the  then  well- 
known  Whig  principles  of  protection,  etc. 

And  now  appeared  the  new  political  force  foreshadowed 
by  the  introduction  in  Congress  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso. 
The  Democratic  position  on  the  slavery  question  had  for 
some  time  been  too  ultra  and  threatening  to  suit  the  views 
of  a  strong  minority  of  the  party.  This  minority  could  not 
brook  the  doctrine  that  the  Government  had  no  power  to 
regulate  slavery  in  the  Territories.  This  doctrine  was 
put  to  a  test  on  the  floor  of  the  Convention  that  nominated 
Cass  for  president,  and  the  rabid  pro-slavery  sentiment 
prevailed.  Thereupon,  the  Democrats  who  favored  Gov 
ernment  interference  with  slavery  in  the  Territories,  or  in 
other  words,  those  who  opposed  the  extension  of  slavery 
to  the  Territories,  resolved  to  meet  in  Convention  and 
nominate  a  ticket  of  their  own.  They  so  met  at  Buf 
falo,  in  August,  1848,  and  nominated  Martin  Van  Bureri, 
of  New  York,  for  president,  and  Charles  Francis  Adams, 
of  Massachusetts,  for  vice  president.  They  called  them- 


70  PARTIES,   PAST   AND    PRESENT. 

selves  "Free  Soil  Democrats,"  and  they  embraced  two 
factions,  one  locally  known  as  "  Barnburners,"  opposed 
to  the  extension  of  slavery  in  the  Territories,  the 
other  simply  opposed  to  further  agitation  of  slavery, 
and  locally  known  as  "Hunkers."  They  adopted  a 
lengthy  platform,  seeking  free  soil  for  a  free  people ; 
announcing  that  Congress  had  no  more  authority  to 
make  a  slave  than  to  make  a  king;  affirming  the  ordi 
nance  of  1787  and  the  Jeffersonian  doctrine  that  after 
1800  no  slavery  should  exist  in  the  Territories;  favoring 
internal  improvements  ,  proclaiming  the  watchword,  "Free 
Soil,  Free  Speech,  Free  Labor,  Free  Men." 

In  the  campaign,  the  old  Liberty  party  united  with  the 
Free  Soil  Democrats,  while  many  of  the  rabid  southern 
Democrats  preferred  to  trust  Taylor,  a  southern  man,  to 
Cass,  a  northern  man,  on  the  slavery  question.  New 
York  was  the  pivotal  state,  and  as  the  Liberty  party,  by 
dividing  the  Whigs  in  1844,  had  given  it  to  the  Democrats, 
so  now  the  Free  Soil  Democrats  by  dividing  the  regular 
Democrats,  gave  it  to  the  Whigs,  and  Taylor  was  elected. 

The  question  of  introducing  slavery  into  the  vast  Terri 
tories  acquired  by  the  Mexican  conquest,  and  of  protecting 
it  there,  and,  of  course,  everywhere,  by  Government  inter 
ference,  was  at  its  height  during  Taylor's  administration. 
Calhoun,  the  recognized  pro-slavery  leader,  pushed  the 
question  by  proposing  to  extend  the  Missouri  Compromise 
line  of  1820  clear  through  to  the  Pacific.  Taylor's  position 
was  that  California,  then  ready  for  statehood,  should  be 
admitted  without  slavery,  as  her  constitution  provided, 
and  that  the  other  Territories  should  be  erected  without 
reference  to  slavery,  leaving  them  to  settle  that  question 
for  themselves  when  they  came  to  be  admitted  as  states. 
At  this  juncture,  Clay  offered  his  compromise  measure  of 


PARTIES,    PAST    AND    PRESENT.  71 

1850,  it  being  virtually  the  plan  proposed  by  president 
Taylor,  except  that  it  embraced  a  more  vigorous  fugitive 
slave  law.  The  Whigs  and  Free  Soilers  regarded  this 
compromise  as  weak,  and  as  an  unnecessary  surrender 
of  free  soil  principles.  The  pro -slavery  Democrats  were 
but  little  better  pleased  with  it,  for  opposite  reasons. 
California  came  in  as  a  free  state  September  9,  1850,  and 
on  September  15,  1850,  slavery  was  abolished  in  the  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia.  Taylor  died,  July  9,  1850. 

After  Taylor's  death  the  political  situation  became  com 
plex,  and  boded  disaster  to  the  Whigs,  who  in  their  na 
tional  convention  had  failed  to  commit  themselves  to  the 
doctrine  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  thereby  estranging  the 
Liberty  party,  which  it  might  have  readily  attracted,  and 
what  was  worse,  driving  out  many  of  their  leaders  into  the 
ranks  of  the  Free  Soil  Democrats,  who  were  now  more  bitter 
opponents  of  slavery  extension  than  the  Whigs  themselves. 

A  large  part  of  the  Whig  strength  lay  in  the  South. 
Tlierefore.it  was  hardly  to  be  expected  that  the  party  could 
escape  the  slavery  maelstrom.  Calhoun's  failure  to 
force  the  slave  line  of  36°  30'  through  to  the  Pacific,  thus 
confirming  a  free  and  slave  section  of  the  Union,  led  to  a 
hardening  of  the  pro-slavery  lines,  to  the  broad  denial  of 
the  Government's  right  to  interfere  with  slavery  at  all,  to 
threats  of  disunion  and  to  talk  of  the  necessity  of  setting 
up  a  new  set  of  institutions  whose  object  should  be  the 
protection  of  slavery.  These  discussions  drew  over  the 
pro-slavery  Whigs  to  the  Democrats,  but  they  carried  along 
with  them  into  the  Democratic  ranks  the  doctrine  that  had 
been  broached,  but  voted  down  in  the  Democratic  Na 
tional  Convention  of  1848,  to  wit,  that  the  people  of  each 
Territory  should  be  left  free  to  treat  the  slavery  question 
as  they  pleased.  Coming  from  such  a  source  and  in  such 


72  PARTIES,    PAST   A1SID   PRESENT. 

a  way,  the  Democrats  could  not  escape  the  force  of  this 
doctrine  before  the  country.  It  was  the  doctrine  that 
afterwards  became  known  as  "  Popular  "  or  "  Squatter 
Sovereignty,"  which  figured  so  prominently  in  the  Kansas 
affair,  and  which  served  to  draw  such  men  as  Douglas, 
Geary  and  Reeder  outside  of  the  Democratic  lines.  The 
California  miners  had  applied  it  in  their  own  state. 
While  the  doctrine,  or  its  opposite,  had  forced  the  Whig 
party  asunder,  it  was  now  about  to  do  the  same  thing  for 
the  Democratic  party. 

DECLINE  OF  THE  WHIG  PARTY. 

In  1852,  the  Democrats  nominated  Franklin  Pierce,  of 
New  Hampshire,  for  the  Presidency.  Their  platform  af 
firmed  that  of  1848,  and  added  an  endorsement  of  the  com 
promise  measures  of  1850,  emphatic  opposition  to  the  in 
terference  of  Congress  with  State  affairs,  adhesion  to  the 
Kentucky  and  Virginia  resolutions  of  1798,  no  monopoly  for 
the  few  at  the  expense  of  the  many,  and  the  Union  as  it  is 
and  should  be. 

The  Whigs  nominated  General  Winfield  Scott,  of  Vir 
ginia,  for  President,  on  a  platform  favoring  tariff,  internal 
improvement,  a  Government  sufficiently  strong  to  make  it 
operative,  the  compromise  measures  of  1850.  This  last 
plank  was  also  in  the  Democratic  platform,  but  the  Whigs 
fell  into  the  trap  set  by  the  extreme  pro-slavery  leaders,  and 
foolishly  added  to  the  plank  the  words  "  including  the  fugi 
tive  slave  law."  The  plank  was  a  bold  stroke  on  the  part 
of  the  pro-slavery  people  to  commit  both  parties  to  the  ex 
tension  of  slavery,  but  the  attempt  reacted  with  thrice  the 
effect  on  the  Whig  party  that  it  did  on  the  Democrats. 

The  Free  Soil  Democrats  nominated  John  P.  Hale,  of 
New  Hampshire,  for  President,  on  a  platform  denouncing 


HON.  NELSON  W.  ALDRICH. 

Corn  at  Foster,  R.  I.,  November  G,  1841.  Academically  educated; 
engaged  in  mercantile  pursuits;  President  of  Providence  Common 
Council,  1871-73;  member  of  State  Assembly,  1875-76;  Speaker  of 
House  of  Representatives  in  1876 ;  elected  to  Congress  for  46th  and 
47th  Congresses;  elected,  as  Republican,  to  United  States  Senate,  1880; 
re-elected,  1886  and  1893;  rose  to  prominence  as  advocate  of  Protec 
tion  ;  authority  in  party  and  Senate  on  matters  pertaining  to  Tariff  Legis 
lation  ;  conspicuous  in  preparation  and  adoption  of  Tariff  act  of  1890; 
Chairman  of  Committee  on  Rules  and  member  of  Committees  on 
Finance  and  Transportation. 


HON.  FRED.  T.  DUBOIS. 

Born  in  Crawford  co.,  111.,  May  29,  1851;  graduated  at  Yale,  1872; 
Secretary  of  Board  of  Railway  and  Warehouse  Commissioners  of  Illi 
nois,  1875-76 ;  moved  to  Idaho  and  entered  business,  1880 ;  United 
States  Marshal  of  Idaho,  1882-86 ;  elected  Delegate  to  50th  and  51st 
Congresses;  elected,  as  Republican,  to  United  States  Senate,  December 
18,  1890 ;  one  of  the  youngest  members  of  Senate ;  Chairman  of 
Committee  on  Public  Lands,  and  member  of  Committees  on  Civil 
Service,  Enrolled  Bills,  Naval  Affairs  and  National  Banks. 


PARTIES,    PAST    A^O    PRESENT.  75 

the  fugitive  slave  law,  the  compromise  measures  of  I860, 
and  slavery  extension. 

The  result  of  the  election  was  most  disastrous  to  the 
Whigs.  They  carried  but  four  States.  But  this  was  by 
no  means  their  worst  blow.  They  stood  appalled  at  the 
discovery  that  their  endorsement  of  the  compromise  meas 
ures  of  1850  and  of  the  fugitive  slave  law  had  proved  to 
be  a  logical  commitment  of  the  party  to  further  slavery 
agitation,  if  not  to  actual  slavery  extension.  They  could 
not  advance  except  by  going  directly  into  the  Democratic 
ranks.  They  could  not  retreat  except  with  shame  and  de 
moralization.  They  could  not  stand  still,  for  the  Free  Soil 
Democrats  had  swept  the  ground  from  under  flieir  feet. 
They  never  recovered  from  their  shock,  lost  their  organi 
zation,  never  ran  another  President.  As  was  piquantly 
said,  the  Whig  party  died  of  too  much  compromise,  of 
a  "  vain  attempt  to  swallow  the  fugitive  slave  law." 

President  Pierce  moulded  his  administration  wholly  in 
the  interest  of  the  pro -slavery  Democrats.  This  party 
was  now  in  position  to  force  its  construction  of  the  slavery 
issue,  for  it  had  large  majorities  in  both  House  and  Senate. 
The  construction  forced  was  that  the  compromise  measures 
of  1850  repealed  those  of  1820,  and  therefore  the  slavery 
question  was  again  open  as  to  all  the  territory  of  the  United 
States.  The  gage  of  battle  was  thrown  down  in  the  cele 
brated  Kansas-Nebraska  contest  which  served  to  solidify  the 
pro-slavery  Democrats  and  Whigs,  to  divide  the  Northern 
Democrats  into  two  equal  factions  and  to  divide  the 
Northern  Whigs  into  two  parties,  one  of  which  coalesced 
with  the  Free  Soil  Democrats,  the  other  to  soon  lose  its 
name  and  identity  entirely,  for  a  time  under  the  title  of 
anti-Nebraska  men,  and  afterwards  in  that  of  the  modern 
Republican  party. 
5 


76  PARTIES,  PAST  AND  PRESENT. 

NATIVE  AMERICAN  PARTY. 

The  Native  American  idea  is  almost  as  old  as  the 
country.  It  cropped  out  in  1790  in  connection  with  the 
passage  of  a  naturalization  law,  and  again  in  1795,  1798, 
and  again  in  1802.  The  legislation  of  the  latter  date  was 
designed  to  secure  to  the  old  Republican  party  the  prepon 
derance  of  foreign  votes  in  the  cities.  To  correct  this,  an 
organized  movement  was  begun  in  New  York  as  early  as 
1835,  and  in  1844  the  Native  Americans  carried  the  city. 
The  movement  spread  to  other  cities,  and  was  signalized  by 
great  excitement  and  riots. 

In  1852,  it  reappeared  in  politics  as  a  secret  organiza 
tion,  known  officially  as  the  American  party,  but  popularly 
as  the  Know  Nothing  party,  from  the  reticence  of  its  mem 
bers.  Its  cardinal  principle  was  "  Americans  must  rule 
America."  Its  rise  was  rapid,  and  its  existence  being  at  a 
time  when  the  Whig  party  was  disintegrating,  and  when 
much  dissatisfaction  existed  in  all  political  organizations,  it 
was  greatly  encouraged  to  exist  by  its  ability  to  hold  the  bal 
ance  of  power  in  many  cities  and  even  States.  In  1855  it 
carried  no  less  than  nine  State  elections. 

In  the  national  campaign  of  1856,  it  entered  the  race 
for  the  Presidency,  by  nominating  Millard  Fillmore,  of 
New  York,  on  a  platform  of  distinct  Americanism  and 
naturalization,  only  after  a  residence  of  twenty-one 
years,  with  denunciation  of  existing  parties  as  sectional. 
It  succeeded  in  carrying  the  state  of  Maryland.  In  the 
34th  Congress  it  had  a  strong  contingent  of  members,  forty- 
three  in  all  in  the  House  and  five  in  the  Senate.  In  the  35th 
Congress  it  had  only  five  members  in  the  House. 

In  the  vicissitude  of  parties  between  1856  and  1860,  its 
titles  became  merged  into  that  of  "  Constitutional  Union/' 


PARTIES,    PAST   AND   PRESENT.  77 

and  in  the  latter  year  it  placed  John  Bell,  of  Tennessee, 
in  nomination  for  the  President,  who  succeeded  in  secur 
ing  twelve  electoral  votes.  It  did  not  again  appear  in  a 
presidential  race. 

THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

It  is  not  worth  while  here  to  go  through  the  history  of 
the  Kansas-Nebraska  act  of  1854,  with  its  subsequent 
bloody  contentions  for  political  supremacy  on  the  soil  of 
these  Territories.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  all  efforts  to  fasten 
slavery  on  these  Territories  by  Government  intervention 
were  met  by  a  determined  opposition  sentiment,  which  was 
temporarily  crystalized  under  the  title  of  anti-Nebraska 
sentiment.  Its  exponents  became  known  as  anti-Nebraska 
men.  They  embraced  men  of  all  parties  who  opposed  the 
pro-slavery  methods  of  making  slave  States  out  of  the 
Territories.  These  anti-Nebraska  men  controlled  the 
House  in  the  34th  Congress,  and  participated  in  one  of 
the  stormiest  sessions  of  its  history. 

In  was  seen  by  political  leaders,  of  anti-Nebraska  senti 
ment,  that  of  the  elements  which  composed  such  sentiment 
could  be  organized,  a  new  national  party  would  logically  re 
sult.  The  title  "  Republican  "  was  said  to  have  been  sug 
gested  by  Governor  Seward,  of  New  York,  in  the  latter 
part  of  1855  or  early  part  of  1856,  as  a  substitute  for  anti- 
Nebraska  men,  who  were  as  a  rule  opposed  to  slavery  and 
slavery  extension.  The  former  title  would  nationalize  the  lat 
ter,  and  raise  a  standard  around  which  could  rally  the  old 
Liberty  party,  the  Free  Soil  Democrats,  the  anti-slavery 
Whigs,  and  all  who  doubted  the  propriety  of  following 
further  the  Democratic  party  in  its  now  rapid  strides  to 
ward  absolute  State-rights  and  slavery  extension. 

The  name  "  Republican  "  served  the  purpose  intended, 


78  PARTIES,    PAST   AND    PRESENT. 

though  it  was  for  a  time  stigmatized  as  "  Black  Republi 
can  "  by  its  enemies,  on  account  of  its  sympathy  with  the 
colored  race. 

By  June  17,  1856,  the  title  was  sufficiently  indicative 
of  a  national  principle,  and  had  served  to  cohere  so 
large  a  number  of  leaders,  that  it  ventured  on  a  National 
Convention  at  Philadelphia, at  which  John  C.Fremont,  of 
California,  was  nominated  for  President.  The  platform 
declared  that  the  Constitution,  the  rights  of  States  and  the 
union  of  States  shall  be  preserved;  that  life,  liberty  and 
property  shall  be  preserved  by  due  process  of  law;  that 
Congress  had  no  right  to  legislate  slavery  into  a  Territory  ; 
that  the  administration  had  no  right  to  defy  the  will  of  the 
people  of  the  Territories;  that  the  Government  should  ex 
tend  aid  to  a  Pacific  railroad  and  to  internal  improvements. 

In  this  campaign  of  1856,  the  Know  Nothing  party  was 
first  in  the  field,  as  we  have  just  seen.  It  was  followed  by 
the  Democratic  party  at  Cincinnati,  which  nominated 
James  Buchanan,  of  Pennsylvania,  on  a  platform  affirming 
preceding  ones,  and  adding  an  endorsement  of  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  bill,  and  of  the  Squatter  Sovereignty  method  of 
leaving  slavery  in  the  Territories  to  be  settled  by  the  peo 
ple  therein. 

What  was  left  of  the  old  Whig  party  met  at  Baltimore, 
where  it  joined  with  the  Know  Nothings  in  denouncing 
the  Democratic  and  Republican  parties  as  sectional,  and  in 
supporting  Millard  Fill  more  for  President.  This  was  the 
last  appearance  of  Whig  on  the  party  lists. 

The  result  of  the  campaign  of  1856,  was  the  election  of 
Buchanan,  the  Democratic  nominee,  with  a  Democratic 
Congress,  though  the  new  Republican  party  had  ninety-two 
members.  The  popular  vote  showed  the  possibilities  of  the 


PARTIES,    PAST   AND    PRESENT.  79 

new  party,  and  the  popular  vote  of  the  en  tire  country  was 
largely  against  the  Democrats. 

The  pro-slavery  Democrats,  though  they  had  Buchan 
an's  administration  with  them,  soon  repented  of  their 
platform  endorsement  of  Squatter  Sovereignty,  for  they 
saw  that  they  could  not  colonize  the  Territories  as  rapidly 
and  effectually  as  the  North  could.  They  therefore 
drifted  more  and  more  toward  other  means  of  ex 
tending  slavery,  even  if  the  last  desperate  means  of  secession 
had  to  be  resorted  to.  Their  drift  bore  the  administration 
with  it,  and  the  way  was  illuminated  by  the  Dred  Scott 
Decision  which  in  effect  wiped  out  the  compromises  of  1820 
and  1850,  crushed  the  principle  of  Squatter  or  Popular 
Sovereignty,  opened  the  Territories,  and  evsn  States,  to 
slavery,  despite  their  local  laws,  and  nationalized  the  in 
stitution. 

This  decision  extinguished  the  last  hope  of  Douglas 
and  his  now  important  Democratic  following  for  a  settle 
ment  of  the  vexatious  and  dangerous  slavery  question  on 
the  basis  of  Popular  Sovereignty,  and  they  began  to  drift 
away  from  the  regular  organization.  When  the  question 
of  admitting  Kansas  as  a  State  under  the  famous  Lecomp- 
ton  Constitution  was  before  the  35th  Congress,  1857-58,  the 
Douglas  wing  of  the  Democratic  party,  under  the  name  of 
Anti-Lecompton  Democrats,  voted  with  the  Republicans 
against  the  measure. 

In  the  Congressional  elections  of  1858  the  tide  of 
national  sentiment  ran  strongly  in  favor  of  the  new  Re* 
publican  party,  and  the  number  of  their  members  in  the 
House  rose  to  one  hundred  and  nine,  or  more  than  any 
>ther  party,  though  not  a  majority  of  all.  The  slavery 
question  was  still  on  in  all  its  bitterness,  and  in  1859  it 


80  PARTIES,    PAST    AND    PRESENT. 

was  intensified  by  the  John  Brown  affair  at  Harper's 
Ferry. 

The  campaign  of  1860  opened  with  the  Democratic 
Convention  at  Charleston,  S.  C.,  April  23,  1860.  It 
proved  to  be  a  battle  ground  for  supremacy  between 
the  southern,  or  extreme  pro-slavery,  Democrats  and 
the  Douglas  Democrats.  The  latter  won,  so  far  as 
the  platform  went.  Many  pro-slavery  Democrats  with 
drew,  but  enough  remained  to  prevent  Douglas'  nomina 
tion.  The  Convention  at  length  adjourned  to  meet  in 
Baltimore,  June  18th.  Here  Douglas  was  nominated  for 
president.  But  a  portion  of  the  Baltimore  Convention 
now  seceded  and  met  the  seceders  from  the  Charleston 
Convention,  first  at  Charleston,  then  at  Richmond  and 
finally  at  Baltimore,  where  John  C.  Breckinridge  of  Ken 
tucky,  was  nominated  for  president,  on  a  pro-slavery  plat 
form. 

The  Republicans  met  in  National  Convention  at  Chicago, 
May  16, 1860,  and  nominated  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois, 
for  president,  on  a  platform  announcing  the  necessity  for 
a  Republican  party  ;  denouncing  all  schemes  of  disunion, 
and  the  Kansas  policy  of  the  Buchanan  administration; 
declaring  in  favor  of  protection,  a  Homestead  law,  internal 
improvements,  and  aid  for  a  Pacific  railroad.  The  Amer 
ican  party  made  its  last  appearance  in  the  national  arena, 
under  the  name  of  the  Constitutional  Union  party,  at 
Baltimore,  and  nominated  John  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  for 
president. 

The  Republican  party  elected  Mr.  Lincoln  president. 
This  election  resulted  also  in  a  Republican  House  and 
Senate.  The  pro-slavery  wing  of  the  Democratic  party 
regarded  this  result  as  a  cause  for  secession  of  the  slave 
States  from  the  Union.  They  setup  the  southern  Con- 


PARTIES,    PAST    ANI>    PRESENT.  *1 

federacy  and  inaugurated  war  by  firing  on  Fort  Sumter 
A])ril  13,  1861.  This  was  the  great  American  Rebellion, 
or  Civil  War  in  the  United  States,  which  was  to  last  for 
over  four  years,  and  to  end  with  the  extinction  of  the 
Confederacy  and  a  restored  Union  of  States. 

Pending  this  war,  the  Republican  party  held  possession 
of  all  branches  of  the  Government.  In  1863  the  vexations 
question  of  slavery  was  forever  settled  by  its  entire  aboli 
tion  in  the  United  States.  The  measures  of  Lincoln's  first 
administration  were  chiefly  those  of  war  and  finance.  In 
1861,  a  tariff  bill  was  passed  hi  accordance  with  the  Re 
publican  doctrine  of  protection.  Though  the  Democrats 
of  the  northern  States  cooperated  largely  with  the  Repub 
licans  in  measures  looking  to  the  direct  suppression  of  the 
Rebellion,  they  still  held  to  their  party  organization  suffi 
ciently  to  put  all  strictly  party  questions  to  severe  test,  and 
as  the  time  for  the  national  election  of  1864  drew  near 
they  were  encouraged  to  meet  in  National  Convention  at 
Chicago,  and  nominated  General  George  B.  McLellan  for 
president.  This  Convention  was  dominated  by  the  reac 
tionary  or  peace  wing  of  the  party,  called  "  Copperheads," 
by  their  opponents.  The  platform  announced  adhesion 
to  the  Union  under  the  Constitution ;  demanded  a  cessa 
tion  of  hostilities  and  a  peace  Convention,  after  four  years 
of  failure  to  restore  the  Union  by  war;  opposed  military 
interference  with  elections ;  set  forth  the  objects  of  the 
party  as  a  restoration  of  the  Union  with  the  rights  of  the 
States  unimpaired :  denounced  war  measures  in  general ; 
expressed  sympathy  for  soldiers  and  sailors. 

The  Republican  National  Convention  of  1860,  at  Balti 
more,  re-nominated  Abraham  Lincoln  for  president  on  a 
platform  pledging  the  party  to  suppression  of  the  Rebell 
ion  ;  to  peace  on  the  unconditional  surrender  of  all  rebels; 


82  PARTIES,    PAST   AND    PRESENT. 

to  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  prohibiting  slavery ; 
extending  thanks  to  soldiers  and  sailors ;  approving  Lin 
coln's  administration ;  pledging  the  national  faith  to  the 
redemption  of  the  public  debt ;  approving  the  Monroe 
Doctrine. 

These  two  conventions  were  supplemented  by  one  at 
Cleveland,  Ohio,  held  under  the  auspices  of  "  Radical 
Men,"  a  Republican  faction  opposed  to  Lincoln  on  account 
I  of  his  tardiness  respecting  matters  appertaining  to  slavery. 
It  nominated  John  C.  Fremont  for  president,  but  the 
movement  collapsed,  and  afterwards  became  a  part  of  the 
regular  Republicans  party. 

The  issue  of  war  failure  and  of  peace  by  compromise 
presented  by  the  Democrats  in  1864,  was  met  squarely  by 
the  Republicans,  and  the  result  was  an  overwhelming  vic 
tory  for  the  latter,  both  as  to  the  Presidency  and  the  Con 
gress.  The  war  practically  ended  with  Lee's  surrender, 
April  9,  1865.  On  April  14,  President  Lincoln  was  assas 
sinated.  He  was  succeeded  by  Vice  President  Johnson, 
who  was  to  play  toward  the  Republicans  the  part  of  Tyler 
toward  the  Whigs,  through  the  trying  period  of  recon 
struction  of  the  seceded  States.  Though  baffled  at  every 
turn  by  the  President,  the  Republican  majorities  in  both 
Houses  of  Congress  were  such  as  to  enable  the  party  to 
carry  through  most  of  its  terms  of  reconstruction,  and  to 
amend  the  Constitution  so  as  to  secure  civil  rights  and  the 
right  of  suffrage  to  American  citizens. 

This  stormy  period  of  reconstruction  served  to  unite  in 
a  measure  the  Northern  and  Southern  wings  of  the  Dem 
ocratic  party.  The  disturbing  question  of  slavery  elimin 
ated,  they  could  once  more  make  common  cause  against 
the  Republicans,  which  they  did  in  the  campaign  of  1868, 
with  Horatio  Seymour,  of  New  York  as  their  candidate 


PARTIES,    PAST   AND    PRESENT.  83 

for  president,  and  with  a  platform  recognizing  the  ques 
tion  of  secession  and  slavery  as  settled ;  demanding  the 
immediate  restoration  of  the  Southern  States  and  the  set 
tlement  of  the  question  of  suffrage  by  the  States  them 
selves;  amnesty  for  all  offenses,  payment  of  the  public 
debt  in  lawful  money,  where  coin  is  not  called  for ;  equal 
taxation  and  one  currency ;  economy,  and  abolition  of  the 
Freedmen's  Bureau  ;  tariff  for  revenue  with  incidental  pro 
tection  ;  general  arraignment  of  the  Republican  party; 
gratitude  to  Johnson  for  resisting  the  aggressions  of 
Congress. 

The  Republicans  met  in  national  convention  at  Chicago, 
May  20,  1868,  and  nominated  General  U.  S.  Grant  for 
President.  Their  platform  embodied  the  following  :  (1) 
Congratulation  over  the  success  of  the  reconstruction  pol 
icy  of  Congress.  (2)  Equal  suffrage  to  all  loyal  men. 
(8)  No  repudiation  of  national  promises  to  pay.  (4) 
Equalization  and  reduction  of  taxation.  (5)  Reduction 
of  interest  on  public  debt  and  gradual  payment  of  same, 
(6)Improvernentof  National  credit.  (7)  Johnson's  treach* 
ery  denounced.  (8)  Honor  to  soldiers.  (9)  Encourage 
ment  of  immigration.  (10)  Commendation  of  all  loyal  men 
in  the  South. 

The  main  issues  of  the  campaign  were  the  reconstruct 
tion  measures  of  Congress  and  equal  suffrage,  the  latter  a 
new  question  rising  out  of  the  condition  of  the  freedmen. 
The  popular  verdict  was  strongly  in  favor  of  the  Republi 
cans,  both  as  to  President  and  Congress.  Grant's  first  ad 
ministration  was  full  of  vexations,  on  account  of  a  new 
force  in  the  South  which,  under  the  various  names  of 
"  Unreconstructed,"  "  Irreconcilables,"  "  Ku-Klux-Klan," 
etc.,  rose  up  in  opposition  to  Federal  authority,  and  espe 
cially  to  the  newly  formed  State  governments,  which  were 


84  PARTIES,    PAST   AM)    PRESENT. 

denounced  as  "  Carpet-Bag  Governments."  This  force 
applied  the  doctrine  of  "  a  white  man's  government'* 
with  such  effect  as  to  terrorize  all  organized  opposition, 
and  eventually  gain  its  point.  But  while  the  administra 
tion  was  thus  struggling  with  ever-recurring  vexations, 
the  Supreme  Court  came  to  its  rescue  with  a  decision  that 
Congress  had  the  power  to  establish  the  relations  of  re 
bellious  States  to  the  Union.  An  equally  important  de 
cision  declared  the  Legal  Tender  Act  of  1862  to 
be  constitutional,  thus  bringing  the  "Greenback"  into 
great  popularity  and  laying  the  foundation  of  a  new  but 
ephemeral  party.  By  July  15,  1870,  the  last  seceded  State 
was  back  in  the  Union,  and  the  clouds  of  the  reconstruc 
tion  period  had  well-nigh  vanished. 

LIBERAL  REPUBLICANS. 

Both  the  Republican  and  Democratic  parties  were  now 
to  be  shaken  up  by  the  question  of  "  amnesty  to  rebels." 
Many  leaders  in  both  parties  thought  the  time  had  come 
when  general  amnesty  should  be  extended  to  all  who  had 
engaged  in  the  Rebellion,  on  the  part  of  the  South.  The  Re 
publicans  who  thus  thought  met  in  convention  at  Cincin 
nati,  May  1,  1872,  and  nominated  Horace  Greeley,  of  New 
York,  for  president,  on  a  platform  pledging  the  party  to 
Union,  emancipation,  enfranchisement ;  opposition  to  the 
reopening  of  any  question  settled  by  the  thirteenth,  four 
teenth  and  fifteenth  amendments  to  the  Constitution  ;  im 
mediate  removal  of  all  political  disabilities;  local  self-gov 
ernment  with  impartial  suffrage ;  civil  service  reform  ; 
modest  Government  revenue.  But  the  remarkable  part 
of  the  platform,  considering  that  Mr.  Greeley,  a  lifelong 
protectionist,  was  the  nominee  of  the  party,  was  the  tariff 


PARTIES,    PAST    AND    PRESENT.  85 

plank,  which  simply  relegated  the  question  of  the  tariff 
to  the  congressional  districts  for  discussion. 

The  Liberal  Republican  idea  gained  rapid  headway  in 
several  States.  It  split  the  Republican  party  in  twain  in 
Missouri,  and  the  Democratic  party  in  Ohio."  Accretions 
were  so  numerous  from  both  parties,  and  the  general  am 
nesty  doctrine  was  so  strong  with  Democrats,  that  the  Lib 
eral  Republican  Convention  felt  it  could,  by  early  and  dis 
creet  action,  capture  the  entire  Democratic  organization. 

In  this  it  counted  correctly,  for  when  the  Democratic 
Convention  met  in  Baltimore,  July  9, 1872,  it  accepted  the 
platform  and  nominees  of  the  Liberal  Republicans,  with  the 
hope  of  thus  widening  the  schism  in  the  Republican  ranks 
and  crushing  the  party  forever. 

But  not  all  Democrats  fell  thus  to  the  Liberal  Republi 
can  movement.  A  straight  out  Democratic  Convention 
was  held  at  Louisville,  September  3,  1872,  which  nomi 
nated  Charles  O'Conner,  of  New  York,  for  president,  on  a 
platform  containing  a  plea  for  State-rights,  and  repudiation 
of  the  Baltimore  convention  as  a  betrayal  of  the  Demo- 
cratic  party  into  a  false  creed  and  false  leadership. 

The  Republicans  met  in  National  Convention  in  Phila 
delphia,  June  5,  1872,  and  renominated  U.  S.  Grant  for 
president  on  a  platform  whose  leading  planks  favored  en 
forcement  of  the  new  constitutional  amendments,  civil 
service  reform,  and  maintenance  of  the  public  credit. 

THE  PROHIBITION  PARTY. 

Up  until  1865,  what  may  be  designated  political  tem 
perance  depended  on  the  use  of  parlies  as  they  were  found 
to  exist  in  the  States.  This  localized  the  temperance 
issue,  and  subjected  it  to  the  whim  of  opponents.  The 
time  had  come  for  the  nationalization  of  the  cause.  In 


86  PARTIES,    PAST   AND   PRESENT. 

1868,  the  Grand  Lodge  of  Good  Templars  moved  for  "  the 
organization  of  a  national  political  party  whose  principles 
should  be  prohibition  of  the  manufacture,  importation 
and  sale  of  intoxicating  liquors  to  be  used  as  a  beverage." 
This  sentiment  was  closely  reflected  by  the  Sixth  National 
Temperance  Convention  at  Cleveland,  July  29,  1868. 
The  next  year,  during  a  session  of  the  Grand  Lodge  of 
Good  Templars  at  Oswego,  N.  Y.,  a  call  was  made  for  a 
Convention  to  organize  a  "  National  Prohibition  party." 

This  Convention  met  in  Chicago,  September  1.  1869, 
with  five  hundred  delegates  from  twenty  states,  and 
launched  the  new  party.  The  party  held  its  first  National 
Convention  at  Columbus,  Ohio,  February  22,  1872,  and 
nominated  James  Black,  of  Pennsylvania  for  president,  on  a 
platform  declaring  that  as  all  existing  political  parties  had 
proved  unwilling  to  adopt  an  adequate  policy  respecting  traf 
fic  in  intoxicating  drinks,  therefore  the  Prohibition  party 
pledged  itself  to  maintain  the  principles  of  its  Declaration 
and  Constitution ;  that  effective  state  as  well  as  National 
prohibition  is  the  only  means  of  suppressing  traffic  in  in 
toxicants;  that  existing  party  competition  for  the  liquor 
vote  is  a  peril  to  the  nation ;  dissuasion  from  the  use  of 
intoxicants;  competency,  honesty  and  sobriety  as  qualifi 
cations  for  office ;  no  removals  from  office  for  political 
opinions;  economy;  direct  vote  for  president;  sound 
national  currency;  labor  reform  ;  suffrage  without  regard 
to  sex  ;  fostering  of  common  schools. 

All  parties  were  now  ready  for  the  campaign  of  1872— 
a  campaign  peculiar  in  every  respect.  Its  burdens  werfc 
chiefly  borne  by  the  Liberal  Republicans.  The  result  was 
their  overwhelming  defeat.  They  had  not  captured  the 
Democratic  party,  for  what  they  gained  from  it  was  far 
more  than  offset  by  desertions  to  the  Republicans.  Nor 


PARTIES,    PAST   AND   PRESENT.  87 

had  they  widened  perceptibly  the  schism  in  the  Republi 
can  ranks.  As  was  wittily  said  at  the  time,  "  fusion  had 
resulted  in  confusion." 

THE  GREENBACK  PARTY. 

In  1873  the  Country  passed  through  a  panic.  Cautious 
financial  legislation  became  necessary.  President  Grant 
vetoed  a  measure  increasing  the  national  currency  to  the 
extent  of  $400,000,000,  because  it  tended  to  inflation  at  a 
time  when  the  country  was  looking  toward  the  resumption 
of  specie  payments.  A  strenuous  effort  was  made  by  a 
strong  minority  of  both  parties  to  pass  the  bill  over  the 
veto.  The  effort  failed,  but  here  we  have  the  germs  of  the 
"Greenback  party." 

The  rise  of  this  party  was  encouraged  by  the  stringency 
of  the  times,  and  by  the  propensity  to  hold  the  dominant 
party  responsible  for  industrial  and  financial  ills.  It  at 
first  took  form  and  name  as  "  The  Independent  party," 
that  being  best  suited  for  a  grouping  of  all  the  elements 
of  discontent.  But  it  could  not  escape  the  more  suggest 
ive  name  of  "  Greenback  party,"  since  its  object  was  to 
relieve  financial  stringency  and  business  depression  by 
using  the  credit  of  the  Government  in  the  shape  of  green 
backs,  and  insisting  on  a  sufficient  issue  of  them  to  answer 
the  purposes  intended.  The  greenback  was  then  popular 
and  was  ere  long  to  be  redeemed  in  gold. 

But  while  the  inception  of  the  party  was  in  1873,  it  re 
ceived  its  real  impetus  in  the  passage  of  the  specie  Resump 
tion  act  of  1875,  by  the  Republicans.  The  Democrat  party, 
contrary  to  its  traditions,  had  arrayed  itself  against  the  pas 
sage  of  this  act,  and  was  therefore  in  a  position  to  ally  itself 
with  the  Greenbackers.  This  alliance  was  effected  in 
many  States,  and  it  proved  to  be  a  very  strong  alliance  in 


88  PARTIES,    PAST   AND   PRESENT. 

industrial  districts  where  the  thought  of  unlimited  money 
was  a  pleasing  delusion. 

CAMPAIGN  OF  1876. 

This  party  was  the  first  to  enter  the  campaign  of  1876. 
It  met  in  National  Convention  at  Indianapolis,  May  17, 
1876  and  nominated  Peter  Cooper,  of  New  York,  for  presi 
dent,  on  a  platform  arraigning  both  Republican  and  Demo 
cratic  parties  for  refusing  to  foster  financial  reform  and 
industrial  emancipation ;  demanding  repeal  of  the  Specie 
Resumption  act  of  1875;  insisting  upon  the  United  States 
note  (greenback)  as  a  circulating  medium  and  legal  tender, 
and  upon  the  Jeffersonian  theory  that  "  bank  paper  must 
be  suppressed,  and  the  circulation  restored  to  the  nation 
to  whom  it  belongs ;  declaring  that  the  Government  shall 
legislate  for  the  full  development  of  all  legitimate  business ; 
opposing  further  issue  of  gold  bonds ;  no  further  sale  of 
bonds  with  which  to  purchase  silver  as  a  substitute  for 
fractional  currency. 

This  was  a  most  remarkable  platform  in  view  of  the 
strenuous  opposition  of  the  Democrats  to  the  passage  of 
the  original  Greenback  act,  of  the  traditions  of  the  party 
in  favor  of  hard  money,  and  of  the  historic  opposition  of 
Democracy  to  Government  legislation  in  favor  of  our  in 
dustries. 

Another  party  which  had  already  entered  the  campaign 
of  1876,  was  the  American  National  party,  which  met  in 
mass  meeting  at  Pittsburg,  June  9,  1875,  and  nominated 
James  B.  Walker,  of  Illinois,  for  president.  It  favored  a 
Sabbath,  and  prohibition,  the  thirteenth,  fourteenth  and 
fifteenth  amendments,  arbitration,  Bible  in  schools,  return 
to  specie  payments,  direct  vote  of  the  people  for  president, 
and  opposed  Secret  Societies.  The  Prohibition  party, 


PARTIES,    PAST   AND    PRESENT.  89 

under  the  mime  of  "  Prohibition  Reform  party,"  met  in 
National  Convention  at  Cleveland,  May  17,  1876,  and 
nominated  Green  C.  Smith,  of  Kentucky,  for  president, 
on  the  usual  platform  of  principles. 

The  Republican  party  met  in  Convention  at  Cincinnati 
and  nominated  Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  of  Ohio,  for  presi-j 
dent.  This  Convention  broke  the  usual  party  practice  of 
voting  the  States  as  units.  It  declared  in  its  platform 
that  the  United  States  was  a  nation  not  a  league ;  that 
Republican  work  was  not  done  till  the  Declaration  was 
acknowledged  in  every  State ;  for  protection  of  all  citi 
zens  ;  for  redemption  of  United  States  notes  in  coin  ;  for 
improved  civil  service ;  rigid  responsibility  in  office ; 
against  sectarian  control  of  schools  ;  for  sufficient  revenue 
with  protection;  against  land-grants  to  corporations;  in 
favor  of  pensions  to  soldiers. 

The  regular  Democratic  party  met  in  convention  at  St. 
Louis.  June  28,  1876,  and  nominated  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  of 
New  York,  for  president,  on  a  platform  of  general  con 
demnation  of  the  Republican  party  and  policy ;  the  lan 
guage  as  to  the  existing  tariff  being  that  it  is,  "  a  master 
piece  of  injustice,  inequality  and  false  pretence." 

This  campaign  led  to  the  unfortunate  result  of  a  dis 
puted  return  of  electors  from  three  of  the  Southern  States 
and  from  Oregon — a  result  upon  which  the  victory  hung. 
The  matter  was  carried  before  a  special  tribunal,  called 
the  "  Electoral  Commission."  Its  decision  was  that  R.  B. 
Hayes,  the  Republican  nominee  for  president,  had  received 
one  hundred  and  eighty-five  electoral  votes,  and  Samuel 
J.  Tilden,  the  Democratic  nominee,  one  hundred  and 
eighty-four  votes.  A  remarkable  feature  of  this  contest 
was  that  Republicans  and  Democrats  had  reversed  their 


90  PARTIES,    PAST   AND   PRESENT. 

ground  as  to  open  and  strict  construction  of  the  Constitu 
tion. 

The  forty-fifth  Congress,  the  first  to  meet  under  Hayes' 
administration  was  Democratic  in  the  House  and  Repub 
lican  in  Senate.  Strictly  partisan  legislation  was  there 
fore  blocked.  This  Congress  witnessed  the  introduction 
of  the  silver  question  into  politics,  in  the  shape  of  the 
Bland  bill  remonetizing  silver  and  authorizing  the  coinage 
of  $2,000,000  Bland  dollars,  a  month.  In  the  forty-sixth 
Congress  the  Republicans  made  a  determined  effort  to 
repeal  the  Bland  silver  act  but  failed. 

CAMPAIGN  OF  1880. 

In  the  campaign  of  1880,  the  Republicans  were  first  in 
the  field.  They  met  at  Chicago,  June  5,  1880,  and  nomi 
nated  James  A.  Garfield,  of  Ohio,  for  president.  The 
platform  recited  the  achievements  of  the  Republican  party 
from  the  suppression  of  the  Rebellion  to  the  resumption 
of  gold  payments,  and  extended  the  usual  pledges  in  favor 
of  protection,  pensions,  internal  improvements,  etc. 

The  Convention  of  the  National  Greenback  party  was 
held  at  Chicago,  June  9, 1880.  It  nominated  James  B-. 
Weaver,  of  Iowa,  for  president  upon  a  platform  adhering 
to  a  large  legal  tender  currency ;  opposition  to  refunding 
of  the  national  debt ;  favoring  abolition  of  national  banks, 
an  unlimited  coinage  of  gold  and  silver  and  a  graduated 
income  tax. 

The  Prohibition  Reform  party  met  at  Cleveland,  June 
17,  1880,  and  nominated  Neal  Dow,  of  Maine,  for  presi 
dent  on  the  usual  platform. 

The  Democratic  party  met  at  Cincinnati,  June  22, 1880, 
and  nominated  General  Winfield  S.  Hancock,  of  New  York, 


HON.  LEVI  P.   MORTON. 

Born  at  Shoreham,  Vt.,  May  16,  1824;  educated  in  common  schools; 
entered  mercantile  business  at  Concord,  N.  H.;  at  twenty-five,  mem 
ber  of  firm  of  Morton  &  Co.,  Boston ;  member  of  firm  of  Morton  & 
Grinnell,  New  York,  1854;  a  banker  in  1863;  Morton,  Bliss  &  Co.,  in 
1868 ;  elected  to  Congress  in  Twelth  New  York  District  in  1878 ;  an 
authority  in  matters  of  finance;  declined  Vice-Presidential  nomination, 
1880 ;  furnished  fourth  of  cargo  to  Irish  sufferers  ;  declined  Secretary 
ship  of  Navy  under  Garfield ;  Minister  to  France  u'nder  Garfield ;  urged 
for  U.  S.  Senator,  1885;  elected  Vice-President,  1888  ;  elected  Governor 
of  New  York  by  a  large  majority  in  1894 ;  noted  for  financial  knowl 
edge,  charitable  disposition,  and  nobility  of  character;  prominent  candi 
date  for  Presidential  nominee  on  Republican  ticket  in  1896. 


HON.  WILLIAM  ALFRED  PEFFER. 

Born  in  Cumberland  co.,  Pa.,  September  10,  1831  ;  educated  in  com 
mon  schools ;  engaged  in  teaching  and  farming ;  moved  to  Indiana, 
1853,  and  engaged  in  fanning;  moved  to  Missouri,  1859,  and  to  Illi 
nois,  1861 ;  enlisted  in  Union  army  and  served  in  Department  of  Nash 
ville  ;  studied  law  and  began  practice  in  Clarksville,  Tenn.,  1865 ; 
moved  to  Kansas,  1870,  to  practice  law  and  edit;  elected  to  State 
Senate,  1874;  Republican  elector  in  1880;  editor  of  Kansas  Farmer, 
1881  ;  elected  to  United  States  Senate,  as  a  People's  Party  candidate, 
for  term  beginning  March  4,  1891 ;  an  exponent  of  the  ideas  advocated 
by  the  Farmers'  Alliance  and  other  new  parties ;  Chairman  of  Com 
mittee  on  Civil  Service,  and  member  of  Committees  on  Immigration, 
Pensions,  Irrigation  and  Woman's  Suffrage. 


PARTIES,   PAST    AND    PRESENT.  93 

for  president,  on  a  platform  pledging  the  party  to  Demo 
cratic  traditions,  and  tariff  for  revenue  only. 

The  result  of  the  campaign  was  the  election  of  Garfield, 
with  a  Republican  majority  in  the  House  and  a  tie  in  the 
Senate.  On  July  2, 1881,  President  Garfield  was  mortally 
shot,  and  was  succeeded  by  Vice  President  Arthur.  The 
forty-seventh  Congress  enacted  the  important  tariff  bill  of 
1883,  lowering  duties.  It  also  enacted  the  Civil  Service 
Reform  Bill,  introduced  into  the  Senate  by  Geo.  H.  Pen- 
dleton,  Democrat  of  Ohio.  The  elections  of  1882  had  proven 
disastrous  to  the  Republicans,  and  in  the  forty-eighth  Con 
gress  there  was  a  large  preponderance  of  Democrats  in  the 
House,  but  no  legislation  of  political  moment  was  effected. 
Both  parties  preferred  to  stand  as  nearly  still  as  possible, 
preparatory  to  the  campaign  of  1884. 

CAMPAIGN  OF  1884. 

The  eighth  National  Convention  on  the  history  of  the 
Republican  party  met  at  Chicago,  June  3,  1884.  James 
G.  Blaine,  of  Maine,  was  nominated  for  president,  on  a 
platform  which  commended  the  party  forits  achievments ; 
lamented  the  death  of  Garfield  ;  endorsed  Arthur's  admin 
istration  ;  favored  a  tariff  for  the  protection  of  American 
industry;  denounced  Democratic  measures  in  Congress; 
urged  international  standard  of  gold  and  silver  ;  suggested 
the  regulation  of  interstate  commerce ;  favored  interna 
tional  arbitration ;  denounced  the  importation  of  contract 
labor ;  favored  civil  service  reform,  liberal  pensions,  ex 
tension  of  the  navy;  insisted  on  a  free  ballot  and  full 
count  in  southern  States  ;  passed  a  pledge  to  secure  to  all 
persons  full  political  rights. 

The  Democrats  met  at  Chicago,  July  8,  1884,  and 
nominated  Grover  Cleveland,  of  New  York,  for  president, 
6 


94  PARTIES,    PAST   AND   IIRESENT. 

much  against  the  wishes  of  Tammany  Hall.  The  platform 
announced  "  the  preservation  of  personal  rights,  equality 
of  citizens  before  the  law,  reserved  rights  of  States,  suprem 
acy  of  Federal  Government  within  Constitutional  pro 
visions  ; "  that  a  change  of  parties  was  demanded ;  that 
the  will  of  the  people  was  defeated  by  fraud  in  1876;  that 
the  Republican  party  was  extravagant,  and  had  not  kept 
its  pledges  to  workingmen  soldiers,  and  in  favor  of  Amer 
ican  manufactures;  that  the  Democratic  party  pledged 
itself  to  reform  the  existing  tariff  and  internal  revenue 
laws,  and  denounced  the  existing  tariff;  that  the  Govern 
ment  should  secure  equal  rights  to  all  citizens ;  that  there 
should  be  no  sumptuary  laws;  that  the  party  favored 
Civil  Service  Reform,  separation  of  church  and  state,  leg 
islation  tending  to  advance  labor,  an  American  policy  for 
restoration  of  American  commerce. 

The  Prohibition  National  Convention  met  in  Pittsburg, 
July  21,  1884,  and  nominated  Ex-Governor  John  P. 
St.  John,  of  Kansas,  for  president,  on  the  usual  Prohibi 
tion  platform. 

As  a  prelude  to  the  National  Convention  of  the  Green 
back  party,  a  Convention  of  Anti-monopolists  met  at 
Chicago,  May  14,  1884,  which  nominated  Benjamin  F. 
Butler,  of  Massachusetts,  for  president.  When  the  Green 
back  party  met  in  Chicago,  May  28,  1884,  it  also  nomi 
nated  Butler  for  president,  on  a  platform  demanding  the 
issue  of  legal  tender  notes  in  quantities  sufficient  to  supply 
actual  demands  of  trade  and  commerce  in  accordance 
with  increase  of  population. 

The  campaign  opened  with  great  personal  bitterness, 
and  was  conducted  with  an  acerb  spirit  to  the  end.  Mr. 
Blaine  threw  into  it  all  his  intense  personalism,  but  the 
result  was  his  defeat  by  the  narrowest  of  all  margins.  At 


PARTIES,    PAST   AND   PRESENT.  95 

the  same  time  the  House  was  carried  by  the  Democrats. 
At  this  time  there  were  two  wings  to  the  Democratic  party, 
one  favoring  a  tariff  for  revenue  with  incidental  protec 
tion,  the  other  standing  squarely  against  the  protective 
idea. 

The  new  president  elect,  Mr  Cleveland,  at  first  favored 
the  former  wing  led  by  Mr.  Randall,  but  he  turned,  and  in 
his  message  of  1887,  announced  his  tariff  reform,  or  free 
trade,  sentiments,  which  became  the  party  doctrine  for 
future  campaigns.  With  their  majority  in  the  forty-ninth 
Congress,  the  Democrats  achieved  but  little  party  legisla- 
ion.  In  the  fiftieth  Congress  the  House  still  had  a  Demo- 
v.ratic  majority,  while  there  was  a  Republican  majority  of 
i.uie  in  the  Senate.  The  former  passed  the  Mills  Tariff  Bill 
by  a  slender  majority.  It  was  defeated  in  the  Senate. 
Nothing  seriously  affected  the  status  of  the  two  leading 
parties  during  Mr.  Cleveland's  first  term  of  office. 

CAMPAIGN  OF  1888. 

The  Democrats  entered  the  lists  first  with  their  national 
Convention  at  St.  Louis,  at  which  President  Cleveland 
was  re-nominated  by  acclamation,  on  a  platform  reaffirming 
that  of  1884,  and  inveighing  against  the  Republican  policy 
of  accumulating  a  surplus  in  the  treasury. 

The  Republicans  met  in  National  Convention  at  Chi 
cago,  June  10,  1888,  and  nominated  Benjamin  Harrison 
of  Indiana,  f^  president,  on  a  platform  strongly  favoring 
the  protective  idea  and  accepting  the  issue  of  free  trade 
as  presented  b}  Mie  Democrats. 

The  Prohibition  party  met  at  Indianapolis  and  nomi 
nated  Clinton  B.  ?krk,  of  New  Jersey,  for  president,  on  a 
distinctive  party  pl^'orm. 

The  United  Labo,    party  placed  R.  H.  Cowdrey  in  the 


96  PARTIES,   PAST   AND   PRESENT. 

field  as  its  candidate  for  president.  The  Greenbackers, 
now  figuring  faintly  in  political  affairs,  united  with  the 
Labor  Reformers,  and  nominated  Alson  J.  Streeter  for 
president.  The  American  party  nominated  James  L. 
Curtis  for  president.  The  Equal  Rights  party,  nominated 
Belva  A.  Lockwood  for  president.  i 

The  campaign  was  one  largely  of  discussion,  the  leading 
issue  being  that  of  Tariff  vs.  Free  Trade.  The  result  was 
the  election  of  Harrison  the  Republican  nominee,  together 
with  a  Republican  House  of  Representatives,  The  revo 
lution  of  1884  was  now  reversed.  The  Harrison  adminis 
tration  was  signalized  by  the  passage  of  the  McKinley 
tariff  bill  of  1890,  involving  the  principle  of  reciprocity, 
the  Administrative  Customs'  Act  and  the  Sherman  Silver 
Bill  changing  the  actual  coinage  of  silver,  as  provided  for 
in  the  Bland  Bill,  to  the  purchase  of  54,000,000  ounces  of 
silver  in  a  year — the  amount  of  the  American  product — 
and  the  issuing  of  silver  certificates  against  the  bullion 
deposited. 

The  Democrats  were  not  daunted  by  the  defeat  of 
Tariff  Reform  in  1888,  but  pressed  the  issue  before  the 
country  with  sufficient  success  in  the  elections  of  1890,  to 
win  a  large  majority  in  the  fifty-second  Congress.  This 
majority  proved  to  be  too  large,  unsophisticated  and  un- 
wieldly.  Such  imposing  questions  as  those  appertaining  to 
Samoa,  the  murder  of  Italians  in  New  Orleans,  the  Chilian 
Imbroglio,  overshadowed  everything  narrower.  The 
Congress  achieved  nothing  outside  of  routine  and  such 
few  passing  things  as  would  contribute  to  success  in  the 
approaching  campaign  of  1892.  The  "  pop-gun"  method 
of  doing  away  with  the  Tariff  act  of  1890,  proved  unsatis 
factory  to  even  its  advocates. 

But  there   was  one  question  that  would  not  down  in 


PARTIES,    PAST    AND   PRESENT.  97 

this  Congress.  That  was  the  free  coinage  of  silver.  It 
bobbed  up  at  every  turn  to  annoy  the  Democratic  majority. 
The  failure  of  silver  producers  to  realize  their  expectations 
under  the  Sherman  act  of  1890,  the  growing  desire  on  the 
part  of  the  dissatisfied  to  change  industrial  and  trade  con 
ditions  in  the  South  and  West,  had  given  the  silver  ques 
tion  a  new  and  decidedly  party  turn.  Democratic  State 
Conventions  had  almost  unanimously  declared  in  favor  of 
"free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver."  This  was  but  an 
echo  of  the  Greenback  doctrine,  now  on  its  wane.  Mr. 
Bland,  recognized  leader  of  the  silver  agitation,  formulated 
his  "  Free  Silver  Coinage  Bill  "  and  urged  it  with  his  tre* 
mendous  ability.  The  belief  that  it  could  fail  in  a  Demo 
cratic  House  was  not  to  be  entertained.  But  what  was 
his  surprise  to  find  that  the  eastern  Democrats  had  turned 
in  with  the  Republicans,  and  that  the  vote  on  his  bill  was 
a  tie.  Though  the  Speaker,  Mr.  Crisp,  broke  the  tie  in 
favor  of  the  bill,  it  was  afterwards  defeated  by  dilatory 
motions. 

In  comparison  with  the  fifty-first  Congress  the  fifty- 
second  passed  into  history  as  the  "do-nothing  Congress." 
It  was  frequently  driven  to  protest  against  itself  for  fili 
bustering  tactics.  Owing  its  existence  largely  to  "  The- 
Billion  Dollar  "  extravagance  of  its  predecessor,  it  ex 
ceeded  that  extravagance  by  a  total  of  144,000,000. 

CAMPAIGN  OF  1892. 

The  Republican  party  held  its  National  Convention  at 
Minneapolis,  June  7,  1892,  and  reriominated  President 
Harrison  on  a  platform  favoring  American  Protection, 
bimetalism  with  legislative  restrictions,  free  ballot  and 
honest  count,  extension  of  foreign  commerce,  enforcement 
of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  separations  of  church  and  state ; 


98  PARTIES,    PAST   AND   PRESENT. 

efficient  protection  to  railroad  employees,  reduced  postage 
and  extension  of  free  mail  delivery,  Civil  Service,  Nicara 
gua  canal,  admissions  of  Territories  as  States,  the  World's 
Fair,  pensions ;  and  opposing  southern  outrages,  pauper 
immigration,  trusts,  and  intemperance. 

The  Democrats  met  at  Chicago,  June  21,  1892,  and  re- 
nominated  Grover  Cleveland  on  a  platform  pledging  the 
party  to  the  principles  of  Jefferson,  to  opposition  to  the 
"  Force  Bill ;  "  denouncing  protection  as  a  fraud  and  un 
constitutional  ;  the  McKinley  act  as  the  "  culminating 
atrocity  of  class  legislation  ;  "  reciprocity  as  a  fraud ;  de 
claring  opposition  to  trusts  ;  to  giving  away  of  public 
lands  to  railroads ;  to  the  coinage  act  of  1890 ;  to  State 
banks  ;  to  Republican  foreign  policy  ;  to  pauper  immigra 
tion  ;  to  Harrison's  administration;  favoring  Mississippi 
improvements,  Nicaragua  canal,  popular  education,  ad 
mission  of  new  States,  protection  of  railway  employees, 
abolition  of  the  "sweating  system." 

The  Prohibitionists  met  in  National  Convention  at  Cin 
cinnati,  June  30,  1892,  and  nominated  General  John  Bid- 
well,  for  president,  on  an  elaborate  platform  expressive  of 
the  party's  views. 

THE  PEOPLE'S  OK  POPULIST  PARTY. 

A  new  party  had  been  for  some  time  in  process  of  quiet 
growth,  formed  of  those  who  thought  that  the  Govern 
ment  had  not  been  sufficiently  mindful  of  the  welfare  of 
the  industrial  classes.  It  had  formulated  its  doctrines  at 
a  meeting  at  Ocala,  Fla.,  and  was  sufficiently  advanced  to 
take  its  place  in  the  campaign  of  1892.  This  it  did  in 
National  Convention  at  Omaha  on  July  4,  1892,  by  the 
nomination  of  General  James  B.  Weaver,  of  Iowa,  for 
president.  The  party  was  recruited  from  both  the  lead- 


PARTIES,   PAST   AND   PRESENT.  99 

ing  parties,  and  gave  as  reasons  for  its  existence,  those 
found  in  the  preamble  to  its  platform,  to  wit; — that  cor 
ruption  dominates  the  ballot  box,  the  legislatures,  the 
Congress,  and  touches  even  the  ermine  of  the  bench. 
The  people  are  demoralized,  newspapers  largely  subsidized 
or  muzzled,  public  opinion  silenced,  business  prostrated, 
homes  mortgaged,  labor  impoverished,  lands  concentrated 
in  the  hands  of  capitalists,  workmen  denied  right  of  organ 
ization,  imported  pauperized  labor  beating  down  wages, 
the  fruits  of  toil  stolen  to  build  up  colossal  fortunes,  the 
national  power  to  create  money  appropriated  to  enrich 
bond  holders,  a  vast  public  debt  funded  into  gold-bearing 
bonds,  silver  demonetized,  the  currency  abridged  to  fatten 
usurers,  bankrupt  enterprise  and  enslave  industry. 

The  preamble  further  charged  both  political  parties 
with  grievous  wrongs  and  inability  to  right  them,  with 
engaging  in  sham  political  battles  over  tariffs  for  the  sake 
of  plunder,  and  with  proposing  to  sacrifice  homes,  lives 
and  children  on  the  altar  of  Mammon.  The  platform 
which  followed  contained  a  belief  that  a  union  of  the 
labor  forces  of  the  country  was  necessary  to  its  salvation, 
that  wealth  belonged  to  him  who  created  it,  and  that  the 
time  had  come  when  the  Government  should  own  and 
operate  the  railroads,  telegraphs  and  telephones.  On  the 
question  of  finance  the  demand  was  for  a  safe,  sound  and 
flexible  legal  tender  currency,  for  free  and  unlimited 
coinage  of  silver  at  a  ratio  of  sixteen  to  one,  for  a  gradu 
ated  income  tax,  for  limitation  of  State  and  National  rev 
enues,  for  postal  savings  banks,  for  an  eight  hour  law,  for 
civil  service  regulations. 

These  plain  charges  and  broad  demands  sufficed  to  touch 
deeply  an  immense  contingent  of  both  parties  in  the  far 
western  States,  and  one  of  the  curiosities  of  the  campaign 


100  PARTIES,    PAST   AND   PRESENT. 

of  1892  was  a  coalition  of  Democrats  and  Populists  in 
many  States  with  a  view  to  securing  Democratic  electors. 
The  growth  of  this  new  party  in  the  Southern  States  was 
phenomenal.  In  more  than  one  of  these  States  it  swept 
away  old  regimes  and  installed  itself  in  the  Governor's 
chairs  and  legislatures. 

The  result  of  the  national  campaign  of  1892  was  a  sur 
prise  to  both  the  leading  parties.  There  had  been  but 
little  excitement,  and  nothing  more  than  a  quiet  confi 
dence  manifested.  But  it  was  found  that  the  labor  vote 
had  revolted  against  its  employers,  and  that  the  Populist 
strength  had  proved  enormous  beyond  all  calculation, 
having  swept  several  Republican  states  of  the  northwest 
from  their  political  moorings.  Ex-president  Cleveland 
was  elected,  and  with  him  a  large  majority  of  Democrats 
in  the  fifty-third  Congress,  the  strength  of  parties  being 
two  hundred  and  twenty-one  Democrats,  one  hundred  and 
twenty-five  Republicans,  ten  Populists.  The  Senate  was 
also  Democratic,  the  party  strength  being  forty-three 
Democrats,  thirty-seven  Republicans,  and  five  Populists. 

This  was  really  a  greater  political  revolution  than  that 
of  1884  had  been.  The  Democratic  party  found  itself  in 
possession  of  all  branches  of  the  Government  for  the  first 
time  in  thirty- two  years,  and  it  could  apply  its  principles 
at  will.  But  though  a  triumphant,  it  was  to  be  by  no 
means  a  happy,  party.  Its  alliances  with  Populists  en 
couraged  the  free  silver  sentiment  in  its  ranks,  and  out  of 
fusion  was  to  come  confusion,  as  so  often  happens  in  party 
history. 

A  feeling  of  discontent  rested  heavily  on  the  country 
and  a  sense  of  danger  haunted  commercial  centres.  Gold 
went  abroad  rapidly.  The  Treasury  reserve  became  de 
pleted.  Exports  fell  off.  Expenditures  exceeded  receipts. 


PARTIES,    PAST   AND    PRESENT.  10  J 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  intimated  the  probability 
of  redeeming  silver  certificates  in  silver.  At  once  solid 
dread  fell  on  the  banks  and  capitalists.  Credits  shrivelled, 
banks  closed,  corporations  and  firms  went  to  the  wall, 
business  demoralization  became  well-nigh  universal,  mills 
closed,  labor  went  idle.  The  period  was  one  of  panic,  or 
rather  of  that  awful  suspension  of  faith  and  credit  which 
is  usually  worse  than  panic,  because  it  is  less  treatable  by 
remedies  and  of  longer  duration.  It  was  to  rest  like  an 
incubus  on  the  entire  second  administration  of  Mr.  Cleve 
land. 

It  was  thought  that  the  Sherman  Silver  Act  of  1890 
had  something  to  do  with  the  disastrous  times.  Congress 
was  called  in  special  session,  August  7,  1893,  and  the 
purchasing  clause  of  the  bill  was  repealed,  but  not  with 
out  strenuous  opposition  by  the  free  silver  coinage  men. 
Credit  was  somewhat  fortified,  but  the  industrial  panic 
still  prevailed  and  even  assumed  more  disastrous  forms, 
It  was  evident  that  the  cause  had  not  been  rightly 
guessed. 

Amid  this  gloom  the  fifty-third  Congress  met  in  regular 
session,  December  4,  1893.  Its  meeting  was  rendered 
more  sombre  by  the  fact  that  a  counter  political  revolt 
tion  had  set  in,  in  1893,  less  diffused  but  more  emphatic 
than  that  of  1892  had  been.  Democratic  States,  like  New 
York,  were  swept  by  the  Republicans,  by  large  majorities. 
It  was  evident  that  the  country  was  in  violent  reaction. 
Still  the  Congress  went  actively  about  the  work  of  sub 
stituting  a  new  Tariff  act  for  that  of  1890.  The  bill, 
which  became  known  as  the  "  Wilson  Bill,"  was  framed 
very  far  along  the  approaches  to  free  trade,  so  much  so 
indeed  that  the  Democrats  in  the  Senate  forced  into  it 
many  material  amendments  so  as  to  make  it  secure  more 


102  PARTIES,   PAST   AND   PRESENT. 

revenue.  It  was  passed,  but  never  received  the  Presidents* 
signature.  It  became  a  law  not  only  without  the  Presi 
dent's  endorsement,  but  with  his  expressed  disapprobation. 
The  Democrats  had  now  applied  to  the  situation  one  of 
their  most  heroic  remedies,  had  placed  the  country  on  a 
new  economic  plain.  They  had  even  incorporated  in  the 
Tariff  the  Populist  doctrine  of  an  income  tax.  This  the 
Supreme  Court  decided  to  be  unconstitutional. 

All  the  while  the  Treasury  condition  was  growing  worse. 
The  Gold  reserve  could  not  be  preserved,  and  the  deficit 
was  growing  daily.  In  order  to  meet  expenses  and  pre 
serve  the  National  credit,  a  resort  was  had  to  borrowing. 
$50,000,000  bonds  were  sold  in  order  to  replenish  the 
Treasury.  This  did  not  last  long,  and  another,  and  still 
a  third  issue,  became  necessary,  making  a  total  of  $262,- 
000,000,  in  a  little  over  a  year.  This  use  of  bonds  in 
order  to  keep  the  Treasury  in  funds  was  highly  exas 
perating  to  free  silver  coinage  sentiment  in  the  Demo 
cratic  party,  while  the  country  at  large  felt  great  disap 
pointment  over  the  fact  that  the  Wilson  tariff  was  falling 
so  far  below  the  expectations  and  promises  of  its  projec 
tors  in  providing  revenue  sufficient  for  the  needs  of  Gov 
ernment  in  time  of  peace.  Added  to  this,  Mr.  Cleveland 
had  been  unfortunate  in  his  foreign  policy,  and  had  antag 
onized  the  patriotic  spirit  of  the  people.  It  was  hardly 
surprising  therefore,  that  the  political  reaction  which  be 
gan  in  1893  should  assume  fuller  proportions  in  1894. 
The  large  Democratic  majority  in  the  House  was  over 
turned  by  an  equally  large  Republican  majority  in  the 
fifty-fourth  Congress.  It  was  therefore  to  a  hostile  body 
that  President  Cleveland  made  his  plea  for  financial  relief, 
in  his  message  to  the  fifty-fourth  Congress.  The  House 
came  to  his  rescue  with  a  provisional  tariff  bill  designed 


PARTIES,    PAST    AND    PRESENT.  103 

to  increase  the  Custom's  revenue  sufficiently  to  meet  the 
needs  of  the  Treasury.  But  this  could  not  be  passed  in 
the  Senate,  owing  to  the  attitude  of  parties  there,  the 
free  silver  coinage  sentiment  holding  a  balance  of  power, 
and  being  determined  to  fix  a  recognition  of  its  principles 
on  all  the  legislation  it  could. 

CAMPAIGN  OF  1896. 

The  shapings  of  the  campaign  of  1896,  proved  to  be 
most  interesting.  The  free  silver  coinage  sentiment  which, 
as  we  have  seen,  the  Populists  formulated  in  their  plat 
form  of  1892,  but  which  had  been  a  prolific  source  of  agi 
tation  long  before,  had  well-nigh  taken  possession  of  the 
Democratic  party  in  the  Western  and  Southern  States, 
and  had  come  to  the  front  in  the  Republican  party  of  the 
mining  States  sufficiently  to  threaten  their  allegiance. 
So  conspicuous  and  pervading  had  the  sentiment  become 
that  the  name  "  Populist  "  was  almost  lost  in  that  of  Free 
Silverite  "  as  a  party  cognomen. 

While  the  free  silver  coinage  sentiment  was  thus  affect* 
ing  both  the  Republican  and  Democratic  parties  in  kind, 
it  was  not  doing  so  in  degree,  for  its  invasion  of  the  Demo 
cratic  ranks  was  where  they  had  been  strongest,  while  it 
penetrated  but  little  into  the  strong  Republican  States. 
The  Democrats  stood  in  awe  of  it,  for  the  reason  that  they 
had  coquetted  with  and  encouraged  it  in  1892,  and  for  the 
additional  reason  that  the  administration  had  directly  and 
bitterly  antagonized  it  by  seeking  to  make  all  that  consti 
tuted  its  opposite  a  part  of  administrative  policy.  The 
Republicans  had  less  fear  of  it,  for  the  reason  that  how 
ever  rabid  the  sentiment  might  become  in  the  States  that 
were  most  affected  by  it,  the  more  important  principle  of 
protection  would  be  there  to  modify  or  thwart  it. 


104  PARTIES,    PAST   AND   PRESENT. 

The  first  party  to  open  the  campaign  was  the  Prohibi 
tion  party  which  met  at  Pittsburg,  May  27,  and  nominated 
Joshua  Levering,  of  Maryland,  for  president  on  a  single 
plank  platform  setting  forth  the  principles  of  the  party. 
This  Convention  witnessed  a  bolt  led  by  the  free  silver 
coinage  men,  on  account  of  their  failure  to  secure  the  in 
sertion  of  a  free  silver  plank  in  the  platform.  The  bolters 
set  up  a  new  party  and  a  separate  ticket. 

The  second  National  Convention  was  that  of  the  Re 
publican  party,  which  met  at  St.  Louis,  June  16, 1896,  and 
nominated  William  McKinley  for  president.  The  plat 
form  declared  for  an  ample  protective  tariff  and  for  the 
maintainance  of  the  existing  gold  standard  of  money. 
The  failure  of  the  radical  free  silver  coinage  men  to  secure 
a  plank  in  the  platform  pledging  the  party  to  free  silver 
coinage  at  the  ratio  of  sixteen  to  one,  led  to  a  bolt  which 
portended  the  loss  of  several  of  the  States  interested  hi 
silver  mining. 

The  preliminary  battle  for  ascendency  in  the  Demo 
cratic  Convention  called  to  meet  in  Chicago  on  July  6, 
1896,  was  the  fiercest  in  the  annals  of  the  party.  The 
free  silver  coinage  men  were  actively,  boldly  and  bitterly 
aggressive  from  the  very  inception  of  the  campaign,  and 
were  constantly  encouraged  by  the  local  elections  in  the 
states. 

As  time  wore  on  their  confidence  was  increased,  and 
that  of  the  gold,  or  the  sound  money,  wing  fell.  Even 
the  heroic  effort  of  President  Cleveland,  by  open  letter,  tc 
stay  the  free  silver  coinage  tide  passed  without  effect,  and 
it  was  conceded,  some  time  before  the  meeting  of  the 
Convention,  that  the  mastery  of  the  free  silver  coinage 
wing  of  the  party  would  be  complete.  The  first  test  vote 
showed  556  for  free  silver  to  349  against. 


PRINCIPLES   OF   FREE-TRADE. 

FREE-TRADE  exists  only  in  theory.  There  is  no  actual 
free-trade  in  all  the  world. 

Those  who  ground  their  arguments  on  the  abstract  doc 
trine  of  free-trade  are  free-traders. 

Those  who  admit  the  necessity  or  propriety  of  a  tariff  for 
revenue  only  are  free-traders.  All  the  political  economists 
of  the  free-trade  school — Adam  Smith,  Mill,  Ricardo,  Say, 
List,  Laveleye,  Wells,  Wayland — say  that  a  government  has 
a  right  to  levy  a  tax  for  its  support,  and  that  the  tariff  is  the 
least  onerous  and  easiest  collected  tax. 

A  tariff  for  revenue  with  incidental  protection  begins  to 
draw  the  line  between  the  free-trader  and  the  protectionist. 

A  "  Tariff  Reformer  "  is  either  an  outright  free-trader,  or 
a  believer  in  a  revenue  tariff  with  incidental  protection.  He 
may  be  none  the  less  a  protectionist. 

Politics  confuse  these  terms.  American  politics  are  espe 
cially  loose  respecting  them.  We  change  both  theories  and 
terms  with  the  rapidity  of  a  new  and  enterprising  country. 

In  England  "  free-trade  "  and  "  free-trader  "  carry  no  re 
proach.  The  meaning  of  the  terms  is  understood,  as  well 
as  the  doctrine. 

In  political  economy  there  is  no  doubt  about  terms.  The 
free-trader  and  protectionist  are  what  they  profess  to  be. 

The  early  economic  writers  were  mostly  free-traders. 
Protection,  which  all  nations  practiced,  did  not  seem  to  ad 
mit  of  theories  or  encourage  a  literature. 

It  is  well  to  understand  that  the  astounding  revelations  in 
connection  with  the  development  of  the  United  States  have 

(105) 


106  PRINCIPLES  OF  FREE-TRADE. 

shaken  all  the  old  theories  respecting  free-trade  and  protec, 
tion,  and  made  a  new  political  economy  possible,  if  not 
necessary. 

A  primary  law  of  political  economy  is  that  an  increase 
of  the  productiveness  of  the  country  implies  an  increase  of 
its  capital.  No  law  can  create  capital. 

A  second  law  is  that  productiveness  depends  on  the  num 
ber  of  laborers.  Legislation  cannot  create  men. 

A  third  law  is  that  productiveness  depends  on  the  stin> 
ulus  to  labor.  Protection  changes  only  the  mode  of  labor. 
If  it  attracts  manufacturers,  it  repels  agriculturalists,  and, 
vice  versa.  What  it  pays  as  a  stimulus  to  one  industry  it 
subtracts  from  another.  Hence  there  is  no  gain  to  labor 
as  a  whole. 

Protection  increases  the  price  of  an  article.  As  price  in 
creases,  demand  diminishes.  The  less  an  article  is  wanted, 
the  less  it  will  be  produced.  The  demand  for  labor  dimin 
ishes.  The  price  of  labor  diminishes.  The  stimulus  to 
labor  is  decreased. 

The  watchword  of  free-traders,  or  freedom  of  exchange, 
is  Laissez  faire  ;  laissez  passer :  "  leave  it  alone."  This  is 
nature.  Allow  every  one  to  buy  and  sell  where  he  can  do 
so  most  advantageously,  whether  in  or  out  of  his  own 
country. 

Revenue  from  customs  on  foreign  goods  may  be  per 
mitted  by  the  doctrine  of  laissez  faire,  but  it  is  a  tax,  and  a 
bad  one. 

To  establish  duties  under  the  pretext  of  protecting 
national  industries  is  an  iniquitous  measure  fatal  to  the  gen 
eral  interests. 

By  forcing  a  consumer  to  buy  at  a  higher  price  than  he 
would  have  otherwise,  or  elsewhere,  to  pay,  is  to  perpetrate 
the  injustice  of  taxing  one  class  for  the  benefit  of  another. 


PRINCIPLES  OF  FREE-TRADE.  107 

Political  economy  draws  no  distinction  between  classes. 
So,  if  it  be  said  that  protection  by  means  of  tariff  duties  has 
for  its  purpose  the  favor  of  labor,  it  favors  a  class,  none  the 
less. 

True  industrial  economy  aims  not  to  increase  but  dimin 
ish  labor.  If,  with  what  I  can  earn  in  one  day,  I  can  buy  a 
yard  of  cloth  from  a  foreigner,  why  force  me  to  spend  two 
days'  labor  for  the  same  ? 

An  injury  is  done  to  humanity  by  a  system  which  forces 
men  into  manufactories.  The  custom  house  snatches  men, 
women  and  children  from  open  air  tasks,  and  chains  them 
in  gloomy  workshops  for  twelve  to  fourteen  hours  out  of 
twenty- four. 

Free-trade  applies  to  whole  peoples  the  principle  of  the 
division  of  labor,  assures  them  all  that  such  principle  can 
bestow,  and  thereby  enhances  their  welfare. 

When  each  is  employed  at  what  he  can  do  best,  the  indi 
vidual  shares  are  greatest. 

When  each  is  compelled  by  legislation  to  do  what  he  must, 
and  what  he  may  not  have  aptitude  for,  the  aggregate  of 
labor  will  not  be  so  great,  and  the  individual  will  be  worse 
off. 

So  when  each  country  or  nation  fails  to  devote  its  ener 
gies  to  what  nature  most  favors,  it  will  not  bring  to  market 
the  maximum  obtained  by  the  minimum  of  toil,  but  the  re 
sults  of  a  diminished  productivity. 

No  man  can  be  so  self-sufficient  as  to  confine  himself  to 
the  manufacture  of  his  food,  clothing,  furniture,  books,  etc. 
The  nation  is  no  better  off  than  the  man. 

Protection  obliges  me  to  grow  wheat,  without  reference 
to  soil.  But  in  nature  my  soil  may  be  sandy,  and  I  could 
better  afford  to  raise  something  else  in  exchange  for  wheat, 
which  grows  better  on  my  neighbor's  clay  soil. 


to8  PRINCIPLES  OF  FREE-TRADE. 

Commerce  is  always  an  exchange  of  produce  against  pro 
duce.  So  much  exported,  so  much  imported.  Therefore 
the  foreigner  cannot  inundate  us  with  goods.  The  differ 
ent  countries  cannot  sell  more  than  they  buy. 

Industrial  progress  begets  competition.  Don't  limit  it  at 
the  confines  of  a  state  or  nation.  The  widest  competition 
is  the  most  universal  profit.  Monopoly  means  sloth ;  pro 
tection,  routine.  The  manufacturer  who  is  forced  to  keep 
hold  of  the  home  market  will  conquer  the  world. 

A  railroad  uniting  two  countries  facilitates  exchanges  ; 
customs  dues  impede  them. 

Free-trade  has  for  its  object  the  diminution  of  labor. 
Machinery  has  the  same  object.  Protection,  therefore, 
should  demand  the  abolition  of  machinery,  in  order  to  be 
consistent. 

Capital  turns  spontaneously  to  the  most  lucrative  employ 
ment.  Protection  turns  it  to  the  less  lucrative,  and  seeks  to 
make  up  the  difference  by  a  tax  on  consumers. 

The  argument  that  a  country  should  be  independent  of 
foreigners  in  time  of  war  is  of  no  avail  in  this  era  of  easy 
and  ready  transportation.  Neutral  ships  may  transport  the 
goods  of  belligerents.  The  blockade  of  a  nation  is  impos 
sible. 

The  doctrine  of  free-trade,  like  that  of  protection,  is 
oftentimes  best  sustained  by  attacking  and  exploding  the 
theories  of  the  adversary. 

Modern  politics,  especially  the  politics  of  a  free  country 
like  that  of  the  United  States,  are  prolific  of  arguments  and 
phrases  which  greatly  affect  the  stereotyped  theories  of  free- 
trade  and  protection. 

Hence,  having  passed  from  the  ascertained  laws  of  free- 
trade,  as  found  in  the  books,  and  as  built  on  the  experience 
of  foreign  countries,  on  monarchical  conditions,  and  on  a 


BENJAMIN  R.  TILLMAN. 

Born  in  Eclgefield  co.,  S.  C.,  Aug.  11, 1817  ;  joined  Confederate  Army, 
1864;  a  fanner  till  1886;  engaged  in  agitation  which  led  to  establish 
ment  of  Clemson  Agricultural  and  Mechanical  College  at  Fort  Hill ; 
farmers'  candidate  for  Governor  in  1890;  elected  in  Nov.;  re-elected  in 
1892;  term  signalized  by  passage  of  dispensary  law  and  founding  of 
another  college,  the  Winthrop  Normal  and  Industrial  College  for 
Women,  at  Rock  Hill ;  entered  the  race  for  candidate  against  Senator 
Butler,  and  the  two  canvassed  the  State  together ;  elected  to  LJ.  S.  Senate 
in  1895 ;  member  of  Committees  on  Mines  and  Mining,  Naval  Affairs, 
Public  Lands,  Canada  Relations,  and  Forest  Preservation. 


HON.  CHARLES  F.  CRISP. 

Born  in  Sheffield,  England,  January  29,  1845,  of  American  parents-, 
educated  ir.  common  schools  of  Savannah  and  Macon,  Ga. ;  entered 
Confederate  army,  May,  1861  ;  a  prisoner  of  war,  1864-65;  studied  law 
in  Americus,  Ga.,  and  admitted  to  bar,  1866;  practiced  in  Ellaville ; 
appointed  Solicitor-general  in  1872  and  again  in  1873 ;  moved  to  Americus 
in  1873 ;  appointed  Judge  of  Superior  Court,  1876,  and  elected  to  same, 
1878 ;  re-elected  Judge,  1880 ;  elected  to  48ih,  49th,  50th,  51st,  52d,  53d 
and  54th  Congresses ;  elected  Speaker  of  House  in  52d  and  53d  Con 
gresses  ;  member  of  the  Committees  on  Ways  and  Means  and  Rule? 


PRINCIPLES  OF  FREE-TRADE.  in 

geography,  climatology  and  sociology  different  from  our 
own,  there  is  opportunity  for  new  laws  founded  on  different 
natural  and  commercial  conditions.  This  also  gives  free 
play  to  the  doctrines  respecting  protection. 

Bearing  this  in  mind,  we  are  prepared  for  opinions  and 
assertions  which  have  weight  in  free  discussion,  but  which 
are  somewhat  removed  from  the  seriousness  and  weight  of 
fortified  laws. 

These  are  none  the  less  worthy  of  consideration,  for  even 
if  there  is  no  economic  law  back  of  them,  they  may  fore 
shadow  truths  which  experience  will  ripen  into  economic 
axiom.  As  other  nations,  less  expansive  than  ours,  less 
liberally  endowed  by  nature,  and  altogether  less  advanced 
in  industrial  and  commercial  knowledge  and  opportunity, 
have  formulated  economic  laws,  which  are  quoted  with 
favor  and  accepted  as  final,  so  this  nation  may  well  assume 
to  ascertain  what  is  best  for  itself,  and  to  givfe  its  conclu 
sions  the  form  of  economic  axiom. 

In  this  point  of  view  the  American  political  economist 
becomes  an  impressive  and  invaluable  economist,  and  the 
passionate  wisdom  of  the  partisan  something  which  is  crude 
quartz  to  the  view,  yet  with  crystals  of  gold  inside. 

As  instances,  the  protectionist  is  challenged  for  reply  by 
the  declaration  that  the  system  of  protection  is  sustained 
by  the  co-operation  of  its  beneficiaries,  and  that  they  are 
held  together  by  the  "  cohesive  power  of  public  plunder." 

Similarly,  by  the  declaration  that  the  tariff  is  a  tax  upon 
the  consumer,  and  that,  especially,  when  imposed  on  raw 
materials.  Ten  cents  a  pound  upon  wool  means  that  the 
consumer  will  have  to  pay  that  much  more  for  the  cloth 
made  of  that  pound. 

So,  when  a  tariff  is  declared  to  be  vicious  in  principle 


H2  PRINCIPLES   OF   FREE-TRADE. 

that  seeks  to  perpetuate  high  rates.  Hamilton  is  quoted, 
in  1791  : 

"  The  continuance  of  bounties  on  manufactures  long  es 
tablished  must  always  be  of  questionable  policy;  because  a 
presumption  would  arise  in  every  such  case  that  there  were 
natural  and  inherent  impediments  to  success." 

Clay  is  quoted,  in  1833  : 

"  The  theory  of  protection  supposes,  too,  that  after  a  cer 
tain  time  the  protected  arts  will  have  acquired  such  strength 
and  perfection  as  will  enable  them,  subsequently,  unaided 
to  stand  against  foreign  competition." 

The  theory  that  a  tariff  protects  labor  by  furnishing  it 
employment  is  the  old  theory  of  "  the  maximum  of  toil 
and  the  minimum  of  profit,"  whereas  the  true  economic 
theory  is  "  the  minimum  of  toil  and  the  maximum  of  profit." 

A  tariff  favors  a  class  and  tends  to  monopolies  and  the 
formation  of  trusts,  with  power  to  regulate  prices  and  bur 
den  consumers. 

A  protective  tariff  and  protective  policy  is  not  such  a 
public  policy  as  needs  to  be  supported  by  the  people  at 
large.  The  principle  and  fact  are  denied  that  protection  of 
in  article  by  levying  a  duty  on  it  tends  to  cheapen  the  price 
of  the  article,  after  its  manufacture  has  been  established. 

To  defend  protection  is  to  justify  the  taking  of  one  man's 
money  and  putting  it  in  another's  pocket. 

The  tariff  that  looks  to  the  protection  of  labor  really  in 
jures  labor  when  it  leads  to  the  production  of  articles  in 
this  country  cheaper  than  abroad. 

Gladstone  defends  free-trade  on  moral  grounds — the  com 
mercial  doing  as  you  would  wish  to  be  done  by. 

Patrick  Henry  said  : 

"  Commerce  should  be  as  free  as  the  winds  of  heaven ;  a 
restricted  commerce  is  like  a  man  in  chains,  crippled  in  all 


PRINCIPLES   OF   FREE-TRADE.  113 

his  movements  and  bowed  to  the  earth ;  but  let  him  twist 
the  fetters  from  his  legs  and  he  stands  erect." 

Protection  has  invoked  many  wars  and  rebellions.  The 
head-spring  of  the  American  Revolution  was  the  Naviga 
tion  Act,  an  English  system  of  protection  which  sacrificed 
to  English  monopoly  the  natural  rights  of  her  colonies. 

In  keeping  with  the  Navigation  Act  were  other  English 
laws  suppressing  important  manufactures  as  well  as  internal 
trade  in  the  colonies.  In  the  land  of  the  beaver  no  man 
could  be  a  hatter  unless  he  had  served  seven  years  as  an 
apprentice  at  the  trade.  No  American  liat  could  be  sent 
out  of  one  province  into  another.  Steel  furnaces,  plating 
forges  and  slitting  mills  were  prohibited  as  nuisances.  Lord 
Chatham  said  that  in  a  certain  contingency  he  would  pro 
hibit  the  manufacture  in  the  American  Colonies  of  even  so 
much  as  a  horseshoe  or  a  hobnail.  Lord  Sheffield  declared 
that  the  only  use  England  had  for  the  American  Colonies 
was  "  the  monopoly  of  their  consumption  and  the  carriage 
of  their  produce."  These  violations  of  natural  law  worked 
their  own  overthrow,  and  the  mother  Country  lost  the 
brightest  jewel  in  her  crown.  This  event  led  England  to 
re-examine  her  commercial  system  and  to  adopt  the  policy 
of  free-trade. 

Adam  Smith  completed  his  great  work,  "  Nature  and 
Causes  of  the  Wealth  of  Nations,"  the  very  year  America 
declared  her  independence,  1776. 

In  1817,  when  Parliament  repealed  the  duty  on  salt,  the 
agents  of  the  salt  monopolies  plead  for  a  prohibitory  duty 
on  it.  "  Thus  fell,"  says  Thomas  H.  Benton,  "  an  odious, 
impious  and  criminal  tax." 

"  The  leaven  of  free-trade  principles  continued  to  work 
in  England  under  the  wise  and  skilful  supervision  of  Rich- 


H4  PRINCIPLES  OF  FREE-TRADE. 

ard  Cobden,  and  reached  its  culminating  triumph  in  the  re 
peal  of  the  Corn  Laws  in  1846." — Richard  Hawley. 

In  1842  England  exported  goods  to  the  amount  of  $570,- 
000,000,  and  in  1865  to  the  amount  of  $1,815,000,000.  In 
the  same  time  her  imports  rose  from  $326,000,000  to  $909,- 
000,000.  In  1842  the  number  of  articles  subject  to  duty 
was  1,150;  in  18700111743  articles  were  subject  to  duty, 
and  the  duty  was  not  protective.  Yet  her  revenue  from 
customs  was  about  the  same  in  1870  as  in  1842.  She  now 
levies  duty  only  on  about  a  dozen  articles,  such  as  tea,  coffee, 
tobacco,  spirits,  wines,  etc. 

Hon.  David  A.  Wells  makes  an  argument  for  free-trade, 
or  free  exchange,  thus  : — "  Population  in  the  United  States 
increased  from  1860  to  1870,  22.2  per  cent.  The  products 
of  our  manufactures  increased  in  the  same  period  52  per 
cent.  This  tendency  of  manufacturing  products  to  increase 
faster  than  population  gluts  our  home  markets  and  shows 
the  necessity  for  larger  and  freer  commerce." 

"  There  is  no  nation,"  says  he,  "  or  country,  or  commit 
nity,  nor  probably  any  one  man,  that  is  not,  by  reason  of 
differences  in  soil,  climate,  physical  or  mental  capacities,  at 
advantage  or  disadvantage  as  respects  some  other  nation, 
country,  community  or  men  in  producing  or  doing  some 
thing  useful.  It  is  only  a  brute,  furthermore,  as  economists 
have  long  recognized,  that  can  find  a  full  satisfaction  for  its 
desires  in  its  immediate  surroundings ;  while  poor  indeed 
must  be  the  man  of  civilization  that  does  not  lay  every 
quarter  of  the  globe  under  contribution  every  morning  for 
his  breakfast.  Hence — springing  out  of  this  diversity  in  the 
powers  of  production,  and  of  wants  in  respect  to  locations 
and  individuals — the  origin  of  trade.  Hence  its  necessity 
and  advantage  ;  and  the  man  who  has  not  sufficient  educa 
tion  to  read  the  letters  of  any  printed  book  perceives  by 


PRINCIPLES  OF   FREE-TRADE.  115 

instinct,  more  clearly,  as  a  general  rule,  than  the  man  of 
civilization,  that  if  he  can  trade  freely,  he  can  better  his  con 
dition  and  increase  the  sum  of  his  happiness ;  for  the  first 
thing  the  savage,  when  brought  in  contact  with  civilized 
man,  wants  to  do,  is  to  exchange ;  and  the  first  effort  of 
every  new  settlement  in  any  new  country,  after  providing 
temporary  food  and  shelter,  is  to  open  a  road  or  other  means 
of  communication  to  some  other  settlement,  in  order  that 
they  may  trade  or  exchange  the  commodities  whicli  they 
can  produce  to  advantage,  for  the  products  which  some 
others  can  produce  to  greater  advantage.  And,  obeying 
this  same  natural  instinct,  the  heart  of  every  man,  that  has 
not  been  filled  with  prejudice  of  race  or  country,  or  per 
verted  by  talk  about  the  necessity  of  tariffs  and  custom 
houses,  experiences  a  pleasurable  emotion  when  it  learns 
that  a  new  road  has  been  opened,  a  new  railroad  constructed, 
or  that  the  time  of  crossing  the  seas  has  been  greatly  short 
ened  ;  and  if  to-day  it  could  be  announced  that  the  problem 
of  aerial  navigation  had  been  solved,  and  that  hereafter 
everybody  could  go  everywhere,  with  all  their  goods  and 
chattels,  for  one-tenth  of  the  cost  and  in  one-tenth  of  the 
time  that  is  now  required,  one  universal  shout  of  jubilation 
would  arise  spontaneously  from  the  whole  civilized  world. 
And  why?  Simply  because  everybody  would  feel  that 
there  would  be  forthwith  a  multitude  of  new  wants,  an  equal 
multitude  of  new  satisfactions,  an  increase  of  business  in 
putting  wants  and  satisfactions  into  the  relations  of  equa 
tions  in  which  one  side  would  balance  the  other,  and  an  in 
crease  of  comfort  and  happiness  everywhere." 

"All  trade,"  he  says,  "  is  at  the  bottom  a  matter  of  barter; 
product  being  given  for  product  and  service  for  service; 
that  in  order  to  sell  we  must  buy,  and  in  order  to  buy  we  must 
sell ;  and  that  he  who  won't  buy  can't  sell,  and  he  who  won't 


n6  PRINCIPLES   OF  FREE-TRADE. 

sell  can't  buy.  .  .  .  The  United  States,  for  now  a  long  series 
of  years,  has,  in  its  fiscal  policy,  denied  or  ignored  the  truth 
of  the  above  economic,  axiomatic  principles.  It  has  not, 
indeed,  in  so  many  distinct  words  said  to  the  American  pro 
ducers  and  laborers,  You  shall  not  sell  your  products  and 
your  labor  to  the  people  of  other  countries ;  but  it  has  em 
phatically  said  to  the  producers  and  laborers  of  other  coun 
tries,  We  do  not  think  it  desirable  that  you  should  sell  your 
products  or  your  labor  in  this  country ;  and,  as  far  as  we  can 
interpose  legal  obstructions,  we  don't  intend  that  you  shall ! 
But  in  shutting  others  out,  we  have  at  the  same  time,  and 
necessarily,  shut  ourselves  in.  And  herein  is  trouble  No.  i. 
The  house  is  too  small,  measured  by  the  povwer  of  producing, 
for  those  that  live  in  it.  And  remedy  $o.  I  is  to  be  found 
in  withdrawing  the  bolts,  taking  off  the  locks,  opening  th* 
doors,  and  getting  out  and  clear  of  all  restrictions  on  pro 
ducing  and  the  disposal  of  products." 

Mr.  Wells  illustrates  his  theory  by  the  failure  of  the 
United  States  to  compete  with  England  for  the  trade  of 
Chili,  Argentine  and  other  countries.  For  though  we  could 
place  our  cotton  manufactures  in  those  countries  as  cheaply 
as  England  could,  we  refused  to  take  their  products  freely 
in  turn,  or  except  by  first  imposing  a  duty  on  them.  The 
position  assumed  by  Mr.  Wells  that  "  all  trade  is  at  the  bol- 
tom  a  matter  of  barter,"  ignores,  in  part,  the  function  of 
money  in  the  making  of  exchanges.  He  was  answered 
thus  by  a  "  Protection  "  writer : 

"  The  function  of  money,  or  its  representatives,  is  that  of 
enabling  indirect  exchanges  to  be  made.  The  shoemaker 
buys  his  cabbages  from  one  man  and  sells  his  shoes  to  an 
other.  Trade,  in  place  of  being  a  right  line  between  two 
points,  becomes,  so  to  speak,  triangular  and  polygonal. 

"This  applies  pre-eminently  to  nations,  which  are  aggre 


PRINCIPLES   OF   FREE-TRADE.  117 

gations  of  individuals,  each  of  whom  acts  according  to  his 
individual  interest,  in  place  of  being,  as  Mr.  Wells  assumes, 
units  actuated  by  a  common  purpose,  and  asking,  before 
they  buy  a  yard  of  calico,  whether  a  half-pound  of  copper 
regulus  will  be  taken  in  barter.  If  a  Chilian  merchant  can 
buy  a  salable  bale  of  Fall  River  cloths  cheaper  than  a  simi 
lar  bale  from  Manchester,  he  will  not  reject  it  because  the 
Fall  River  mill  cannot  buy  Chilian  copper.  He  knows  that 
the  copper  will  be  sold  to  Swansea,  and  that  the  resulting 
bill  of  exchange  on  London  will  settle  his  debt  at  Fall 
River  as  readily  as  at  Manchester.  He  knows,  moreover, 
that  if  he  patriotically  refuses  to  buy  the  Fall  River  goods, 
his  competitor  across  the  street  will  do  so  and  will  under 
sell  him.  All  this  is  the  A  B  C  of  trade,  and  no  pathetic 
groaning  over  the  55,000,000  yards  of  cotton  supplied  by 
England,  in  comparison  with  the  5,000,000  yards  supplied 
by  the  United  States  in  1874,  will  get  rid  of  it." 

Again,  Mr.  Wells'  attention  was  called  to  the  fact  that 
the  removal  of  restrictions  on  trade,  which  restrictions  are 
occasioned  by  the  imposition  of  duties,  did  not  in  fact  tend 
to  make  countries  buy  of  the  United  States,  even  though 
the  United  States  was  their  best  customer.  Thus,  in  1876, 
as  an  instance,  the  United  States  bought  of  Brazil  coffee 
and  India  rubber,  on  which  no  duties  were  levied,  to  the 
amount  of  $44,000,000,  and  sent  in  turn  only  $7,500,000  of 
her  own  products.  This  state  of  affairs  Mr.  Wells  ascribes 
to  the  absence  of  shipping  facilities  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States,  which  absence  he  accounts  for  by  reason  of 
the  same  mistaken  fiscal  and  commercial  policy  he  had 
been  speaking  against. 

Free-traders  deny  that  protection  tends  to  keep  up  the 
price  of  labor.  Germany  and  France  demand  high  duties 
in  order  to  protect  their  ill-paid  laborers  from  competition 


ii8  PRINCIPLES   OF  FREE-TRADE. 

with  the  better  paid  labor  of  England.  Therefore,  low 
wages  do  not  enable  a  country  to  compete  with  another 
country.  As  to  this  country,  such  are  the  advantages  of 
combined  capital  and  labor  that  the  workmen  are  capable 
of  a  larger  output  than  in  other  countries,  and  this  enables 
the  employer  to  afford  them  better  wages.  The  general 
high  rate  of  wages  with  us  is  due  to  the  productiveness  of 
labor,  or,  in  other  words,  to  the  energy  and  efficiency  of 
our  laborers,  the  extended  use  of  machinery  and  our  great 
natural  resources. 

Prof.  Taussig  lays  down  the  doctrine  that  it  is  wrong  to 
limit  duties  10  articles  which  can  be  produced  in  this  coun 
try.  Many  of  such  articles,  such  as  wool,  iron  and  silks, 
are  in  the  nature  of  raw  material  and  enter  into  the  manu 
facture  of  other  articles.  Tea,  coffee  and  sugar  are  entered 
free  of  duty.  A  duty  on  these  would  have  no  such  effect 
as  a  duty  on  iron,  namely,  that  of  turning  the  industry  of 
the  country  into  unproductive  channels.  If  revenue  must 
be  raised  by  duties  on  imports,  those  duties  should  fall  on 
articles  not  produced  in  this  country,  just  as  the  internal 
taxes  fall  on  tobacco  and  spirits. 

During  the  thirty  years  that  the  English  corn  laws  were 
in  existence  the  prosperity  of  the  farmer  continually  de 
clined.  Farm  labor  suffered  in  proportion.  Artisans  and 
laborers  in  manufactories  were  reduced  to  penury.  The 
peace  of  the  country,  and  even  the  existence  of  the  govern 
ment,  were  threatened. 

Sir  Robert  Peel,  who  had  changed  from  Protection  to 
Free-trade  and  had  championed  the  repeal  of  the  Corn 
Laws,  said  on  retiring  from  power :  "  I  shall  surrender 
power  severely  censured  by  those  who,  from  no  interested 
motives,  adhere  to  Protection,  considering  it  essential  to 
the  welfare  and  interests  of  the  country.  I  shall  leave  a 


PRINCIPLES    OF   FREE-TRADE.  119 

name  execrated  by  every  monopolist  who,  from  less  honor 
able  motives,  clamors  for  Protection,  because  it  conduces  to 
his  own  individual  benefit.  But,  it  may  be,  that  I  shall 
leave  a  name  sometimes  remembered  with  expressions  of 
good  will  in  the  abodes  of  those  whose  lot  is  to  labor, 
and  to  earn  their  bread  by  the  sweat  of  their  brows,  when 
they  shall  recruit  their  strength  with  abundant  and  untaxed 
food,  the  sweeter  because  it  is  no  longer  leavened  with  a. 
sense  of  injustice." 

The  entire  doctrine  of  Free-trade  was  confirmed  by  reso 
lution  in  the  British  House  of  Commons  in  1852,  and  the 
Protectionists  gave  up  the  battle. 

In  the  United  States,  from  1824  to  1833,  the  demands  of 
Protectionists  threatened  the  peace  of  the  nation,  just  as 
their  demands  did  in  England. 

At  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  the  compromise  tariff  of 
1833,  President  Jackson  said  in  his  message  of  that  year: 
"  Those  who  take  an  enlarged  view  of  the  condition  of  our 
country  must  be  satisfied  that  the  policy  of  Protection  must 
be  ultimately  limited  to  those  articles  of  domestic  manu- 
Yacture  which  are  indispensable  to  our  safety  in  time  of  war. 
Within  this  scope,  on  a  reasonable  scale,  it  is  recommended 
by  every  consideration  of  patriotism  and  duty,  which  will 
Always,  doubtless,  secure  for  it  a  liberal  support ;  but  be 
yond  this  object  we  have  already  seen  the  operation  of  the 
system  productive  of  discontent.  In  some  sections  of  the 
Union  its  influence  is  deprecated  as  tending  to  concentrate 
wealth  in  few  hands  and  as  creating  those  germs  of  de 
pendence  and  vice  which  in  other  countries  have  character 
ized  the  existence  of  monopolies  and  proved  so  destructive 
of  liberty  and  the  public  good.  A  large  proportion  of  the 
public  in  one  section  of  the  Union  declares  it  not  only  in 
expedient  on  these  grounds,  but  as  disturbing  the  equal 


120  PRINCIPLES   OI<   FREE-TRADE. 

relations  of  capital  by  legislation  and  therefore  unconstitu 
tional  and  unjust." 

Said  Senator  Rowan,  of  Kentucky,  in  1828:  "It  is  in 
vain  that  Protection  is  called  the  'American  System.' 
Names  do  not  alter  things.  There  is  but  one  American 
system,  and  that  is  delineated  in  the  State  and  Federal  Con 
stitutions.  It  is  the  system  of  equal  rights  secured  by  the 
Constitution — a  system  which  instead  of  subjecting  the 
labor  of  some  to  taxation  with  a  view  to  enrich  others,  se 
cures  to  all  the  proceeds  of  their  labor,  exempt  from  taxa 
tion  except  for  the  support  of  the  protecting  powers  of  the 
government." 

As  chairman  of  the  "  Committee  on  Manufactures  "  in 
1832,  John  Quincy  Adams  said  : — "  The  doctrine  that  duties 
of  import  seem  to  cheapen  the  price  of  the  article  on  which 
they  are  levied,  seems  to  conflict  with  the  first  dictates  of 
common  sense.  The  duty  constitutes  a  part  of  the  price  of 
the  whole  mass  of  the  article  in  the  market.  It  is  substan 
tially  paid  upon  the  article  of  domestic  manufacture,  as  well 
as  upon  that  of  foreign  production.  Upon  one  it  is  a  bounty, 
upon  the  other  a  burden,  and  the  repeal  of  the  tax  must 
operate  as  an  equivalent  reduction  of  the  price  of  the  article 

whether  foreign  or  domestic We  say  so  long  as  the 

importation  continues,  the  duty  must  be  paid  by  the  pur 
chaser  of  the  article." 

In  1846  George  M.  Dallas  said: — "This  exercise  of  the 
taxing  (tariff)  power  was  originally  intended  to  be  tem 
porary.  The  design  was  to  foster  feeble  infant  manufactures, 
especially  such  as  were  essential  for  the  defence  of  the  coun 
try  in  time  of  war.  In  this  design  the  people  have  per 
severed  until  these  saplings  have  taken  root,  become  vigorous, 
expanded  and  powerful,  and  are  prepared  to  enter  with  con 
fidence  the  field  of  fair,  free  and  universal  competition." 


PRINCIPLES   OF  FREE-TRADE.  121 

Protection  is  responsible  for  the  evils  resulting  from  a 
violation  of  law  known  as  smuggling.  This  practice,  or 
crime,  is  as  baneful  and  disastrous  to  the  honest  tradesmen 
as  the  competition  of  free-trade  is  healthful  and  beneficial. 

Taking  the  two  decades,  1840  to  1850,  and  1850  to  1860, 
and  regarding  the  first  as  a  period  which  was  most  affected 
by  the  high  tariff  of  1842,  and  the  last  as  most  affected  by 
the  free-trade  tariff  of  1846,  the  contrast  is  in  favor  of  the 
last  decade.  During  the  non-protective  period  cotton  manu 
factures  increased  130  per  cent,  woollen  manufactures  in 
creased  62  per  cent,  and  mostly  between  1857  and  1860, 
when  the  cheaper  grades  of  wool  were  admitted  free.  The 
year  1860  saw  the  manufacture  of  913,000  tons  of  pig-iron 
at  good  prices,  or  loopoo  tons  more  than  any  previous 
year.  In  1860  the  aggregate  of  our  exports  showed  an  in 
crease  of  200  per  cent,  in  ten  years.  The  decade  between 
1850  and  1860  showed  an  increase  of  agricultural  produc 
tions  of  100  per  cent  over  the  previous  decade.  In  1860 
our  total  exports  were  $400,000,000,  or  $43,500,000  more 
than  any  previous  year ;  and  our  imports  were  $362,000,000, 
a  much  larger  amount  than  any  previous  year.  We  con 
sumed  far  more  sugar,  tea  and  coffee,  per  capita,  during  the 
free-trade  tariff  decade  than  the  previous  one,  and  also  more 
than  between  the  years  of  1860  and  1868,  years  of  protec 
tion.  Farms  increased  in  value  103  per  cent  between  1850 
and  1860.  Farm  products  increased  from  75  to  100  per 
cent  The  products  of  all  our  manufactures  was  $553,000,000 
in  1850;  in  1860,  it  was  $1,009,000,000.  From  1840  to 
1850  the  real  and  personal  property  in  the  United  States  in 
creased  80  per  cent;  between  1850  and  1860  it  increased 
126  per  cent  At  no  time  prior  to  1850-1860  had  the  cap 
ital  of  the  nation  increased  so  fast,  and  nothing  demonstrates 
so  forcibly  the  success  of  free-trade  principles  in  the  United 


122  PRINCIPLES  OF  FREE-TRADE. 

States.  In  1850  there  were  872  banks;  in  1860,  1562; 
while  banking  capital  increased  from  $227,500,000  to 
$422,000,000.  Vast  sums  were  expended  in  railroad  build 
ing  during  the  decade — 21,613  miles  being  built,  as  against 
904  miles  between  1842  and  1846. 

Protective  duties  on  wool  depress  the  price  of  domestic 
wool  and  injure  wool-growers.  The  reason  is  that  when  the 
supply  of  wool-growing  countries  is  shut  out  of  our  market, 
it  floods  Europe  at  so  low  a  figure  as  to  enable  European 
manufacturers  to  make  the  finer  class  of  goods  and  sell  them 
to  us,  duty  paid,  at  a  lower  figure  than  we  can  afford  to 
make  them.  The  price  of  American  wool  has  not  risen 
with  higher  tariflfe. 

By  the  time  Protection  pays  the  penalty  of  over-produc 
tion,  it  makes  it  too  costly  as  an  experiment.  James 
Buchanan  said  in  1846: — "Our  Domestic  Manufactures 
have  been  saved  by  the  election  of  James  K.  Polk  from  be 
ing  overwhelmed  by  the  immense  capital  which  would 
have  rushed  into  them  for  investment,  and  from  an  expan 
sion  of  the  currency  which  would  have  nullified  any  protec 
tion  short  of  prohibition." 

So  Hon.  James  Lloyd,  of  Massachusetts,  said  in  the 
Senate  in  1820: — "I  am  interested  in  manufactures.  I  own 
stock  in  one  of  the  cotton-mills  running  in  my  State.  It 
regularly  pays  good  dividends  and  is  likely  to  do  so  con 
tinually  if  the  tariff  is  let  alone.  But  if  you  pass  the  bill, 
hundreds  of  such  factories  will  be  erected,  till  the  market  is 
glutted  with  their  fabrics,  when  prices  must  fall  and  our 
concern  very  possibly  be  broken  down." 

Of  the  year  1860,  the  end  of  the  free-trade  era,  General 
J;,mes  A.  Garfield  said : — "  I  suppose  it  will  be  admitted  on 
all  hands  that  1860  was  a  year  of  unusual  business  prosperity 
in  the  United  States.  It  was  at  a  time  when  the  bounties  of 


PRINCIPLES  OF  FREE-TRADE;.  123 

Providence  were  scattered  with  a  liberal  hand  over  the  face 
of  the  Republic ;  it  was  at  a  time  when  all  classes  of  our 
community  were  well  and  profitably  employed  ;  it  was  a 
time  of  peace,  the  apprehension  of  our  great  war  had  not 
yet  seized  the  minds  of  our  people ;  great  crops,  north  and 
south — great  general  prosperity — marked  the  era." 

Hon.  Caleb  B.  Smith,  President  Lincoln's  Secretary  of  the 
Interior,  says  in  his  report : — "  Without  any  special  stimulus 
to  growth — depressed  indeed,  during  the  years  1857  and 
1858,  in  common  with  other  public  interests  by  the  general 
embarrassments  of  those  years,  and  with  a  powerful  com 
petition  in  the  amazing  growth  of  manufactures  in  Great 
Britain  and  nearly  every  other  nation  in  Europe — the  manu 
factories  of  the  United  States  had  nevertheless  augmented, 
diversified  and  perfected  in  nearly  every  branch  and  uni 
formly  throughout  the  Union.  Domestic  materials,  whether 
animal,  vegetable  or  mineral,  found  ready  sales  at  remunera 
tive  prices  and  were  increased  in  amount  with  the  demand, 
while  commerce  and  internal  trade  were  invigorated  by  the 
distribution  of  both  raw  and  manufactured  products.  Inven 
tion  was  stimulated  and  rewarded.  Labor  and  capital  found 
ample  and  profitable  employment,  and  new  and  unexpected 
fields  were  opened  to  each.  Agriculture  furnished  food  and 
materials  at  moderate  cost,  and  the  skill  of  oui  artisans  cheap 
ened  and  multiplied  all  artificial  instruments  of  comfort  and 
happiness  for  the  people.  Even  the  more  purely  agricul 
tural  States  of  the  South  were  rapidly  creating  manufactories 
for  the  improvement  of  their  great  staples  and  their  abundant 
natural  resources.  The  nation  seemed  speedily  approach 
ing  a  period  of  complete  independence  in  respect  to  the 
products  of  skilled  labor,  and  national  security  and  happi 
ness  seemed  about  to  be  insured  by  the  harmonious  develop 
ment  of  all  the  great  interests  of  the  people." 


124  PRINCIPLES   OF    FREE-TRADE. 

The  principle  of  free  trade  has  never  been  applied  abso 
lutely  in  the  United  States.  No  politcal  party  has  been 
brave  enough  to  dare  the  trial.  Yet  the  arguments  in 
favor  of  free  trade  are  all  invoked  when  the  protective 
system  is  -attacked,  and  even  when  the  design  is  to  lay 
down  tariff  laws  embodying  only  the  doctrine  of  tariff  for 
revenue.  This  has  been  strikingly  exemplified  in  the 
history  of  tariff  discussion  subsequent  to  1887,  which  was 
the  date  of  Mr.  Cleveland's  celebrated  message  announc 
ing  the  necessity  for  "  Tariff  Reform.  "  His  main  argu 
ment  was  an  elaboration  of  the  idea  that  tariffs  were  a 
source  of  burdensome  and  unnecessary  taxes,  bearing  as 
directly  on  the  people  as  any  other  taxes,  and  so  to  be 
gotten  rid  of  as  speedily  as  possible. 

So  also,  in  these  later  discussions  over  tariff  reform,  the 
free  trade  doctrine  that  tariffs  fostered  trusts  was  given  un 
usual  importance.  Perhaps  this  argument  was  never  used 
so  effectively  before,  for  it  was  given  strength  l>y  the  fact 
that  trusts  had  grown  in  number  and  extent  out  of  all  pro 
portion  to  the  legitimate  needs  of  corporate  or  partnership 
enterprise.  Whether  free  trade,  or  even  tariff  reform,  would 
prove  a  panacea  for  the  evil  of  trusts,  was  not  argued  in 
an  historic  or  even  economic  sense,  for  it  was  taken  for 
granted  that  since  their  presence  in  a  time  of  protection 
was  due  to  protection,  therefore  absence  of  protection 
would  work  their  destruction. 

Again,  the  argument  that  free  trade  meant  for  this  and 
all  countries  an  open  and,  therefore,  more  profitable 
market,  was  given  especial  significance  in  that  economic 
revolution  which  came  about  through  the  passage  of  the 
Wilson  tariff  bill.  It  will  be  remembered  that  that  bill 
as  originally  drafted  went  as  far  as  its  supporters  dare  go  in 
the  application  of  free  trade  principles,  without  trenching 


PRINCIPLES    OF    FREE-TRADE.  125 

on  the  revenues  of  the  government.  It  might  be  men 
tioned  that,  as  the  sequel  proved,  they  went  further  than 
they  intended  to  go,  for  in  its  practical  workings  the 
Wilson  act  failed  to  produce  its  share  of  public  revenue. 
But  the  point  in  this  connection  was  that  it  was  to  open 
the  markets  of  this  country  to  other  countries,  and,  by 
parity  of  reasoning,  the  markets  of  other  countries  to  this 
one.  As  this  argument  never  before  had  such  opportu 
nity  for  direct  and  able  support  and  for  full  and  free  appli- 
cation,economists  as  well  as  the  interests  affected  will  await 
with  anxiety  its  practical  results.  And  this  anxiety  will 
be  intensified,  and  economic  study  greatly  advanced,  by 
coupling  with  those  results  the  fact  that  in  the  application 
of  the  argument  of  open  markets  to  the  Wilson  tariff  bill, 
a  part  of  the  aim,  and  an  aim  wholly  accomplished,  was 
the  destruction  of  the  principle  of  reciprocity  as  found  in 
corporated  in  the  McKinley  Act  of  1890.  This  principle, 
at  the  time  of  its  incorporation  into  the  above  act,  wau 
said  to  be  a  step  in  the  direction  of  free  trade.  The  argu 
ments  in  its  favor  were  certainly  analagous  for  a  certain 
distance,  to  those  used  by  free  traders  in  favor  of  open 
markets,  and  in  principle  the  two  aims  to  be  accomplished 
are  nearly  identical. 


PRINCIPLES   OF   PROTECTION. 

THE  doctrine  of  protection  starts  without  a  doubt  as  t© 
nomenclature.  As  a  principle,  it  admits  of  no  exception 
in  the  first  chapters  of  the  history  of  every  commercial 
nation. 

The  commercial  nation  never  existed  that  did  not,  at 
first,  protect  itself.  So  astute,  refined  and  far-reaching  has 
commerce  become,  that  no  nation  which  refuses  to  protect 
itself  can  ever  hope  to  test  its  fitness  for  commercial  suprem 
acy,  or  independence,  much  less  obtain  it. 

The  same  is  true  of  industrial  and  manufacturing  indej 
pendence,  both  of  which  imply  commercial  independence, 
the  moment  transit  is  acknowledged  as  a  subject  of  pro 
tection. 

Nature  supplemented  by  art  made  American  transit  supreme, 
or  nearly  so,  when  ships  were  of  wood.  Art  combined  with 
nature  made  English  ships  supreme,  when  ships  came  to  be 
of  iron.  But  nature  is  still  on  our  side  as  to  iron.  Add  the 
art  of  England  to  American  nature,  and  transit  will  have  its 
old  supremacy.  Art  is  protection  and  protection  art. 

A  protective  tariff  provides  revenue  for  the  government 
in  a  better  way  than  any  other  kind  of  a  tariff.  England 
levies  duties  for  revenue  only.  They  fall  on  two  classes  of 
articles ;  first,  luxuries ;  second,  on  articles  that  cannot  be 
raised  or  produced  profitably  at  home  and  cannot  come  into 
competition  with  home  productions.  It  so  happens  that 
the  latter  class  of  articles  embraces  tea,  coffee  and  many 
things  which  rank  as  necessities  among  the  common  people. 

Protection  omits  duties,  when  not  required  for  simple 
126 


HON.  WILLIAM  B.  ALLISON. 

Born  at  Perry,  Ohio,  March  2,  1829 ;  educated  at  Western  Reserve 
College  ;  admitted  to  bar  in  Ohio ;  moved  to  Iowa,  1857 ;  served  on 
Governor's  staff  during  war;  elected  as  Republican  to  38th,  39th,  40th 
and  41st  Congresses;  elected  to  United  States  Senate,  1872;  re-elected, 
1878,  1884  and  1890 ;  one  of  the  oldest,  ablest  and  most  respected 
Senators;  Chairman  01  Committee  on  Appropriations  ;  Member  of  Com 
mittees  on  Engrossed  Bills,  Finance,  Census,  Extension  of  Library,  and 
Geological  Survey;  prominent  candidate  for  Presidential  nominee  UJJ 
*  the  Republican  ticket  in 


HON.  WILLIAM  E.  CHANDLER. 

Born  at  Concord,  New  Hampshire,  December  28,  1835  ;  graduated  at 
Harvard  Law  School  and  admitted  to  bar,  1855  ;  reporter  of  Supreme 
Court,  1859;  member  of  New  Hampshire  Legislature,  1862-63-64; 
Speaker  of  House,  1863-64;  Solicitor  and  Judge  Advocate-General 
of  Navy  Department,  1865  ;  First  Assistant  Secretary  of  Treasury,  June 
17,  1865-November  30,  1867  ;  member  of  the  New  Hampshire  Con 
stitutional  Convention,  1876;  elected  to  New  Hampshire  Legislature, 
1881  ;  appointed  Solicitor-General  by  President  Garfield,  1881,  and  re 
jected  by  Senate;  appointed  Secretary  of  Navy  by  President  Arthur, 
April  12,  1882,  and  served  till  March  7,  1885 ;  elected  as  Republican « 
to  United  States  Senate,  June  14, 1887  ;  re-elected  June  18,  1889,  and 
again,  January  16,  1895;  Chairman  of  Committee  on  Census,  and 
member  of  other  important  Committees. 


PRINCIPLES  OF  PROTECTION.  129 

revenue,  from  tea,  sugar,  coffee,  and  articles  which  rank  aa 
necessities,  and  which  cannot  be  produced  profitably  at 
home  or  cannot  come  into  competition  with  home  produc 
tions,  and  in  their  stead  levies  discriminating  duties  upon 
articles  that  come  in  direct  competition  with  home  pro 
ducts. 

The  rate  of  such  duties  is  adjusted,  in  theory,  so  that  the 
foreign  product  cannot  enter  the  home  market  at  a  price 
below  what  it  can  be  produced  for  at  home,  with  a  fair  profit 
included. 

Some  rates  are  prohibitory,  as  when  there  is  desire  or 
determination  to  found  a  new  industry ;  but  as  a  rule  they 
are  simply  discriminative,  and  in  favor  of  industries  which 
exist,  but  which  would  cease  to  exist  unless  protected. 

Since  labor  constitutes  a  large  per  cent,  of  manufactured 
products — in  some  products  as  much  as  ninety  per  cent,  of 
the  cost — the  most  direct  effect  of  protection  is  to  maintain 
the  price  of  that  labor  as  it  enters  into  the  home  product, 
and  preserve  it  from  competition  with  the  cheaper  labor  that 
enters  into  the  same  product  abroad. 

The  effect  of  protection  on  labor  is  direct  and  indirect. 
When  the  price  of  labor  in  protected  industries  is  main 
tained,  that  in  the  unprotected  industries  is  also  maintained. 

The  application  of  protection  to  industries  in  this  country 
reverses  the  doctrine  of  political  economists  that  the  price 
of  an  article  is  increased  to  the  consumer  by  just  the  amount 
®f  duty  imposed  upon  it. 

Protection  may  increase  the  price  of  an  article  temporarily, 
and  by  some  per  cent,  of  the  duty  levied,  but  the  price  de 
clines  as  the  home  manufacture  of  the  article  enlarges  and 
home  competition  sets  in. 

Protection  encourages  capital  and  invites  it  into  enter- 


130  PRINCIPLES   OF  PROTECTION. 

prises  from  which  it  would  shrink,  owing  to  its  natural 
conservatism. 

The  spirit  of  invention  and  the  employment  of  labor-sav 
ing  machinery  and  devices  are  encouraged  by  protection. 

Labor  yields  most  when  aided  by  artificial  appliances  and 
cheered  by  liberal  and  certain  remuneration. 

The  last  three  factors  render  production  exceptional  in 
this  country.  Together  with  the  law  of  competition,  they 
furnish  an  output  of  products  better  in  quality  and  cheaper 
in  price  than  those  of  nations  that  rely  solely  on  cheap  labor 
for  cheap  price.  The  cheapness  of  protection  does  not 
imply  degradation  of  labor,  but  greater  deftness  of  hand, 
quickened  genius,  advantage  of  natural  opportunity. 

The  tariff  is  not  a  tax.  While  most  articles,  whose  home 
manufacture  has  been  encouraged  by  a  duty  upon  them,  sell 
at  no  higher  price  than  when  imported,  many  such  sell  for 
a  less  price  than  the  duty  imposed. 

When  the  foreign  producer  lands  his  goods  here,  and 
finds  them  in  competition  with  home-made  goods,  he  pays 
the  duty. 

Says  a  Bradford,  England,  manufacturer :  "  The  least  pos 
sible  reduction  in  the  American  tariff  will  be  a  grand  thing 
for  Bradford.  We  are  selling  our  goods  for  the  same  prices 
we  did  before  the  higher  tariff  was  enacted,  and  I  know  the 
Bradford  manufacturer  is  paying  the  duty,  not  the  American 
consumer." 

Another  English  manufacturer  says  :  "  If  the  duties  came 
out  of  the  American  consumer  the  English  manufacturer 
would  not  care  a  button  about  the  American  tariff  laws." 

Friedrich  List,  founder  of  the  German  Zollvercin,  or  Cus 
tom's  Union,  Adam  Smith  and  John  Stuart  Mill,  all  sub 
scribe  to  the  doctrine  that  a  country  which  is  exclusively 
agricultural  is  necessarily  backward.  They  instance  Poland. 


PRINCIPLES   OP   PROTECTION.  131 

>  Since,  then,  although  it  is  undoubtedly  bad  for  privileges 
to  give  rise  to  artificial  industries,  many  industries  well 
suited  to  the  nature  of  a  country  will  never  develop  there 
unless  at  first  protected.  The  best  road  to  arrive  at  free- 
trade  and  obtain  from  it  the  maximum  advantage  lies  through 
a  temporary  adoption  of  protection." 

Protection  in  this  country  at  first  vindicated  itself  by  the 
example  of  all  civilized  nations.  Then,  by  universal  ac 
quiescence  in  the  principle  that  duties  on  imports  were  more 
cheerfully  paid  than  any  species  of  tax  for  revenue.  Now 
it  vindicates  itself  by  what  it  has  achieved  for  the  country 
in  the  domain  of  capital  and  labor.  It  claims  to  have  won 
by  honest  effort  and  practical  results  the  title,  "American 
System." 

"  The  safety  and  interest  of  the  people  require  that  they 
should  promote  such  manufactures  as  tend  to  render  them 
independent  of  others  for  essential,  particularly  for  military, 
supplies." — George  Washington. 

"  That  it  may  be  expedient  to  guard  the  infancy  of  this 
improvement  ('  useful  manufactures ')  by  legislation  of  the 
commercial  tariff,  cannot  fail  to  suggest  itself  to  your  pa 
triotic  reflections."  Again,  "  In  adjusting  the  duties  on 
imports  to  the  object  of  revenue,  the  influence  of  the  tariff 
on  manufactures  will  necessarily  present  itself  for  considera 
tion.  However  wise  the  theory  may  be  which  leaves  to  the 
sagacity  and  interest  of  individuals  the  application  of  their 
industry  and  resources,  there  are  in  this,  as  in  all  cases,  ex 
ceptions  to  the  rule." — James  Madison. 

As  to  the  highest  duties  of  the  government,  Thomas 
Jefferson,  in  his  second  annual  message,  said :  It  is  "  to  cul 
tivate  peace  and  maintain  commerce  and  navigation  in  all 
their  lawful  enterprises ;  to  foster  our  fisheries  as  nurseries 


I32  PRINCIPLES   OF  PROTECTION. 

of  navigation  for  the  nurture  of  man ;  and  to  protect  the 
manufactures  suited  to  our  circumstances." 

"The  restrictive  legislation  of  1808-15  was>  f°r  the  time 
being,  equivalent  to  extreme  protection.  The  consequent 
rise  of  a  considerable  class  of  manufactures,  whose  success 
depended  largely  on  the  continuance  of  protection,  formed 
the  basis  of  a  strong  movement  for  more  decided  limitation 
of  foreign  competition." — Prof.  Taussig. 

Adam  Smith,  the  father  of  free-trade,  admits  that  could 
any  number  of  communities,  producing  what  each  other 
wants,  be  brought  into  commercial  contact,  there  would 
have  been  no  need  of  his  evolving  the  doctrine  of  free- 
trade.  In  this  country  there  are  forty-four,  and  more,  of 
such  communities. 

What  was  a  theory  with  Hamilton,  that  protection  tended 
to  lower  the  price  of  protected  articles,  became  a  fact  under 
the  operation  of  our  tariff  legislation. 

The  genius  of  a  nation  is  at  its  best  when  not  subjected 
to  conditions  foreign  to  it.  To  let  institutions  have  sway 
here  which  are  born  abroad,  and  which  may  be  best  for 
abroad,  would  be  for  us  to  subject  ourselves  to  monarchy. 
It  would  be  just  the  same  if  we  lost  our  commercial  or  in 
dustrial  Americanism  and  became  subject  to  the  codes 
which  demean  labor  by  caste  and  enslave  it  by  hereditary 
custom. 

The  protection  which  monarchical  countries,  without  ex 
ception,  patronized  and  by  which  they  exist  was  never  in 
the  interest  of  labor  as  now  in  this  country. 

The  conditions  which  exist  in  America  are  wholly  dif 
ferent  from  those  which  gave  color  to  free-trade  as  a  doc 
trine  with  European  economists.  Had  they  been  situated 
as  we  are,  and  known  what  we  know,  they  would  have  col- 
Uted  and  deduced  differently.  In  one  hundred  years 


PRINCIPLES   OF  PROTECTION.  1.33 

America  has  established  a  set  of  statistical  facts  which  ut 
terly  destroy  the  deductions  based  on  facts  of  an  older 
reeime  and  on  conditions  never  dreamed  of.  Protection  in 

O 

the  United  States  is  really  a  new  political  economy,  of  far 
more  worth  to  us  than  the  economic  visions  of  one  hundred 
years  ago,  indulged  by  men  who  knew  no  distinction  be 
tween  labor  and  serfdom  and  who  saw  no  hope  for  enter 
prise  outside  of  capital  linked  with  landed  aristocracy  and 
lordly  title. 

Protection  has  long  since  triumphed  over  the  argument 
that  it  was  unconstitutional.  This  argument  is  not  urged 
to-day  except  by  the  very  ignorant  or  very  prejudiced.  But 
the  argument  reappears  in  the  charge  that  protection  fosters 
monopoly.  This  was  Calhoun's  standing  argument.  He 
saw  that  it  enured  more  to  the  benefit  of  free  paid  labor  than 
of  slave  unpaid  labor,  and  that  it  encouraged  the  manufac 
turing  as  against  the  planting  classes.  The  industries  which 
involved  invention,  skill,  competition,  live  capital  and  paid 
labor  were  the  ones  which  protection  favored.  Those  which 
involved  none  of  these  received  no  benefit  from  protection 
and  did  not  need  it.  His  views  of  monopoly  turned  on  this 
point.  Since  the  downfall  of  slavery  the  heart  has  been 
taken  out  of  the  monopoly  argument,  for  it  has  become  plain 
to  all  that  what  improves  the  condition  of  the  entire  people 
does  not  savor  of  monopoly. 

Protection  protects  against  monopoly.  Before  the  tariff 
of  1824  American  cottons  sold  at  24  cents  a  yard.  After 
that  tariff,  they  sold  at  7^  cents  a  yard.  New  mills,  im 
proved  machinery  and  increased  competition,  put  a  better 
material  in  the  market  at  a  third  of  the  price. 

The  monopoly  may  be  foreign.  England  sold  us  steel 
rails,  for  railroads,  at  $150  per  ton.  She  continued  to  do 
this  till  1870,  when  a  duty  of  $28  a  ton  was  levied.  Under 


T34  PRINCIPLES   OF   PROTECTION. 

this  protection  we  began  to  build  mills  for  their  manufacture. 
The  price  of  steel  rails  began  to  decline.  They  are  now  sold 
at  a  profit  at  from  $33  to  $40  a  ton.  English  monopoly  wa? 
costing  us  five  prices  for  a  ton  of  rails. 

Protection  gives  us  competing  power  abroad.  Our  cotton 
textiles  are  recognized  as  the  best  in  the  markets  of  the 
world.  The  same  is  true  of  our  edge-tools  and  agricultural 
implements.  European  manufacturers  imitate  these  Amer 
ican  goods  and  use  American  labels  in  order  to  hold  the 
markets  of  South  America  and  the  Orient.  When  this 
competing  power  is  amplified  by  reciprocity  and  by  dired* 
steam  communication,  both  of  which  are  protective,  no  na 
tion  can  rival  us  in  South  American  and  Chinese  markets. 

A  tariff  for  revenue  is  a  tax.  A  tariff  on  tea,  coffee  and 
sugar,  raises  the  price  to  the  consumer,  because  it  offers  no 
inducement,  and  cannot,  by  reason  of  soil  and  climate,  for 
their  home  production.  Sugar  is  partly  an  exception,  as 
we  can  raise  some  sugar-cane.  It  may  become  wholly  an. 
exception  if  the  experiment  with  beets  prove  a  success.  As 
to  trading  in  manufactured  articles,  article?  of  art  and  handi 
craft,  the  application  of  the  doctrine  of  natural  right  as 
claimed  by  free-traders,  is  suicidal  to  the  younger  or  weaken 
nation.  No  nation  recognizes  it  except  in  theory.  Nations 
are  not  natural,  one  to  the  other,  as  to  trade,  except  in  the 
respect  that  they  are  selfish.  They  all  claim  the  natural 
right  to  exist,  to  grow,  to  develop,  to  be  independent.  The 
natural  right  to  be  what  nature  intends  is  higher  than  anj> 
other.  Nature  never  intended  that  one  nation  with  nurner 
ous,  large,  long  and  swift  streams,  equal  to  billions  of  horse 
power,  should  buy  for  all  time  the  manufactures  of  nations 
with  fewer,  smaller,  shorter  and  duller  streams,  equal  to  only 
millions  of  horse-power,  even  though  the  latter  nations  had 


PRINCK  IvES  OF  PROTECTION.  135 

by  reason  of  age,  so  far  turned  their  power  to  account  as  to 
be  able  to  furnish  products  cheaper  than  the  former. 

Nature  never  intended  that  one  nation  with  a  riches  of 
coal  and  ores  far  exceeding  that  of  another,  should  perpetu 
ally  buy  the  manufactures  of  that  other,  because  it  had 
delved  in  its  mines  for  ages,  and  could  offer  products  cheaper 
than  the  first. 

Nature  never  intended  that  a  new  nation  with  infinite 
resources  of  climate,  soil,  mine,  genius  and  industry  should 
subordinate  its  traffic  to  nations  of  inferior  resources,  but  with 
the  temporary  advantage  of  age. 

Nature  never  intended  that  nations  that  had  grown  old, 
ripe  and  rich  by  means  of  a  protection,  which  was  absolute 
in  comparison  with  any  that  prevails  to-day,  should  claim 
naturalness  for  a  trade  established  by  agencies  they  deny 
to  others. 

Nature  never  intended  that  conditions  of  labor  under 
which  a  laborer  can  be  an  earner,  saver,  head  of  a  family, 
house  owner,  voter  and  public-spirited  citizen,  should  be 
subjugated  to  conditions  of  labor  which  give  caste  to  occupa 
tion,  demean  calling,  yield  bare  subsistence,  crush  manhood, 
stifle  ambition, beget  slavish  routine, reduce  to  tread-mill  task. 

Nature  never  intended  that  the  genius  and  capital  of  one 
nation  with  opportunity  should  forever  obey  the  commands 
of  another,  with  less  opportunity,  but  whose  opportunity  had 
the  advantage  of  age. 

But  nature  did  intend  that  each  nation  should  profit  by  its 
gifts.  If  young  and  undeveloped,  it  should  employ  the  arts 
of  development  that  are  commensurate  with  its  gifts.  If 
weak,  it  should  cultivate  strength.  If  dependent,  it  should 
learn  independence.  The  art  of  doing  this  is  its  own  affair. 
The  art  should  be  rational,  based  on  what  it  knows  of  itself — 
its  people,  geography,  topography,  climate,soil,  ores,  streams, 


1.^6  PRINCIPLES   OF   PROTECTION. 

woods,  facilities  and  resources  in  general.  If,  in  obedience 
to  books  and  theories,  it  is  wrong  in  doing  this,  no  other 
nation  is  so  white  as  to  call  it  black.  The  consensus  of  na 
tions  in  this  respect  is  nature.  The  precise  form  of  protec 
tion  and  development  is  immaterial.  English  free-trade  is 
the  highest,  severest,  most  arbitrary  form  of  protection  of 
which  she  is  capable.  It  is  no  more  condemnatory  of  the 
American  idea  than  was  her  duty  of  $250  on  every  $500 
worth  of  iron,  not  otherwise  enumerated,  she  imported  from 
her  colonies.  It  is  no  more  acceptable  to  the  American 
idea  than  was  her  stamped  paper  and  tea-tax  which  brought 
on  the  Revolution. 

The  highest  duty  of  a  nation  is  to  cultivate  nature,  for 
nature  means  its  people,  institutions  and  resources.  In  this 
respect  America  means  far  more  than  professors  dream  of, 
far  more  than  books  teach,  far  more  than  little,  narrow  men 
with  sectional  or  foreign  predilections  prate  of,  far  more  than 
England,  all  Europe,  or  all  the  world  can  in  their  selfishness 
impress  us  with.  As  a  nation  we  have  escaped  the  thraldom 
of  monarchies,  the  shackles  of  caste,  the  hindrances  of 
mediaeval  institutions,  the  limitations  of  soil,  climate  and 
natural  resource  incident  to  a  continent  which  last  emerged 
from  polar  ice.  As  to  people  we  are  composite.  Where 
and  when  the  mentality  and  physique  of  civilization  blend 
for  the  production  of  a  type,  that  type  will  be  what  nature 
calls  for,  the  survival  of  size,  shape  and  qualities,  fitted  for, 
or  rather  shaped  by,  an  environment  such  as  has  not  hitherto 
existed.  As  to  institution,  we  have  inverted  the  pyramid  of 
monarchy  whose  tip  Is  on  the  throne  and  base  in  the  air. 
Here  the  base  is-  below,  on  the  people,  and  the  tip  is  in  the 
air,  a  sublimation  of  popular  will  and  not  a  matter  of  family 
or  blood.  As  to  areas  and  climate  we  blend  orient  and 
Occident,  tropic  and  arctic.  It  is  Italy  and  Russia,  London 


PRINCIPLES  OF  PROTECTION.  137 

and  Constantinople.  As  to  soil,  mineral,  wood  and  stream, 
the  resource  is  varied  and  infinite.  The  alluvium  between 
the  Alleghenies  and  Rockies  has  no  counterpart  in  the 
world.  Not  Ural,  Alp  or  Apennine  are  richer  in  ores  than 
our  home  ranges.  No  forests  of  Europe  or  Asia  compare  with 
our  pine  fastnesses.  No  streams  run  larger,  fresher,  swifter, 
more  constant  and  frequent.  It  is  the  place  for  new  men, 
genius,  institution,  development.  The  law,  doctrine  or  cus 
tom,  ripened  by  wholly  different  conditions,  and  sanctioned 
by  antiquity,  is  not  for  us.  We  are  a  nation — an  escape  from 
antique  environment  To  be  true  we  must  be  original. 
This  is  especially  so  as  to  economics. 

The  facts  upon  which  Smith  and  Mill  built  free-trade 
theories  are  useless  in  America.  Home  facts,  embracing 
periods  of  test,  are  the  only  true  bases  for  home  deductions. 
It  is  our  right  and  duty  to  build  on  them  and  to  evolve  for 
ourselves  the  political  economy  which  they  warrant,  regard 
less  of  the  conclusions  reached  and  the  laws  adopted  by 
other  nations.  These  facts  and  this  use  of  them  have  evolved 
the  common  law  of  protection  in  this  country,  have  con 
firmed  a  principle,  have  established  a  system — the  system 
of  American  Protection. 

When  free-trade  makes  the  claim  that  home  competition 
cannot  cheapen  certain  classes  of  home  manufactures,  pro 
tection  answers  that  in  such  cases  cheapness  equal  to  that 
of  a  foreign  product  is  undesirable ;  that  there  ought  to  be 
sufficient  patriotic  pride  among  us  to  pay  more  for  such 
articles  when  home-made  than  when  foreign-made,  their 
quality  and  utility  being  the  same ;  that  we  will  be  more 
than  repaid  for  the  difference  in  price  by  the  encouragement 
extended  to  a  home  industry  and  by  the  establishment  of  a 
home  market ;  that  every  cent  spent  at  home  is  a  contribu 
tion  to  the  comfort  of  surroundings,  the  happiness  of 


138  PRINCIPLES  OF  PROTECTION. 

neighbors,  the  erection  of  homes,  the  welfare  of  labor,  the 
founding  of  a  home  market  for  the  wool,  wheat,  corn,  butter, 
cheese,  eggs  and  vegetables  of  the  farmers,  for  which  there 
otherwise  could  be  no  possible  demand  ;  or  if  so,  the  demand 
would  be  of  so  foreign  a  nature  as  to  eat  up  profit  by  the 
cost  of  transportation,  by  commissions,  and  by  perishability. 

All  free-traders  make  much  of  the  argument  that  protec 
tion  tends  to  over-production  and  consequently  to  periods 
of  depression  and  panic.  The  protectionists  answer,  first, 
that  this  is  a  confession  that  protection  does  stimulate  pro 
duction.  Secondly,  they  deny  in  toto  that  protection  tends 
any  more  to  over-production  and  to  periods  of  depression 
and  panic,  than  free-trade.  England  is  as  much  subject  to 
periodic  visitations  of  glut  and  depression  as  any  protected 
country.  The  glut  and  depression  in  the  iron  trade  of  1884 
extended  to  every  iron-producing  country,  and  England 
suffered  most  of  all. 

In  this  connection  protection  points  confidently  to  its 
history  in  this  country,  and  relies  upon  the  unshakable 
argument  it  furnishes. 

The  absolutely  free-trade  era  between  1783  and  1789  was 
characterized  by  a  glut  of  foreign  products,  suspension  of 
industries,  bankruptcy  of  manufacturers  and  merchants, 
ruinous  depreciation  of  prices,  beggary  of  artisans  and 
laborers,  starvation  of  farmers.  Says  a  writer  of  the  period : 
"  We  are  poor  with  a  profusion  of  material  wealth  in  our 
possession.  That  we  are  poor  needs  no  other  proof  than 
our  prisons,  bankruptcies,  judgments,  executions,  auctions, 
mortgages,  etc.,  and  the  shameless  quantity  of  business  in 
our  courts  of  law." 

This  condition  passed  away  with  the  enactment  of  the 
tariff  Act  of  1789.  It  was  a  modest  provision,  but  sufficient 
to  enunciate  the  principle  of  protection  for  new  industries, 


PRINCIPLES   OF   PROTECTION.  139 

and  to  change  the  industrial  and  commercial  situation.  By 
1808  the  country  had  recovered  from  the  evil  effects  of  the 
free  trade  era.  Then  set  in  the  restrictive  measures  pre 
liminary  to  the  war  of  1 8 1 2,  as  the  Embargo  Act  of  1807  and 
the  Non-Intercourse  Act  of  1809.  Duties  were  doubled  by 
the  Act  of  1812  with  a  view  to  secure  revenue.  These 
restiictive  measures,  followed  by  actual  hostilities,  proved 
to  be  an  absolutely  prohibitive  tariff.  Immediately  every 
branch  of  domestic  industry  felt  the  stimulus.  Establish' 
ments  for  the  manufacture  of  cottons,  woolens,  iron,  glass, 
pottery,  etc.,  sprang  up  like  magic.  This  instant  and  mar 
vellous  result  was  due  to  extreme  protection,  and  it  really 
formed  the  basis  for  that  strong,  persistent  and  intelligent 
movement  which  had  for  its  view  legislative  limitation  on 
foreign  competition,  and  logical  protection,  as  found  in  Henry 
Clay's  American  System. 

This  view  found  expression  in  the  tariff  act  of  1816,  which 
increased  duties  considerably,  but  most  unfortunately  for 
only  a  limited  period.  The  25  per  cent,  on  cottons  and 
woolens  was  to  fall  to  20  per  cent,  by  1819.  What  was 
barely  protective  became  non-protective  in  three  years. 
Limitation  was  to  undo  the  affirmative  work  of  the  act. 
Though  all  that  grew  out  of  the  ground  remained  high  in 
price  for  a  time,  owing  to  shortages  in  Europe,  manufactured 
goods  declined.  The  long  pent-up  stream  of  English  mer 
chandise  flooded  the  country  after  the  close  of  the  Napo 
leonic  wars,  and  our  manufacturers  were  forced  to  the  wall. 
Panic  set  in,  and  with  it  depression,  bankruptcy  and  all  the 
evils  of  foreign  inundation.  The  products  of  the  soil  found 
the  level  of  devastation,  and  soon  every  interest  was  en 
gulfed  in  the  sad  wave  of  commercial  blight. 

The  lesson  of  this  crisis  was  not  lost  to  our  statesmen 
and  economists.  That  strong  protective  movement  set  in 


140  PRINCIPLES  OF  PROTECTION. 

which  was  to  concern  so  intimately  the  next  generation. 
England  had  grown  restrictive,  as  evidenced  by  the  passage 
of  her  corn  laws.  Cotton  and  all  our  farm  products  were 
ruinously  cheap.  The  time  was  most  favorable  for  the  pro 
tection  and  growth  of  home  manufactures  and  for  the  estab 
lishment  of  home  markets.  Home  markets  had  not  until 
this  date  been  a  leading  argument  for  protection,  but  from 
this  time  on  the  argument  grew  in  strength.  The  relief 
tariff  of  1818  merely  did  away  with  the  limitations  of  the 
Act  of  1816,  and  extended  the  duties  of  the  latter  act  till 
1826. 

After  1819,  that  is,  in  1820,  the  protectionists  made  a 
vigorous  effort  to  enact  a  really  protective  act.  They  failed 
by  a  single  vote  in  the  Senate.  They  succeeded  in  1824, 
with  a  modifiedly  protective  act,  which  became  more  con- 
firmedly  protective  in  the  act  of  1828.  This  protective 
trend  was  most  advantageous.  Recovery  from  the  effect 
of  the  panic  of  1819  was  perfect.  Manufactures  again 
sprang  up.  Labor  got  employment  and  reward.  The 
farmer  rejoiced  at  his  plow.  Prosperity  and  satisfaction 
reigned.  The  seven  years  after  1824  are  counted  as  the 
most  prosperous  they  had  ever  known. 

Free-trade  now  came  to  mean  the  perpetuation  of  slavery, 
the  nullification  of  law,  secession.  It  threw  itself  on  the 
very  legislation  it  had  encouraged,  and  with  such  ferocity 
as  to  compel  the  compromise  tariff  of  1833,  in  which  the 
principle  of  protection  was  abandoned.  Then  the  histdry 
of  1819  began  to  repeat  itself.  Depression  set  in.  Values 
fell.  Manufactures  ceased.  Merchants  went  into  bank 
ruptcy.  Farmers  became  impoverished.  Labor  begged  for 
bread.  The  horrors  of  1819  were  more  than  repeated  in  the 
final  crash  of  1837,  when  cows  sold  for  $1.00  a  head  and 
hogs  for  25  cents.  The  panic  of  1837  cost  the  country 


PRINCIPLES   OF   PROTECTION.  141 

^1,000,000,000.  To  add  to  the  terrible  situation,  the  sliding 
scale  of  reduction  of  tariff  rates  brought  duties  so  low  by 
1837  that  the  Government  ran  short  of  revenue,  and  the 
national  credit  fell  so  low  that  money  could  not  be  bor 
rowed  for  necessary  expenses  except  at  enormous  discount. 

The  reaction  caused  by  this  disastrous  epoch  swept  the 
free-traders  from  power  and  the  protectionists  enacted  the 
protective  tariff  of  1842,  over  the  veto  of  President  Tyler. 
Financial  skies  began  to  clear.  The  sun  of  prosperity  broke 
forth.  Spindles  began  to  hum  and  labor  to  smile.  The 
farmer  held  his  plow  with  confidence.  Customs'  revenues 
leaped  to  seventy  per  cent,  more  than  during  the  last  year 
of  the  compromise  Act  of  1833.  Prices  rose,  and  every  in 
dustry  was  inspired  with  new  life. 

But  in  1844  free-trade,  more  wedded  than  ever  to  unpaid 
labor,  and  shivering  at  the  importance  of  paid  labor  and 
protected  industry,  rallied  under  the  banner  of  "  Polk,  Dal 
las  and  the  Tariff  of  '42."  How  much  it  believed  in  the 
"  Tariff  of  '42  "  was  shown  by  the  enactment  of  the  Tariff 
of  1846,  by  the  casting  vote  of  Dallas  in  the  Senate.  This 
was  a  free -trade  tariff,  and  its  results  were  foreshadowed  by 
its  opponents.  Happily  there  arose  a  series  of  circum 
stances  which  operated  very  much  like  the  restrictive  meas 
ures  that  followed  the  Act  of  1808.  They  were  all  protective 
and  sufficiently  so  to  postpone  the  evil  effects  of  the  Act  of 
1846  for  a  time.  They  were  the  Mexican  war,  the  discovery 
of  gold  in  California,  the  Irish  famine,  and  wars  in  Europe. 
But  even  by  1852  the  decrease  in  the  value  of  our  exports 
of  bread-stuffs  and  provisions  had  fallen  off  $47,000,000,  and 
the  supposed  incentive  of  a  low  tariff  and  increased  importa 
tions  from  abroad  was  not  being  realized. 

Another  reduction  of  duties  took  place  in  1857.  Finan 
cial  revolution  set  in,  appalling  in  its  widespread  severity 


142  PRINCIPLES  OF  PROTECTION. 

and  distress.  The  crisis  of  1857  not  only  impoverished  the 
people,  but  the  public  revenues  became  so  small  that  the 
Government  was  compelled  to  borrow  money  at  from  8  to 
12  per  cent,  discount  in  order  to  provide  running  expenses. 
Said  President  Buchanan  in  his  annual  message :  "  With  un 
surpassed  plenty  in  all  the  elements  of  national  wealth,  our 
manufactures  have  suspended;  our  public  works  are  re 
tarded  ;  our  private  enterprises  of  different  kinds  are  aban 
doned  and  thousands  of  useful  laborers  are  thrown  out  of 
employment  and  reduced  to  want." 

Since  the  passage  of  the  Morrill  Tariff  Act  of  1861,  the 
doctrine  of  protection  has  found  constant  application.  The 
Act  of  1883  effected  the  largest  change  in  that  of  1861,  by 
reducing  duties  and  enlarging  the  free  list,  but  it  was  crude 
in  many  of  its  provisions.  The  Act  of  1890,  known  as  the 
McKinley  Act,  still  further  enlarged  the  free  list,  addressed 
the  principle  of  protection  more  directly  to  American  labor, 
and  introduced  the  policy  of  reciprocity.  Protectionists 
claim  for  this  period,  1861  to  the  present,  the  establishment 
and  enjoyment  of  an  industrial  system  which  has  assumed 
a  larger  national  growth,  a  more  rapid  accumulation  and 
broader  distribution  of  wealth  than  ever  before  known  in  the 
history  of  our  country.  During  that  period  there  has  been 
but  one  panic,  that  of  1873,  and  that  differed  from  those  of 
1819,  1837,  and  1857,  in  not  being  confined  to  this  country, 
but  in  having  an  origin  in  general  disturbance  of  credit 
abroad,  the  effect  of  which  was  to  throw  back  upon  us  sud- 
ienly  an  inordinate  number  of  our  bonds.  This  caused 
sudden  drain  and  great  hardship  for  a  time.  The  condition 
was  almost  repeated  in  1890,  when  the  failure  of  the  Baring 
Brothers,  and  general  disturbance  in  European  credit,  shook 
our  commercial  centres  and  tested  our  ability  to  withstand 
panic.  In  1873  our  mills  did  not  stop  running  as  in  other 


PRINCIPLES  OF  PROTECTION.  143 

panics.  Banks  did  not  break  by  wholesale.  Internal  com 
merce  was  not  interrupted.  Every  recuperative  agency 
had  play.  We  sold  more  than  we  bought,  and  reduced  our 
national  debt.  Protectionists  aver  that  the  panic  of  1873 
was  a  blessing  in  disguise. 

The  eminent  protectionist,  Henry  C.  Carey,  thus  concludes 
his  historic  argument: — 

"  We  have  had  Protection  in  1789,  1812,  1824,  1828, 1842, 
and  from  1861  to  1894. 

We  have  had  Free-Trade,  or  very  low  tariff,  in  1783,  1816, 
1832,  1846,  1857,  1894. 

Now  note  the  unvarying  results : 


Under  protection  we  have  had  : 
I.   Great  demand  for  labor. 


Under  Free-  Trade  we  have  had  : 
I.  Labor  everywhere    seeking   em 


ployment. 
2.  Wages  high  and  money  cheap.          i|  2.  Wages  low  and  money  high. 


3.  Public  and  private  revenues  large. 

4.  Immigration  great  and  steadily  in 

creasing. 

5.  Public  and  private  prosperity  great 

beyond  all  previous  precedent. 

6.  Growing  national  independence. 


Public  and  private  revenues  small 
and  steadily  decreasing. 

4.  Immigration  declining. 

5.  Public    and    private    bankruptcy 

nearly  universal. 

6.  Growing  national  dependence. 


The  argument  that  protection  injures  the  farmer  has 
always  been  a  favorite  one  with  free-traders.  It  has  steadily 
grown  in  favor,  and  has  been  given  a  decided  turn  in  the 
Fifty-second  Congress  by  the  attempt  to  remove  the  duty 
from  wool,  binding  twine  and  tin  plate.  The  argument  of 
the  protectionist  is  that  manufactured  articles,  and  especially 
those  which  concern  the  farmer,  are  on  an  average  25  per 
cent,  cheaper  to-day  than  in  1860,  when  80  per  cent,  of  them 
were  made  abroad.  That  now  80  per  cent,  of  them  are  made 
at  home.  That  the  farmer  has  been  saved  the  cost  of  ocean 
transportation  on  this  80  per  cent,  and  has  had  the  benefit 
>f  the  home  market  their  manufacture  has  created  for  his 


144  PRINCIPLES   OF   PROTECTION. 

produce.  That  such  market  is  certain,  at  his  door,  and 
already  takes  80  per  cent,  of  his  wheat  and  92  per  cent,  of 
his  corn.  That  it  keeps  even  pace  with  the  growth  of  manu 
factures  and  will  ere  long  take  all  his  surplus,  at  a  better 
rate  than  he  can  get  for  it  abroad  and  in  competition  with 
the  cheap  wheat  of  India  and  Australia. 

In  addition  to  the  above  argument,  protectionists  show 
that  our  free  list  now  embraces  nearly  half  of  our  importa 
tions  ;  that  said  list  comprises  all  the  articles  which  affect 
the  comfort  of  the  farmer  or  poor  man,  such  as  sugar,  fruit, 
rice,  breeding  animals,  tea,  coffee,  etc. ;  and  that  the  dutiable 
list  embraces  high  priced  articles  and  articles  of  luxury, 
such  as  wines,  liquors,  cigars,  silks,  satins,  glassware,  dia 
monds,  linens,  cottons,  etc.,  the  duties  on  which  are  paid 
mostly  by  the  wealthy. 

The  free-trader  argues  that  "free  raw  material  used  in 
the  manufactures  "  is  especially  worthy  of  a  place  on  the 
free  list.  Among  these  he  classes  wool,  flax,  hemp,  seeds, 
iron  ore,  pig  iron,  coal,  marble,  etc.  The  protectionist 
claims  that  the  free-list,  as  enlarged  under  the  Act  of  1890, 
embraces  a  sufficient  number  of  these  articles ;  that  those, 
like  wool,  which  pay  duty,  come  into  competition  with  the 
products  of  our  farmers  and  laborers  in  shops,  mines  and 
furnaces ;  that  labor  is  a  prime  object  of  protection  ;  that  all 
the  articles,  technically  classed  as  "  raw  material,"  are  not 
such  to  the  farmer,  laborer,  miner  and  furnace  man,  because 
they  represent  the  labor,  skill  and  even  capital  of  the  latter, 
as  much  as  cloth  represents  the  skill  and  capital  of  the  manu 
facturer,  or  the  coat  those  of  the  tailor. 

Protection  repudiates  the  doctrine  that  it  is  a  device  for 
the  benefit  of  the  privileged  classes.  It  rests  on  the  principle 
that  it  operates  for  the  general  development  of  the  resources 
and  the  encouragement  of  the  industries  of  the  country.  If 


HON.   JOSEPH  R.   HAWLEY. 

Born  in  Richmond  co.,  N.  C.,  October  31st,  1826;  educated  at 
Hamilton  College,  N.  Y. ;  admitted  to  bar  in  Hartford,  Conn.,  1850 ; 
editor  of  Hartford  Evening  Press  and  Courant  from  1857  to  present ; 
enlisted  in  army  April  15,  1861 ;  mustered  out  as  Brevet  Major-General 
January  15,  1866;  elected  Governor  of  State,  as  a  Republican,  April, 
1866;  Delegate  to  Republican  National  Conventions,  1872-76-80; 
President  of  Centennial  Exhibition;  elected  to  42d  Congress,  November, 
1872 ;  re-elected  to  43d  and  46th  Congresses ;  elected  to  U.  S.  Senate, 
as  a  Republican,  March  4,1881;  re-elected  in  1887,  and  again  in  1893; 
Chairman  of  Committee  on  Military  Affairs,  and  member  of  Committees 
on  Coast  Defences,  Pensions,  Nicaragua  Canal,  etc. 


HON.   THOMAS  B.   KEED. 

Born  at  Portland,  Maine,  October  18,  1839  ;  graduated  at  Bowdoin, 
1860;  studied  law  and  admitted  to  bar;  Assistant  Paymaster  in  Navy, 
1864-65 ;  member  of  State  House  of  Representatives,  1868-69,  and  of 
Senate,  1870;  Attorney  General  of  Maine,  1870-72;  Solicitor  of  Port 
land,  1874-77 ;  elected,  as  a  Republican,  to  45th,  46th,  47th,  48th,  49th, 
50th,  51st,  52d,  53d  and  54th  Congresses;  elected  and  presided  as 
Speaker  of  House  in  51st  Congress ;  an  able  and  efficient  parliamen 
tarian;  his  decision  as  to  actual  presence  and  constructive  absence  in 
counting  a  quorum  was  sustained  by  the  U.  S.  Supreme  Court ;  a  writer 
and  speaker  of  originality  and  force ;  elected  Speaker  of  House  in 
54th  Congress  ;  prominent  candidate  for  Presidential  nominee  in  1896. 


PRINCIPLES   OF   PROTECTION.  147 

classes  or  capital  are  emboldened  by  it  to  undertake  new 
ventures  or  to  enter  channels  they  would  not  otherwise  do, 
that  is  a  matter  which  does  not  affect  the  prime  object  of 
protection  and  cannot  be  controlled  by  legislation.  It  was 
not  England's  tariff  system,  but  her  free-trade  system,  which 
tended  most  to  sustain  her  landed  aristocracy.  Out  of  the 
ten  richest  men  in  the  United  States,  nine  have  accumulated 
fortunes  in  speculative  and  commercial  pursuits,  other  than 
manufacturing,  and  one  in  manufactures  that  had  to  deal 
with  protected  articles. 

So  as  to  trusts.  Protectionists  say  the  facts  do  not  support 
the  theory  that  protection  leads  to  trusts.  The  worst  trust- 
ridden  countries  are  free-trade  countries.  Trusts  in  America 
are  quite  frequently  the  result  of  English  genius  and  capital. 
The  Standard  oil,  Chicago  gas,  Street  railway,  Electric 
lighting,  Cotton  seed  oil,  Sugar  deal,  Reading  deal,  Rich 
mond  terminal,  and  others,  which  rank  as  trusts  or  combina 
tions,  exist  in  spite  of  the  doctrine  of  protection  and  in  no 
way  concern  it.  It  is  by  no  means  certain  that  these  com 
binations  are  harmful  to  the  public  at  large.  For  every  one 
that  finds  an  existence  by  reason  of  dealing  in  protected 
articles,  ten  can  be  found  that  would  exist,  tariff  or  no 
tariff 

Protection  has  made  the  manufacturer  content  with  a 
reasonable  profit.  An  annual  profit  of  ten  per  cent,  is 
barely  possible  in  this  country  in  the  best-established  man 
ufactories.  Said  Mr.  Bright  in  the  English  Parliament,  in 
1842:  "America,  as  an  independent  country,  has  been  a 
more  valuable  customer  to  England  than  she  could  possibly 
have  been  as  a  colony.  On  all  the  goods  exported  to 
America  during  the  last  quarter  of  a  century  you  have 
made  a  net  profit  of  forty  per  cent."  Prices  of  home  man 
ufactures  can  therefore  be  trusted  to  home  competition,  but 


148  PRINCIPLES   OF  PROTECTION. 

foreign  prices  cannot  be  trusted  at  all,  unless  they  are  forced 
to  meet  our  home  competition.  This  was  particularly 
glaring  when  England  was  charging  $150  for  a  ton  of  steel 
rails  which  afterwards,  and  in  the  face  of  our  home  compe 
tition,  she  was  glad  to  get  $40  for.  The  removal  of  duty 
from  tea  and  coffee  in  1872  caused  a  rise  in  their  price.  There 
was  a  reason  for  the  rise  in  coffee,  because  Brazil  imme 
diately  levied  an  export  tax  on  it.  But  neither  tea  nor  cof 
fee  have  been  so  cheap  since  1872  as  before,  when  tea  paid 
fifteen  cents  and  coffee  two  cents  a  pound  duty.  They  avoid 
home  competition  entirely. 

The  protectionist  supports  his  doctrine  by  calling  in  as  a 
witness  the  material  growth  of  the  country  since  1861,  and 
comparing  it  with  that  of  countries  wedded  to  free-trade. 
He  confidently  asks  judgment  on  the  practical  workings  of 
his  policy,  and  claims  for  the  results  a  fulfillment  of  the 
prophecies  of  Washington,  Hamilton,  Jefferson,  Madison, 
Jackson,  Benton,  Clay,  Webster  and  even  Calhoun,  who  in 
1816  made  his  famous  appeal  in  favor  of  the  protection  and 
importance  of  manufactures  to  the  "  national  strength  and 
perfection  of  our  institutions,"  and  in  "  binding  more  closely 
our  widespread  republic." 

During  thirty  years  of  protection,  and  notwithstanding 
the  wastage  of  four  years  of  war,  our  population  has  grown 
at  the  rate  of  one  million  annually — a  greater  rate  than 
that  of  England,  France,  Germany  and  Austria  combined. 
Our  wealth  has  grown  from  $17,000,000,000  to  nearly  $50,- 
ooo,doo,ooo,  or  at  the  rate  of  $  1,000,000,000  a  year.  There 
has  gone  Into  our  savings  $885,000,000  yearly,  or  almost 
half  as  much  as  the  savings  of  the  entire  world.  The  man 
ufactories,  mines  and  forests  of  Great  Britain  produced  $4,- 
500,000,000  in  1886,  an  increase  of  30  per  cent,  since  1850. 
The  same  products  in  the  United  States  in  1 880  were  valued 


PRINCIPLES  OF  PROTECTION.  149 

at  $ 5, 5 00,000,000,  an  increase  of  160  per  cent,  since  1860. 
Since  1860  our  farms  have  more  than  doubled  in  number 
and  increased  in  value  from  $6,000,000,000  to  $10,000,000,- 
OOO,  while  their  products,  which  were  $  1 ,8oo,ooo,ooc  in 
1860,  were  $3,800,000,000  in  1880. 

In  1880  the  entire  products  of  Great  Britain — farms,  fac 
tories,  mines,  forests  and  all — were  $6,200,000,000,  or  $172 
per  capita.  Of  this  product  she  exported  $1,300,000,000. 
In  the  same  year  the  total  products  of  the  United  States 
were  $10,000,000,000,  or  $200  per  capita.  Of  this  product 
$9,176,000,000  were  consumed  at  home.  Thus  our  home 
market  consumed  more  than  Great  Britain  consumed  and 
exported,  and  more  than  double  the  combined  exports  of 
Great  Britain,  France,  Germany,  Russia,  Holland  and  Aus 
tria.  Besides  this  consumption  of  home  products,  we  im 
ported  $700,000,000  as  against  $335,000,000  in  1860,  and 
exported  $750,000,000  as  against  $373,000,000  in  1860. 

Protectionists  do  not  claim  that  the  system  of  protection 
is,  or  ever  has  been,  perfect.  It  is  not  possible  to  make  it 
so.  But  it  has  proved  in  practice  that  the  arguments  of  its 
opponents  are  unsound.  It  has  established  itself  as  an  es 
sential  part  of  our  commercial  and  business  habit  and  thought, 
and  is  open  to  the  same  equities,  and  laws  of  progress  and 
adjustment,  as  any  essential  feature  of  industrial  welfare. 
Its  destruction,  however,  cannot  be  tolerated.  Attack  on 
it  must  be  resented.  It  is  not  a  system  which  can  be  trusted 
to  its  enemies  for  safe-keeping,  or  modification.  Its  friends 
are  its  natural  custodians,  and  they  alone  are  capable  of 
perpetuating  it  in  the  forms  best  calculated  to  make  it  repeat 
its  past  triumphs  for  labor,  capital  and  the  general  welfare, 
and  to  fit  it  for  the  legitimate  requirements  of  a  still  more 
growthy  and  imposing  future. 

In  1 890,  under  what  was  known  as  the  McKinley  Tar- 


150  PRINCIPLES   OF   PROTECTION. 

iff,  the  principle  of  protection  was  applied  with  a  better 
understanding  of  its  merits  than  under  any  former  Act. 
The  application  was  not  indiscriminate,  but  with  a  view  to 
protecting  by  duties  the  labor  that  entered  into  what  we 
could  make  or  produce  at  home,  and  of  relieving  from 
duties  what  we  could  not  make  or  produce  at  home.  The 
Act  had  an  existence  of  only  four  years,  but  protectionists 
found  in  its  operations  the  strongest  historic  argument  in 
favor  of  their  doctrine  that  time  had  up  to  that  date 
produced. 

They  found  that  at  the  end  of  the  protective  era  of 
1861-1894  the  county  had  reached  its  highest  degree  of 
prosperity,  with  a  general  diffusion  of  the  comforts  of  life 
never  before  enjoyed  by  its  people.  The  national  treasury 
was  in  excellent  condition,  the  country's  credit  above  par, 
manufacturing,  mining,  farming  and  all  industries  were 
prosperous,  labor  was  in  demand  and  well  paid,  commerce 
was  active.  Hence  they  naturally  pointed  with  pride  to 
that  vindication  of  their  doctrine  found  in  the  statistics  at 
command,  for  they  had  seen  the  total  wealth  of  the  coun 
try  according  to  the  census,  rise  from  $16,159,616,000  in 
1860  to  862,610,100,000  in  1890.  Railroads  had  increased 
in  the  same  time  from  30,626  miles  in  length  to  167,471 
miles. 

As  to  manufactures  they  pointed  to  the  following 
census  figures: 

Cnpital     in     manufactures,  1880,     -            -        $1,233,000,000 

"  1890,     -            •         $2,950,735,000 

Employees    in    1880,  -                         -                  1,301,000 

"          1890,  2,251,000 

Wages  earned  in  1880,  $501.965,000 

"                 "      1890,  -            -            -          $1,221,000,000 

Value  of  products  1880,  $2,712,000,000 

"          1890,  -            -            •         $4,860,000,100 


PRINCIPLES   OF   PROTECTION.  151 

More  factories  were  started  in  1892  than  in  any  pre 
ceding  year,  and  in  the  same  year  the  foreign  trade 
increased  1128,000,000  over  that  of  1891,  or  $400,000,000 
over  the  average  for  the  preceding  ten  years.  Coastwise 
trade  showed  a  proportionate  increased. 

No.  of  depositors  in  saving  funds  I860,  -            -  $       693,370 

"             "             "             "           1890,  -  4,258,893 

Deposits  in  saving  funds  I860,                                -  149,277,000 

"                 "                 1890,      -                          -  1,524,844,000 

Rate  of  wages  touched  the  highest  point  in  time  of 
peace. 

Value  of  farm  products  I860,        -  -  $1,364,000,000 

"  1891,         -  4,500,000,000 

The  national  debt  decreased  $245,000,000  from  1891  to 
1893.  The  national  income  was  more  than  enough  to 
meet  the  annual  expenditures. 

The  principal  of  protection  was  practically  eliminated 
from  our  economic  system  by  the  passing  of  the  Wilson 
Tariff  of  1894.  Pending  its  passage,  and  after  the  coun 
try  passed  through  the  throes  of  a  depression  which,  at 
times,  could  hardly  be  distinguished  from  panic,  so  great 
was  the  change,  or  threatened  change,  in  its  economic 
policy.  Protectionists  found  another  powerful  argument 
—the  most  powerful  of  any  that  had  ever  come  to  their 
support — in  the  condition  of  industrial  financial  and  com 
mercial  affairs  that  set  in  in  1893  and  lasted  till  1897. 
They  saw  the  manufactories  of  the  country  closed  by  the 
thousand,  and  innumerable  hands  thrown  out  of  employ 
ment.  They  saw  business  of  every  kind  pass  into  bank 
ruptcy,  credits  ruined,  commerce  curtailed,  products  with- 


152  PKINCIPLES   OF   PHOTKCTION. 

out  adequate  price.  In  three  years  the  treasury  receipts 
fell  off  $80,000,000,  and  the  principal  of  the  public  debt 
was  increased  by  borrowing  $262,000,000.  In  1892,  the 
average  price  of  twenty  different  stocks  was  75.68  per 
cent.;  in  a  short  time  they  fell  to  49.10  per  cent.,  a  loss  of 
26.58  per  cent.  Exports  declined  rapidly,  while  imports 
increased  greatly,  those  of  woolens  alone  showing  an  in 
crease  of  nearly  350  per  cent,  in  1894-95.  Owing  to  re 
moval  of  duty  from  wool,  sheep  decreased  in  number  from 
47,273,553  in  1893,  to  33,298,783  in  1896,  and  the  value 
decreased  from  $125,909,264  to  $65,167,735,  or  nearly  50 
per  cent,  in  the  same  time. 

Each  year  of  the  Cleveland  administration  showed  a 
large  treasury  deficit,  that  of  the  first  being  $72,000,000, 
of  the  second,  $62,000,000  and  of  the  third  $30,000,000. 
The  per  capita  circulation  fell  off  from  $24.44  in  1892  to 
$21.35  in  1896.  The  best  financiers  estimated  the  coun 
try's  losses  between  1893  and  1896  at  a  greater  total  than 
the  cost  of  the  Civil  war,  and  the  question  was  trium 
phantly  asked  by  protectionists  whether  it  was  not 
entirely  too  much  to  pay  for  a  trial  of  free  trade  theory. 

They  educed  further  figures: 

Interest  bearing  debt  March  1,  1893,  $585,000,000 

"  "  "  1896,  845,000,000 

Value  of  railroads  1893,  $1,000,000,000 

Depreciation  in  three  years   -  250,000,000 

Loss  in  value  of  farm  animals  in  1895,  $91,000,000.  De 
cline  in  value  of  farm  produce  in  1895,  $133,603,073. 
Total  decline  in  value  of  farm  animals  from  1892  to  1896, 
$733,829,574.  Total  decline  in  value  of  farm  crops  from 
1892  to  1896,  $750,000,000. 


PRINCIPLES   OF    PROTECTION.  153 

And  so  throughout  every  domain  of  industry  and  en 
terprise  figures  were  educed  which  rendered  the  contrast 
between  the  free  trade,  or  reform,  and  protection  eras  per 
fectly  appalling ;  with  the  inevitable  result  that  protec 
tionists  fell  that  their  doctrines  had  been  more  fully 
vindicated  by  an  experiment  with  the  opposing  doctrines 
of  free  trade,  than  by  any  arguments  they  had  hitherto 
used.  The  lesson  was  an  objective  one,  and  so  highly 
concentrated  as  to  time,  so  immediate  in  its  application, 
and  so  drastic  in  its  effects,  as  to  prove  of  lasting  and  in 
valuable  benefit  to  economic  science. 


SILVER  AND   GOLD— AN   HISTORIC  REVIEW. 

THE  use  of  metal  as  a  medium  of  exchange  and  a  measure 
of  value  has  an  old  and  interesting  history.  The  province 
of  money  has  ever  been  a  conspicuous  theme  in  political 
economy.  Lately  in  our  country  all  discussion  of  money 
has  been  given  a  new  turn,  and  been  rendered  momentous 
and  exciting  by  the  fact  that  political  parties  have  chosen  to 
divide  upon  questions  of  coinage,  quantities,  kinds  and  values 
of  our  metallic  circulating  medium,  and  seek  to  make  them 
issues  in  their  campaigns. 

This  has  given  to  what  is  popularly  known  as  "  The  Sil 
ver  Question,"  or  "The  Free  Coinage  Question,"  a  promi 
nence  it  never  had  before.  It  is  within  the  bounds  of  truth 
to  say  that  the  "  Silver  Question  "  quite  overshadowed  the 
"  Tariff  Question  "  in  the  Fifty-second  Congress,  and  bids 
fair  to  divide  honors  with  that  question  for  a  considerable 
time.  Next  to,  and  perhaps  equal  with,  the  doctrines  of 
Free-Trade  and  Protection,  it  concerns  the  business  inter 
ests,  the  life  and  work,  the  labor  and  property,  of  every  man 
in  the  country,  from  the  humblest  toiler  to  the  largest  capi 
talist.  No  man  who  works  for  daily  bread,  no  man  who 
has  a  dollar  saved,  no  man  who  has  a  house  or  farm,  no 
man  who  has  his  capital  in  factories,  stocks,  mortgages,  or 
other  securities,  ought  to  be  ignorant  of  a  question  which 
so  intimately  concerns  his  welfare.  It  is,  perhaps,  a  matter 
of  regret  that  a  question  so  purely  economic  should  fall  into 
political  channels,  but  such  is  the  fate  of  all  these  great 
questions  under  our  free  system  of  government,  and  our 
154 


SILVER   AND   GOLD.  155 

people  are  seemingly  better  satisfied  with  results  obtained  in 
their  own  popular  way,  than  through  the  media  of  learned 
theories  and  abstruse  teachings.  In  as  much  they  prefer  to 
use  their  own  judgments  and  to  abide  by  their  own  verdicts, 
the  obligation  is  imposed  on  them  of  informing  themselves 
as  far  as  possible  respecting  the  merits  of  this  question,  and 
all  questions  that  similarly  affect  them. 

WHAT    IS    MONEY  ? 

Says  Laveleye :  "  Money  is  the  substance  or  substances 
which  custom  or  the  law  causes  to  be  employed  as  the 
means  of  payment,  the  instrument  of  exchange  and  the  com 
mon  measure  of  values." 

The  difficulty  of  bartering  wares  against  wares  brought 
into  use  an  intermediate  means  of  effecting  the  exchange. 
This  means  was  money,  which  became  an  agent  of  circula 
tion  and  a  vehicle  of  exchange — the  cart  for  transferring 
property  in  an  object  from  one  person  to  another,  just  as  the 
actual  cart  transferred  the  object  itself. 

Again,  money  came  to  be  the  universal  equivalent. 
When  one  sells  a  bushel  of  wheat  for  a  dollar,  the  dollar  is 
the  equivalent  of  the  wheat.  One  can,  in  turn,  make  the 
dollar  the  equivalent  of  other  goods,  which  he  needs  more 
than  the  wheat  or  the  dollar.  Says  Adam  Smith  :  "A  piece 
of  gold  may  be  considered  as  an  agreement  for  a  certain 
quantity  of  goods  payable  by  the  tradesmen  of  the  neigh 
borhood." 

Still  further,  money  is  a  common  measure  or  standard  of 
values.  Some  one  has  called  it  "The  yardstick  of  com 
merce."  Length,  weight,  value,  need  to  be  compared  with 
something,  in  order  to  subdivide  them  and  turn  their  parts 
to  use.  Hence,  a  foot  is  made  a  standard  of  long  measure, 
and  when  we  say  a  stick  is  twelve  feet  long,  we  know  ex- 


156  SILVER   AND   GOLD. 

actly  how  long  it  is,  and  all  men  will  know.  This  is  much 
more  definite  and  satisfactory  than  to  say,  the  stick  is  as  long 
as  twenty  hand-breadths,  for  some  hands  are  larger  than 
others,  and  the  stick  would  be  longer  or  shorter,  according 
to  each  measurer.  So,  if  we  say  a  barrel  of  flour  weighs  as 
much  as  two  pigs,  we  get  but  a  vague  and  varying  idea  of 
its  weight,  for  pigs  differ  in  size  and  weight.  But  when  we 
set  up  the  pound  as  a  standard  of  weight,  and  say  that  a 
barrel  of  flour  weighs  196  pounds,  all  men  will  have  a  com 
mon  idea  of  its  weight.  It  is  the  same  with  value.  The 
value  of  a  horse  may  be  equal  to  five  cows,  but  as  cows  have 
one  price  to-day  and  another  to-morrow,  you  have  selected 
a  very  uncertain  means  of  finding  the  value  of  a  horse.  By 
the  use  of  money  as  a  common  valuer,  as  in  the  foot  or  the 
pound,  you  get  a  definite  idea  of  the  value  of  a  horse. 
When  you  say  it  is  worth  one  hundred  dollars,  or  a  hundred 
times  one  dollar — the  dollar  being  the  standard  or  measurer 
of  value — all  men  fall  to  the  idea,  know  what  a  horse  is 
worth. 

The  foot  standard  is  exactly  ascertained  and  rigidly  fixed. 
The  pound  standard  is  also  accurately  ascertained  and  rig 
idly  fixed.  In  attempting  to  fix  a  standard  for  measuring 
values,  great  difficulty  is  encountered,  for,  unfortunately,  the 
substances  used  for  measuring  the  values  of  articles  of  com 
merce  are  themselves  merchandise,  and  subject  to  variation 
in  value  like  all  goods.  The  best  that  can  be  done,  there 
fore,  as  to  values,  is  to  select  as  true  and  invariable  a  standard 
of  measurement  as  possible,  to  watch  it  closely,  and  to  cor 
rect  from  time  to  time  the  expansions  and  contractions  oc 
casioned  by  commercial  heat  and  cold. 

KINDS   OF   MONEY. 

The  Siberians  used  furs  as  money.     The  Spartans  used 


SILVER   AND   GOLD.  157 

iron.  The  African  uses  cloth,  salt  and  cowrie-shells.  Cat 
tle  held  the  largest  place  as  money  among  the  ancients  and 
many  of  our  financial  and  commercial  words  are  derived 
from  old  words  indicating  the  early  prominence  of  the  flock 
and  herd.  The  arms  of  Diomede  were  valued  at  nine  oxen  ; 
those  of  Glaucus  at  one  hundred  oxen.  The  Franks  levied 
a  tribute  of  oxen  on  the  conquered  Saxons.  Our  word 
"  pecuniary  "  is  the  Latin  pecus,  "  cattle."  Our  "  fee  "  is  the 
Saxon  feok,  cattle. 

Metal  money  was  first  employed  as  representing  value  in 
cattle.  The  ox  or  sheep  became  its  emblem  and  was 
stamped  on  the  metal. 

As  civilization  progressed  and  exchanges  became  more 
frequent,  gold  and  silver  took  the  place  of  all  cruder  metals 
and  devices,  as  money. 

This  was  because  time  and  experience  had  proved  their 
superiority  as  measurers  of  value  and  media  of  exchange. 

They  do  not  deteriorate  by  keeping. 

Their  production  is  limited  by  scarcity  of  their  ores.  This 
gives  great  value  in  proportion  to  weight,  and  facilitates 
handling,  transport  and  hoarding. 

The  annual  losses  of  the  precious  metals  by  wear  and  tear 
and  by  absorption  in  the  arts  have  so  nearly  equalled  the 
annual  production,  as  that  the  excess  of  production  has  sel 
dom  exceeded  the  ratio  of  increase  in  population  and  the 
growing  demand  for  money.  Thus  the  demand  and  supply 
being  nearly  equal,  the  value  of  gold  and  silver  remains  very 
stable,  as  compared  with  other  metals,  or  other  measures  of 
value. 

The  accumulated  stock  of  the  precious  metals,  estimated 
in  money  and  ornaments  at  $10,000,000,000  in  the  world, 
tends  to  lessen  variations  in  value  that  might  be  occasioned 
by  diminution  or  failure  of  the  annual  supply. 


i58  SILVER  AND   GOLD. 

All  civilized  nations  seek  and  accept  gold  and  silver  as  a 
means  of  facilitating  exchange. 

Gold  and  silver  are  easily  divisible  into  parts  and  propor 
tions  of  given  weights  and  values. 

They  receive  with  ease  and  permanently  the  impression 
which  distinguishes  their  weight,  size,  design  and  value. 

They  are  readily  distinguishable  from  other  metals ;  gold 
by  its  weight,  silver  by  its  sound. 

THE   VALUE    OF   MONEY. 

The  purchasing  power  of  money  ascertains  its  value.  The 
pure  silver  which  would  have  bought  eight  bushels  of  wheat 
during  the  Middle  Ages,  would  bring  only  two  bushels, 
after  the  discovery  of  America.  Therefore,  it  was  said  of 
silver,  that  it  had  declined  to  one-fourth  of  its  previous 
value. 

Supply  of  an  article  usually  affects  its  value,  but  a  supply 
of  money  involves  the  quantity  in  existence  and  the  rapidity 
of  its  circulation.  A  dollar  that  makes  three  exchanges  a 
day  is  worth  three  dollars  that  make  one  exchange  a  day. 

If  the  demand  for  money  is  less  than  the  supply,  its  value 
decreases ;  only  we  don't  say  so,  but  that  prices  rise.  If  the 
demand  for  money  is  greater  than  the  supply,  its  value  in 
creases  ;  but  we  say,  that  prices  fall. 

Alterations  in  the  value  of  money  lead  to  confusion  in 
:ommercial,  legal  and  economic  relations.  A  decrease  in 
the  amount  or  value  of  money  seriously  affects  the  debtor 
classes.  An  increase  in  the  amount  or  value  of  money  in 
jures  the  creditor  classes. 

MONEY   SYSTEMS. 

The  gold  and  silver  that  enter  into  money  are  not  pure, 
but  mixed  with  alloy,  usually  copper,  to  save  the  coins  from 


SILVER  AND  GOLD.  ^59 

wearing.  The  quantity  of  alloy  generally  introduced  is 
about  one-tenth,  that  is,  one  part  alloy  to  nine  parts  of  pure 
metal. 

In  England,  the  unit  of  money,  gold  or  silver,  of  which 
the  other  coins  are  multiples,  is  the  sovereign  or  pound  ;  in 
France,  the  franc;  in  Germany,  the  mark;  in  Holland,  the 
florin ;  in  the  United  States,  the  dollar.  The  larger  coins 
are  generally  made  a  legal  tender  for  debts,  without  limit. 
Smaller  fractional  or  subsidiary  coins  are  generally  made  a 
legal  tender  for  debts,  with  a  limit  as  to  amount.  Still  smaller 
coins,  cents,  nickels,  and  such  as  rank  as  "  token  money," 
are  made  legal  tender  for  debts  of  a  still  smaller  amount. 

Formerly,  monarchs,  cities,  bishops  and  nobles  claimed 
the  right  to  coin  money,  and  they  frequently  abused  their 
right  by  diminishing  the  value  of  the  currency,  either  by  re 
ducing  the  quantity  of  pure  metal  in  the  coins,  or  by  declar 
ing  them  to  have  a  legal  value  far  beyond  their  intrinsic 
value.  Solon  decreed  that  the  mina  should  be  worth  a  hun 
dred  drachmas  instead  of  seventy-three.  Plutarch  says  of 
this  decree:  "In  this  way,  by  paying  apparently  the  full 
value,  though  really  less,  those  who  owed  large  sums  gained 
considerably,  without  causing  any  loss  to  their  creditors." 
Says  Laveleye,  "  Plutarch  here  expresses  the  error  which  has 
inspired  all  issues  of  depreciated  and  paper  currency.  No 
one  seems  to  lose,  because  payments  are  made  just  as  well 
with  coins  reduced  in  value  as  with  the  unreduced.  What 
is  forgotten  is  that  prices  rise  in  proportion  as  the  unit  of 
money  loses  its  value." 

At  the  present  time  the  right  of  coinage  is,  as  a  rule,  re 
served  by  the  sovereign  State,  and  is  jealously  guarded.  In 
most  countries  the  coining  of  the  standard  coin  is  free. 

In  France,  Italy,  Switzerland  and  Belgium,  which  coun 
tries  agreed,  in  1863,  to  form  the  Latin  Monetary  Union, 


160  SILVER  AND  GOLD. 

all  gold  coins  and  five-franc  pieces  are  accepted  as  standard. 
The  minor  silver  coins  are  a  legal  tender  for  only  small 
debts,  and  the  mints  cannot  issue  them  to  a  greater  extent 
than  the  value  of  six  francs  for  each  inhabitant.  The  sys 
tem  of  the  Latin  Union  is  the  double  standard  orbi-metallic 
system ;  that  is,  it  permits  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage 
of  both  gold  and  silver  pieces,  to  each  of  which  it  gives  legal 
currency,  or  the  right  to  be  accepted  in  all  payments.  It 
has,  however,  been  compelled  to  modify  this  system  to  suit 
circumstances. 

Countries  whose  system  is  "single  standard  or  mono-me 
tallic,"  whether  such  standard  be  gold  as  in  some,  or  silver 
as  in  others,  accord  free  and  unlimited  coinage  and  legal- 
tender  quality  only  to  the  metal  they  fix  as  the  standard. 
The  mono-metallic  system  is  the  simpler,  as  to  relation 
of  value  between  coins  of  different  denominations ;  but  as 
to  relation  of  value  between  money  and  goods,  the  bi-metal- 
lic  system  is  more  sensitive  and,  consequently,  exact. 

In  1558  Thomas  Gresham,  one  of  the  councillors  of 
Queen  Elizabeth,  demonstrated  that  the  money  which  has 
the  less  value  will  drive  from  circulation  the  money  which 
has  the  greater  value.  This  is  known  in  monetary  science 
as  "  GRESHAM'S  LAW." 

In  1717  Sir  Isaac  Newton  showed  that  a  means  of  obvi 
ating  the  ill  effects  of  "  Gresham's  Law  "  existed,  by  fixing 
the  relation  of  value  between  gold  and  silver  the  same  in 
all  countries.  In  later  times  attempts  have  been  made  to 
do  this  by  means  of  International  Monetary  Congresses. 
Attempts  to  establish  a  fixed  relation  of  value  between  gold 
and  silver  by  single  countries  have  not  proved  satisfactory. 
Economists  are  by  no  means  agreed  as  to  which  metal,  gold 
or  silver,  is  preferable  as  a  standard.  That  the  largest 
number  of  countries,  certainly  the  largest  commercial  coim- 


SILVER  AND  GOLD.  161 

tries,  adopt  gold  as  the  standard  metal,  implies  some  pow 
erful  reason  for  it ;  but  it  by  no  means  disproves  the  theory 
that  gold  itself  shifts  in  value  like  silver  and  probably  quite 
as  much.  Indeed,  not  a  few  aver  that  much  of  what  ap 
pears  to  be  a  shift  in  the  value  of  silver  is  really  a  shift  in 
the  value  of  gold,  with  which  the  silver  is  compared.  They 
also  say  that  in  the  very  nature  of  things  silver  is  a  metal 
of  more  stable  value  than  gold,  because  its  production  comes 
from  deep  mines,  with  costly  machinery,  and  an  annual  out 
put  which  cannot  be  increased  except  at  great  expense,  nor 
lessened  without  great  loss ;  whereas  the  product  of  gold, 
much  of  which  comes  from  auriferous  sands,  may  increase 
or  diminish  very  greatly  in  a  short  space  of  time. 

BEGINNING   OF   AMERICAN   COINAGE. 

Immediately  after  the  peace  of  1783,  and  while  the 
Articles  of  Confederation  constituted  our  only  bonds  of 
government,  some  of  the  prominent  patriots,  notably  Morris, 
Jefferson  and  Hamilton,  began  agitation  looking  to  the 
establishment  of  an  American  Mint.  Naturally  the  char 
acter  of  the  proposed  mintage  came  under  discussion.  This 
was  the  "Coinage  Question  "  of  that  day.  It  was  neither 
political  nor  bitter  as  at  present,  but  it  was  none  the  less 
earnest,  and  involved  many  of  the  points  now  under  dis 
cussion. 

Great  respect  was  paid  to  the  views  of  Morris,  who,  as 
Superintendent  of  Finance,  was  well  qualified  to  speak  upon 
the  character  of  the  mintage.  He  reached  the  conclusion 
that  in  as  much  as  the  relative  values  of  gold  and  silver 
were  continually  changing,  there  could  be  no  ratio  estab 
lished  between  them  which  would  prove  stable  and  satis 
factory  for  purposes  of  law.  Therefore,  the  only  way  out 
of  the  difficulty,  as  he  reasoned,  was  for  the  government  to 


162  SILVER   AND    GOLD. 

adopt  silver  alone  as  its  metallic  money,  and  proceed  to  coin 
it.  He  was  a  silver  mono-metallist. 

On  account  of  Hamilton's  mastery  of  finance,  his  views 
were  equally  courted.  During  the  discussions  of  the  sub 
ject,  which  preceded  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  in 
1787,  Hamilton  made  it  plain  that  he  was  a  mono-metallist 
like  Morris,  but  recognizing  the  greater  value  of  gold,  its 
higher  place  among  commercial  nations  and  its  lesser  lia 
bility  to  sudden  and  extreme  fluctuation  in  price,  he  pre 
ferred  it  to  silver  as  the  metallic  standard.  Pending  these 
discussions  the  Confederation  came  to  an  end,  and  the  new 
Constitution  appeared  (1787)  with  its  provisions  as  to  money 
and  coinage: — The  Congress  shall  have  power  "  to  coin 
money,  regulate  the  value  thereof  and  fix  the  standard  of 
weights  and  measures."  Art.  I. ;  Sec.  8.  Again,  "  No 
State  shall  coin  money,  emit  bills  of  credit,  make  anything 
but  gold  and  silver  coin  a  tender  in  payment  of  debts." 
Art.  I. ;  Sec.  10. 

Here  then  was  recognition  of  two  metals  as  money,  and 
provision  for  a  bi-metallic  currency,  should  such  a  result  be 
deemed  wise.  The  matter  of  establishing  a  mint  came  up 
as  one  of  the  earliest  and  most  important  under  the  new 
Constitution.  Hamilton  made  it  the  subject  of  a  full  and 
able  report  to  Congress  in  1791.  In  this  report  he  adhered 
to  his  views  that,  in  the  abstract,  a  mono-metallic  standard 
would  be  best,  but  that  such  standard  should  be  gold  in 
preference  to  silver.  However,  reasoning  on  the  line  of 
expediency,  he  feared  that  the  adoption  of  a  single  standard 
would  tend  to  limit  the  amount  of  the  circulating  medium, 
a  result  by  no  means  desirable,  in  the  infant  and  experi 
mental  stage  of  the  Government.  Therefore,  he  concluded 
that  a  double  standard  would  be  best  in  practice,  and  as  a 
policy  sufficiently  permanent  to  warrant  the  forms  of  law. 


HON.  ARTHUR  P.  GORMAN. 

Born  in  Howard  co.,  Md.,  March  11,  1839;  appointed  Senate  page, 
1852,  and  continued  in  service  till  1866  ;  served  as  Collector  of  Internal 
Revenue  for  Fifth  Maryland  District,  1866-69;  elected  as  Democrat  to 
Maryland  Legislature,  November,  1869.  Re-elected  1871,  and  became 
Speaker  of  House;  elected  to  State  Senate,  1875 ;  re-elected  in  1879; 
elected  to  United  States  Senate,  1880;  re-elected,  1886  and  1892; 
prominent  exponent  of  Democratic  thought  and  recognized  leader; 
name  familiar  in  connection  with  the  Presidency;  ability  as  an  organ 
izer  exceeded  by  all;  member  of  Committees  on  Appropriations,  Com 
merce,  inter- State  Commerce,  Printing,  Rules,  and  Corporations  Organ 
ized  in  D.  C. 


HON.  HENRY  M.  TELLER. 

Born  in  Allegany  co.,  N.  Y.,  May  23,  1830 ,  admitted  to  bar  in 
N.  Y. ;  removed  to  Illinois,  1858 ;  thence  to  Colorado,  1861 ;  on  admis 
sion  of  Colorado  to  Statehood,  1876,  was  elected  to  U.  S.  Senate  as  a 
Republican;  re-elected  to  U.  S.  Senate  for  the  term  1876-1882; 
appointed  Secretary  of  Interior  by  President  Arthur  in  1882,  and  served 
till  March  3,  1885;  re-elected  to  Senate  in  1885,  and  again  in  1890) 
Chairman  of  Committee  on  Claims;  member  of  Committees  on  Judici 
ary,  Appropriations,  Rules,  etc. 


SILVER   AND   GOLD.  165 

His  reasons  and  conclusions  proved  to  be  acceptable  to 
the  Congress,  but  there  was  great  diversity  of  opinion 
respecting  the  question  of  the  relative  value  of  the  two 
metals.  What  should  be  the  fixed  ratio  between  gold  and 
silver  ?  In  fixing  such  ratio,  should  the  price,  or  purchas 
ing  power,  of  gold  at  home  or  abroad  be  taken  ?  It  was 
finally  agreed  that  American  values  were  alone  to  be  con 
sidered,  and  that  the  commercial  ratio  between  gold  and 
silver  should  be  as  one  is  to  fifteen.  One  ounce  of  gold 
was  to  be  taken  as  worth  fifteen  times  as  much  as  one  ounce 
of  silver. 

OUR    FIRST    COINAGE   ACT. 

The  first  Act  of  Congress  relating  to  coinage  was  passed 
April  2,  1792,  and  was  entitled  "An  Act  establishing  a  mint 
and  regulating  the  coins  of  the  United  States."  This  Act 
provided  for  the  coinage  of  eagles,  half-eagles  and  quarter- 
eagles  of  gold,  and  for  "  dollars  or  units,"  half-dollars  and 
quarter-dollars,  dimes  and  half-dimes  of  silver.  The  coin 
age  of  cents  and  half-cents  of  copper  was  also  provided 
for.  The  value  of  each  eagle  was  fixed  as  "  ten  dollars  or 
units,  and  to  contain  247  grains  and  four-eighths  of  a  grain 
of  pure  or  270  grains  of  standard  gold."  The  half  and 
quarter-eagles  bore  respectively  an  exact  proportion  to  the 
eagle  in  value,  weight  and  fineness. 

The  dollar,  or  unit,  was  thus  provided  for  : — "  Dollars  or 
units — each  to  be  of  the  value  of  a  Spanish  milled  dollar,  as 
the  same  is  now  current,  and  to  contain  371  grains  and 
four-sixteenths  of  a  grain  of  pure,  or  416  grains  of  standard 
silver."  The  fractional  silver  coins  contained  exactly  one- 
half,  one-fourth  and  one-tenth,  respectively,  of  the  quantity 
of  fine  silver  and  alloy  prescribed  for  the  dollar.  The  ideal 
unit  for  years  prior  and  subsequent  to  the  establishment  of 
tiie  Mint  was  the  pound  sterling,  yet  the  Spanish  dollar, 


i66  SILVER  AND   GOLD. 

during  that  early  period,  was  the  money  of  commerce  and 
the  practical  monetary  unit,  and  it  was  the  general  custom 
to  express  in  contracts  that  payment  should  be  made  in 
Spanish  milled  dollars.  The  advocates  of  silver  attach 
great  importance  to  the  expression,  "  dollars  or  units,"  and 
to  the  fact  that  the  established  unit  was  the  silver  dollar. 
Upon  this  is  based  their  claim  that  the  silver  dollar  is  the 
unit  of  our  monetary  system,  and  that  the  gold  coinage  is 
based  upon  that  unit.  Each  eagle  is  "  to  be  of  the  value  of 
$10  or  units,"  and  it  is  declared  that  the  dollar  or  unit  shall 
be  of  silver. 

This  Act  provided  for  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of 
both  gold  and  silver,  and  that  both  coins  should  be  a  legal 
tender.  Thus  Section  14  reads  : 

"  It  shall  be  lawful  for  any  person  or  persons  to  bring  to 
the  said  Mint  gold  and  silver  bullion  in  order  to  their  being 
coined,  and  that  the  bullion  so  brought  shall  be  assayed  and 
coined  free  of  expense  to  the  person  or  persons  by  whom 
the  same  shall  have  been  brought." 

Free  coinage  in  this  sense  does  not  mean  that  the  mint 
did  its  work  for  nothing.  It  charged  one-half  per  cent,  to 
indemnify  it  for  the  time  expended  in  assaying  and  coining 
the  bullion. 

Section  16  of  the  Act  contained  the  legal  tender  clause, 
making  the  coins  of  both  metals,  even  including  the  frac 
tional  silver  coins,  a  legal  tender. 

A  gold  dollar,  or  rather  a  dollar  in  gold,  at  the  ratio 
fixed  in  the  above  Act,  would  contain  24.75  grains  of  gold. 
Multiply  this  by  15  (for  there  must  be  fifteen  times  as  much 
silver  in  a  dollar)  and  you  have  371.25  grains,  as  the  quan 
tity  of  fine  silver  for  the  silver  dollar.  This  ratio  was  not 
quite  that  which  prevailed  at  the  time  in  Europe,  the  ratio 
there  being  about  i$/4  to  I.  Our  Coinage  Act,  therefore, 


SILVER  AND   GOLD.  ,67 

put  too  low  a  commercial  value  on  gold.  It  was  worth 
more  as  bullion  in  the  markets  of  the  world  than  in  the 
shape  of  one  of  our  coins.  There  was,  therefore,  little  or 
no  inducement  for  any  one  to  take  gold  bullion  or  gold 
plate  to  the  mint  to  get  it  coined  into  gold  money,  for  the 
utmost  they  could  get  for  it  would  be  coin  of  gold  equal  to 
fifteen  times  its  weight  in  silver.  In  Europe  the  same 
weight  of  gold  would  command  fifteen  and  a  half  times  its 
weight  of  silver.  Not  only  was  there  no  inducement  to  sell 
gold  to  the  mint  for  purpose  of  coinage,  but  even  what  was 
coined  followed  to  a  great  extent  the  law  of  a  commercial 
commodity,  and  was  retired  as  something  more  worthy  to 
hold  than  the  cheaper  metal,  silver,  which  measured  its 
value  in  a  popular  sense,  or  else  it  sought,  even  as  gold 
coin,  the  market  abroad,  where  one  part  of  gold  com 
manded  fifteen  and  a  half  parts  of  silver. 

In  those  early  times  we  were  not  in  a  position  as  a  nation 
to  impress  a  commercial  value  on  metals  used  as  coin.  The 
law  fixed  a  ratio.  The  mint  impressed  the  law  on  the 
coins.  After  that  they  followed  largely  the  higher  and 
more  arbitrary  laws  of  commerce  and  of  nations.  They 
were  in  the  markets  of  the  world  and  subject  to  their  fluctua 
tions.  And  this  was  true,  even  though  we  had  great  need 
for  metallic  money,  as  all  new  countries  have  where  popu 
lation  is  sparse,  where  intercommunication  is  slow  and  ir 
regular,  and  where  credit  has  not  yet  learned  to  lend  its 
conveniences  to  trade. 

In  spite  of  the  ratio  of  15  to  I,  established  for  our  bi 
metallic  currency  by  the  Act  of  1/92,  the  foreign,  or  com 
mercial,  ratio  forced  itself  upon  us,  and  for  forty-two  years, 
that  is  from  1792  to  1834,  the  value  of  silver,  as  compared 
with  gold,  fluctuated,  often  rising  nearly  to  16  to  I,  but 
never  falling  to  15  to  I.  It  is  clear,  then,  that  silver  was 


168  SILVER  AND  GOLD. 

cheaper  than  gold,  and  silver  currency  than  gold  currency, 
which  fact,  as  those  who  oppose  the  free  coinage  of  silvef 
aver,  proved  the  truth  of  Gresham's  law,  mentioned  above, 
that  where  two  metals  are  made  a  legal  tender  and  given 
free  coinage  at  a  fixed  ratio  of  value,  the  cheaper  metal 
will  circulate  to  the  exclusion  of  the  dearer. 

To  illustrate :  A  yard  is  36  inches,  but  if  a  merchant 
finds  that  if,  within  law,  he  can  satisfy  his  customers  with  a 
yard  of  35^  inches,  he  will  prefer  the  shorter  standard  of 
measure.  Sixteen  ounces  make  a  pound  avoirdupois,  but 
if  he  can,  within  law,  satisfy  his  customers  with  fifteen 
ounces,  he  will  do  so.  An  ounce  of  gold  is  worth  in  the 
markets  15^  ounces  of  silver;  he  will  not  use  the  gold,  but 
the  legal  equivalent  of  the  gold,  or  the  15  j£  ounces  of  sil 
ver,  namely,  the  15  ounces  which  he  finds  in  the  shape  of 
silver  coin,  and  a  legal  tender. 

This  presumes  that  the  ounce  of  gold  set  up  as  the 
standard  of  value  is  fixed,  like  the  yard,  as  a  standard  of 
measure  and  the  pound  as  a  standard  of  weight.  Commer 
cial  custom  and  monetary  science  incline  more  and  more  to 
this  presumption,  and  as  a  fact  gold  is  made  to  so  largely 
measure  the  value  of  silver  as  well  as  all  other  commodi 
ties,  among  enlightened  nations,  as  that  it  performs  the 
functions  of  a  yard  stick  as  to  lengths  or  a  pound  weight  as 
to  weights. 

But  here  the  advocates  of  bi-metallism  and  free  coinage 
say  that  gold  is  not  in  itself  an  unchangeable  measure  of 
value,  as  the  yard  stick  is  of  length  and  the  pound  weight 
is  of  weight.  It  has  its  own  fluctuations  just  as  silver  has, 
though  perhaps  not  to  the  same  extent.  It  is,  therefore,  not 
a  true  measure  of  value  for  silver.  The  Hon.  Marcus  A. 
Smith,  of  Arizona,  in  his  recent  speech  upon  "  The  free 
Coinage  of  Silver,"  thus  treats  of  this  question  of  gold 


SILVER   AND  GOLD.  169 

measurements  and  of  the  principle  underlying  "  Gresham's 
Law : " 

"  The  inflexible  and  unchangeable  value,  which  is  often 
attributed  to  gold  coin,  is  simply  the  arbitrary  value  of  a 
standard  only  measured  by  itself.  This  is  the  value  to 
which  the  quoted  words  plainly  apply.  Governments  can 
no  more  give  fixed  commodities,  or  comparative  value,  to 
gold  and  silver  than  they  can  arrest  the  motion  of  the  stars. 
David  Hume,  John  Locke,  Adam  Smith,  and  all  the  older 
economic  writers  agree  that  gold  and  silver  both  fluctuate 
in  value. 

"  Profs.  Jevons  and  Walker,  more  recent  authorities,  show 
by  comparative  tables  of  statistics  that  between  1789  and 
1809  gold  fell  46  per  cent. ;  that  between  1809  and  1849  it 
arose  145  per  cent.,  and  that  within  twenty  years  after  the 
latter  date  it  fell  20  per  cent.  It  is  estimated  that  during 
the  past  eighteen  years  gold  has  again  risen  30  per  cent. 
Jevons  says  that — 

" '  In  respect  to  steadiness  of  values  the  metals  are  prob 
ably  less  satisfactory,  regarded  as  a  standard  of  value,  than 
many  other  commodities,  such  as  corn.' 

"  The  discovery  of  new  mines,  the  exhaustion  of  the  old 
mines,  the  arbitrary  adoption  of  the  metals  by  governments 
for  money  purposes  or  their  demonetization  and  disuse  for 
such  purposes,  and  the  greater  or  less  demand  for  them  for 
artistic  and  mechanical  uses,  are  accidents  and  circum 
stances  which  contribute  to  fluctuation  in  their  value.  Use 
fulness  or  utility  gives  desirability.  This  desirability  leads  to 
use,  and  whether  the  use  be  by  governments  or  individuals, 
or  both,  for  money  or  in  the  arts,  or  for  both,  it  creates  the 
demand  which,  in  connection  with  supply,  gives  exchange 
value. 

"The  law,  custom,  or   usage,  that   rendered  the  fabled 


17o  SILVER   AND  GOLD. 

nugget  of  copper  a  proper  tender  by  the  mummy  as  a  fee 
to  Charon,  gave  it  its  monetary  value  for  that  purpose.  It 
was  the  tribal  law,  custom,  or  usage  which  ordained  the  use 
of  silver  as  money,  that  gave  to  the  400  shekels  of  silver 
which  Abraham  tendered  to  Ephron  the  Hittite,  and  '  cur 
rent  money  with  the  merchants/  its  monetary  value ;  it 
was  the  law,  custom,  or  usage  which  decreed  the  use  of 
silver  as  money,  that  gave  to  the  twenty  pieces  of  silver  for 
which  Joseph  was  sold  into  slavery,  and  the  thirty  pieces 
of  silver  for  which  the  gentle  Nazarene  was  betrayed  to  his 
death,  their  monetary  value. 

"  In  each  instance,  even  on  the  principles  of  barter,  the 
use  of  silver,  for  other  purposes  than  money,  was  a  factor, 
contributing  to  its  monetary  value,  and  not  by  itself  creating 
it.  Where  barter  is  applied  the  sum  total  of  usage  gives  to 
the  metals  what  is  termed  the  monetary  value,  but  what, 
more  properly  speaking,  is  only  commercial  value.  Crusoe, 
on  his  desert  isle,  sitting  among  his  sacks  of  gold,  is  the 
synonym  of  poverty  until  he  finds  the  grain  of  wheat  which 
gives  promise  of  food  and  life.  That  gold  had  no  commer 
cial  value.  The  grain  of  wheat  was  worth  immeasurably 
more  than  all  of  it.  But  let  civilized  governments,  or  even 
barbarous  tribes  find  it,  and  at  once  its  use  for  the  purposes 
of  money  makes  it  command  a  thousand  times  its  weight  in 
wheat. 

"  So  far  from  the  value  of  given  articles  '  for  other  pur 
poses  '  being  the  sole  cause  of  their  monetary  value,  the 
former  is  not  always  even  co-existent  with  and  equal  to  the 
latter.  Was  it  the  '  value  for  other  purposes '  of  the  iron 
in  the  coins  of  Sparta,  under  Lycurgus,  that  gave  to  those 
coins  their  monetary  value?  Was  it  the  value  of  the 
leather  '  for  other  purposes '  that  gave  to  the  money  of  Car 
thage  its  monetary  value  ?  Was  it  its  *  value  for  other  pur- 


SILVER  AND   GOLD.  171 

poses '  that  gave  to  the  money  made  in  China  in  the  thir 
teenth  century  from  the  bark  of  the  mulberry  tree  its  mon 
etary  value?  Was  it  its  '  value  for  other  purposes'  that 
gave  value  to  the  wampum  of  the  American  Indians  ?  Was 
it  their  ( value  for  other  purposes '  that  gave  to  the  glass 
coin  of  Arabia,  the  brass  coins  of  Rome,  the  pasteboard 
bills  of  Holland,  the  tenpenny  nails  of  Scotland,  the  musket- 
balls  of  Massachusetts,  and  the  cocoa-beans  of  Mexico, 
their  monetary  value  ? 

"  Is  it  its  value  for  other  purposes  that  gives  to  the  $800,- 
000,000  of  silver  coin  in  France  to-day  its  monetary  value  ? 
Is  it  its  value  for  other  purposes  that  gives  to  our  $400,- 
000,000  of  standard  silver  coin  and  the  millions  more  of 
subsidiary  and  minor  coin  their  monetary  value?  The 
commercial  value  of  the  silver  in  the  coin  of  France  is 
$170,000,000  less  than  its  monetary  value,  and  in  the  United 
States  nearly  $100,000,000  less.  How  obvious,  therefore, 
it  is  that  governments  not  only  by  the  use  of  the  metals  as 
money  add  to  their  commercial  value,  but  at  times  confer  a 
monetary  value  beyond  and  independent  of  the  commercial 
value  ? 

"  Much  is  said  about  one  kind  of  money  driving  another 
kind  out  of  circulation.  The  Gresham  Law  is  simply  a  law 
of  displacement.  It  applies  to  all  articles  of  commerce  as 
well  as  to  money.  The  self-binder  displaces  the  sickle,  and 
the  railway  train  displaces  the  stage-coach.  But  the  theory 
that  the  scarcest  money  is  the  best  money  is  on  par  with 
the  idea  that  the  smallest  crop  is  the  best  crop.  Gold  and 
silver,  like  other  commodities,  go  where  the  highest  prices 
are  offered,  whether  the  offer  comes  from  individuals  or 
governments.  Monetary  value  is  national ;  commercial 
value  is  cosmopolitan.  The  single-standard  metal,  whether 
it  be  gold  or  silver,  is  alternately  money  and  commodity 


,72  SILVER  AND   GOLD. 

instrument  and  article  of  commerce.  Economic  law  is  in 
exorable. 

"England  adopted  the  single-standard  in  1819,  and  Ger 
many,  the  Latin  Union,  and  minor  European  states,  at  a 
later  day.  Since  1819  the  Bank  of  England  has  suspended 
specie  payment  nearly  a  dozen  times,  the  land-owners  of 
England  have  been  reduced  from  165,000  to  less  than 
30,000.  Her  $3,500,000,000  national  debt  is  as  large  as 
at  the  close  of  the  Napoleonic  wars,  yet  bread  riots  have 
periodically  startled  her  cities  and  agitated  her  statesmen. 
But  two  years  ago,  when  heavy  drafts  were  made  on  her 
gold  by  Russia,  her  Barings  touched  the  borders  of  insol 
vency,  and,  in  spite  of  all  the  assistance  of  the  Bank  of 
England,  plunged  several  leading  New  York  banks  into 
ruin  and  carried  our  country  to  the  edge  of  panic  and  finan 
cial  disaster.  Goschen,  the  chancellor  of  the  British  Ex 
chequer,  announced  to  Parliament  that  the  perils  attending 
the  increasing  competition  for  gold  made  a  consideration  of 
the  return  to  bimetallism  advisable. 

"  The  rule  or  law  of  Sir  Thomas  Gresham  did  not  apply 
to  gold  and  silver.  In  the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  I  think 
it  was,  the  coin  in  circulation  was  found  to  be  degraded  by 
clipping  and  general  short  weight.  It  was  found  that  as 
long  as  any  clipped  or  abraded  piece  of  silver  would  buy 
as  much  as  a  full-weight  piece  of  silver,  the  heavy  piece 
was  kept  out  of  commerce  and  used  in  the  arts,  and  the 
spurious  piece  did  the  trade  of  the  realm.  The  light  dis 
placed  the  heavy  in  commerce,  or  had  such  tendency,  and 
this  is  all  that  the  Gresham  law  meant." 

However  these  things  may  be  in  theory,  in  fact  our  early 
gold  coins,  being  worth  more,  when  compared  with  silver, 
than  the  value  which  was  stamped  upon  them,  began  to 
depart  either  from  circulation  or  from  the  country  entirely. 


SILVER  AND  COLD.  173 

This  movement  began  almost  simultaneously  with  the  pas 
sage  of  our  first  Coinage  Act.  It  was  very  perceptible  by 
1810,  and  continued  until  1834.  In  all  that  time  there  were 
less  than  $12,000,000  in  gold  coined,  a  large  per  cent,  of 
which  was  lost  entirely  to  the  country  by  export.  By  1814 
the  mintage  of  gold  coins  had  fallen  to  $77,000.  In  1815  it 
fell  to  $3,000.  In  1816  the  coinage  of  gold  amounted  to 
nothing.  After  1819  gold  disappeared  as  a  circulating  me 
dium  in  the  United  States. 

During  this  time  (1792-1834)  there  were  only  1,439,417 
silver  dollars  coined,  and  none  of  these  were  coined  after 
1805.  The  coinage  of  the  silver  dollar  was  in  all  probabil 
ity  discouraged  by  the  fact  that  gold  was  seen  to  be  disap 
pearing,  and  with  the  hope  that  a  scarcity  of  silver  dollars 
might  enhance  their  value.  Or,  their  coinage  may  have 
ceased  by  reason  of  the  fact  that  the  foreign  silver  coins  of 
that  denomination  were  ample  for  trade  purposes,  the  bulk 
of  our  metallic  currency  being  at  that  time  of  foreign  make. 
The  mint  was  not,  however,  idle.  It  was  busy  on  fractional 
or  subsidiary  coins.  By  1834  it  had  coined  $50,000,000  of 
silver  half  dollars,  and  a  proportion  of  lesser  coins,  which, 
with  the  large  per  cent,  of  foreign  subsidiary  coins,  furnished 
an  ample  minor  currency. 

This  currency  condition  was  far  from  satisfactory.  Bi 
metallism  was  not  proving  the  theories  of  its  authors.  The 
question  of  a  change  began  to  be  mooted.  Some  few  alter 
ations  were  made  in  the  Coinage  Act  from  time  to  time,  but 
the  original  Act  remained  in  all  its  essential  features  up  till 

1834- 

By  1831  Hon.  Campbell  P.  White,  an  authority  on  such 
matters,  had  reached  the  conclusion  that  a  system  which 
sought  to  regulate  the  standard  of  value  in  both  gold  and 
silver  had  inherent  and  incurable  defects.  He  thought  it 


,74  SILVER  AND   GOLD. 

had  been  clearly  ascertained  by  experience  that  it  was  im 
possible  to  maintain  both  metals  in  concurrent,  simultaneous 
and  promiscuous  circulation. 

In  1832  a  Committee  on  Coinage  reported  that  it  could 
not  find  "that  both  metals  have  ever  circulated  simulta 
neously,  concurrently  and  indiscriminately  in  any  country 
where  there  were  banks  or  money  dealers ;  and  they  enter 
tain  the  conviction  that  the  nearest  approach  to  an  invariable 
standard  is  its  establishment  in  one  metal,  which  metal  shall 
compose  exclusively  the  currency  of  large  payments." 

The  time  had  now  come  for  a  substantial  change  in  the 
Coinage  Act  of  1792.  What  was  chiefly  apparent  to  all  in 
1834  was  the  fact  that  the  ratio  between  gold  and  silver,  es 
tablished  by  that  Act,  was  no  longer,  if  it  had  ever  been, 
correct.  It  undervalued  gold.  But  there  was  no  general 
departure,  so  far  as  the  debates  show,  from  the  bi-metallic 
idea.  Statesmen  still  preferred  to  struggle  with  the  intricate 
problem  of  finding  a  ratio  between  gold  and  silver  which 
would  prove  to  be  the  ratio  of  commerce. 

The  Director  of  the  Mint,  in  his  report  to  the  Congress 
for  the  year  1833,  said  that  the  "  new  coined  gold  frequently 
remains  in  the  mint  uncalled  for,  though  ready  for  delivery, 
until  the  day  arrives  for  a  packet  to  sail  for  Europe."  And 
he  concluded  that  the  entire  coinage  of  gold  in  the  future, 
amounting  to  perhaps  $2,000,000  annually,  would  be  ex 
ported,  unless  there  was  a  reform  of  the  gold  standard. 

In  his  advocacy  of  a  change  in  the  ratio  between  gold  and 
silver,  Hon.  Thomas  H.  Benton,  in  a  speech  delivered  in  the 
Senate  in  1834,  said:  "The  false  valuation  put  upon  gold 
has  rendered  the  mint  of  the  United  States,  so  far  as  the  gold 
coinage  is  concerned,  a  most  ridiculous  and  absurd  institu 
tion.  It  has  coined,  and  that  at  large  expense  to  the  United 
States,  2,262,177  pieces  of  gold,  valued  at  $11,852,820,  and 


SILVER  AND  GOLD.  175 

where  are  the  pieces  now  ?  Not  one  of  them  to  be  seen  ! 
All  sold  and  exported !  To  enable  the  friends  of  gold  to 
go  to  work  at  the  right  place  to  effect  the  recovery  of  that 
precious  metal  which  their  fathers  once  possessed — which 
the  subjects  of  European  kings  now  possess — which  the 
citizens  of  the  young  Republics  of  the  south  all  possess — 
which  even  the  free  negroes  of  San  Domingo  possess — but 
which  the  yeomanry  of  this  America  have  been  deprived  of 
for  more  than  twenty  years,  and  will  be  deprived  of  forever 
unless  they  discover  the  cause  of  the  evil,  and  apply  the 
remedy  to  the  root." 

Under  these  auspices  the  Coinage  Act  of  June  28,  1834, 
was  passed.  By  this  Act  the  pure  gold  in  the  eagle  was 
reduced  from  247^  grains  to  232  grains,  and  a  correspond 
ing  reduction  was  made  in  the  half  eagles  and  quarter 
eagles.  The  alloy  was  changed  from  22^  to  26,  making 
the  eagle  contain  258  grains  of  standard  gold  instead  of  270 
grains.  The  Act  of  1834  made  no  change  in  the  silver  coins. 
This  change  in  the  gold  coinage  made  the  ratio  nearly  16  to 
I,  the  exact  ratio  being  16.002  to  I.  Why  this  ratio  was 
established,  or,  for  that  matter,  why  any  change  at  all  was 
made,  is  difficult  to  understand,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  at 
that  date  the  commercial  ratio  between  the  two  metals  was 
I  to  15.6,  which,  for  convenience,  Europe  was  calling  I  to 
1$%.  The  new  currency  ratio  of  I  to  1 6  was  as  far  removed 
from  the  commercial  ratio  of  I  to  i$%  as  was  the  old  cur 
rency  ratio  of  I  to  15.  Only  now  the  boot  was  on  the  other 
foot.  By  the  Act  of  1792  gold  was  undervalued  aad  silver 
overvalued.  By  the  Act  of  1834  the  matter  was  reversed, 
and  gold  was  overvalued  and  silver  undervalued.  Or  con 
sidering  the  bi-metallic  views  of  the  framers  of  these  acts, 
the  result  of  the  Act  of  1792  was  to  overvalue  silver  as  to 
gold ;  and  the  effect  of  the  Act  of  1834  was  to  overvalue  gold 


176  SILVER  AND  GOLD. 

as  to  silver.  In  their  practical  workings  these  Acts  quite 
threw  their  framers  from  their  bi-metallic  base,  and  inasmuch 
as  in  the  Act  of  1792  they  attempted  to  exalt  silver  at  the 
expense  of  gold,  they  became,  according  to  the  laws  laid 
down  in  economics,  silver  monometallists.  So,  inasmuch  as 
in  the  Act  of  1834  they  sought  to  exalt  gold  at  the  expense 
of  silver,  they  became  gold  monometallists.  There  were  not 
wanting  those  who  sounded  the  note  of  warning  that  the  Act 
of  1834  would  but  repeat  that  of  1792,  in  the  respect  that 
cheap  gold  would  drive  out  the  silver  circulation  just  as 
cheap  silver  had  driven  out  the  gold  circulation. 

The  Act  of  1834  proved  very  unsatisfactory  in  its  opera 
tion.  Silver  fluctuated,  in  a  commercial  sense,  for  years, 
but  it  did  not  fall  in  price  to  the  ratio  of  16  to  I  of  gold. 
Consequently  silver  became  worth  more,  in  relation  to 
gold,  as  bullion  or  plate  than  as  coin,  and  it  began  to  dis 
appear,  there  being  no  inducement  to  coin  it.  After  1840, 
sight  of  a  silver  dollar  was  rare,  and  as  a  coin,  it  played  no 
conspicuous  part  in  our  circulation,  for  very  many  years. 
Monometallists  regard  the  effects  of  the  Act  of  1834  as 
another  striking  vindication  of  the  truth  of  "  Gresham's 
Law,"  that  the  cheaper  money  invariably  drives  the  dearer 
from  circulation. 

ACT   OF    1837. 

Dissatisfaction  with  the  Act  of  1834  led  to  that  of  January 
1 8,  1837,  which  was,  in  its  form,  a  supplement  to  that  of 
1834,  yet  a  complete  revision  of  the  laws  of  mintage,  and 
was  in  fact  known  as  "The  Mint  Act  of  1837."  This  Act 
changed  the  standard  of  both  gold  and  silver  coins  and  the 
ratio  between  the  metals.  The  standard  for  gold  and  silver 
coins  was  fixed  at  .900  fine,  that  is,  900  parts  of  pure  metal 
to  100  parts  of  alloy.  This  increased  the  pure  gold  in  the 
dollar  from  23.20  to  23.22  grains,  and  fixed  the  ratio  between 


AND  GOLD.  i;7 

the  two  metals  at  15.98  to  I.  The  silver  dollar  was  changed 
from  416  grains  of  standard  silver  to  412^  grains,  and  the 
fractional  coins  were  made  to  correspond  in  exact  propor 
tion.  To  make  the  alloy  equal  to  one-tenth  of  the  weight 
of  the  coin,  it  was  necessary  to  add  the  small  fraction  of 
two-tenths  of  one  grain  of  gold  to  the  eagle.  No  change, 
however,  was  made  in  the  quantity  of  pure  silver  contained 
in  the  dollar.  That  remained  at  371^  grains,  and  it  con 
tinued  at  that  figure.  This  Act  also  provided  that  "  gold  and 
silver  bullion  brought  to  the  mint  for  coinage  shall  be  re 
ceived  and  coined  by  the  proper  officers  for  the  benefit  of 
the  depositor."  This  provision  for  coinage  was  taken  from 
the  previous  Acts,  and  continued  the  coinage  of  the  two 
metals  upon  the  same  footing.  The  fact  that  there  was  no 
change  in  the  quantity  of  silver  in  the  dollar  has  given  origin 
and  currency  to  the  phrase  "  Dollar  of  the  Fathers,"  or  the 
more  alliterative  and  catchy  term  "  Dollar  of  the  Daddies." 

What  is  regarded  as  a  serious  error  in  all  the  Coinage 
Acts  up  to  and  including  that  of  1837  was  the  fact  that  the 
minor  coins  had  been  made  to  contain  the  exact  proportion 
of  silver  contained  in  the  dollar.  They,  therefore,  paid  the 
penalty  visited  on  the  silver  dollar.  They  shrank  from  cir 
culation,  or  left  the  country,  and  this  became  particularly 
manifest  after  the  inequality  between  the  production  of  gold 
and  silver  in  this  country  set  in  with  the  discovery  of  gold 
in  California. 

Prior  to  this  discovery  the  world's  production  of  gold  and 
silver  was  nearly  equal,  the  annual  average  of  gold  produc 
tion  between  1841  and  1851  being  about  $38,000,000,  and 
that  of  silver  about  $34,000,000.  But  from  1849  to  1851 
the  world  seems  to  have  poured  forth  its  treasures  of  gold 
with  unparalleled  liberality.  California,  Russia  and  Aus 
tralia  contributed  a  new  and  unprecedented  output  of  gold. 


I7g  SIIyVER  AND   GOIvD. 

In  the  five  years,  from  1851  to  1855,  the  world's  produc 
tion  of  gold  leaped  from  $38,000,000  to  $140,000,000  an 
nually,  while  in  those  years  the  production  of  silver  only 
increased  from  $34,000,000  to  $40,000,000  annually.  The 
equality  between  the  two  products  prior  to  1849  did  not 
serve  to  materially  affect  their  commercial  ratio,  but  the 
inequality  after  that  year  greatly  affected  it,  by  giving  a  still 
higher  value  to  silver.  This  fact,  co-operating  with  the 
effect  of  the  Coinage  Act,  enhanced  the  difficulty  already 
spoken  of  with  the  circulation  of  silver  coins  of  every  de 
nomination.  "  There  is,"  said  Mr.  Dunham  in  Congress  in 
1853,  "a  constant  stimulant  to  gather  up  every  silver  coin 
and  send  it  to  market  as  bullion,  to  be  exchanged  for  gold, 
and  the  result  is,  the  country  is  almost  devoid  of  small 
change  for  the  ordinary  small  transactions,  and  what  we 
have  is  of  a  depreciated  character." 

The  commercial  ratio  in  Europe  being  about  15^  to  i, 
silver  coins  were  worth  three  per  cent,  more  for  export  than 
our  gold  coins ;  that  is,  they  were  worth  three  per  cent,  more 
as  bullion  than  as  money.  When  it  became  apparent  that 
the  country  was  thus  being  depleted  of  its  change,  agitation 
set  in  for  a  remedy. 

COINAGE   ACT   OF    1849. 

The  Coinage  Act  of  March  3,  1849,  was  a  provision  for  a 
fuller  and  larger  mintage  of  gold,  whose  production  bade 
fair  to  be  greatly  increased  in  this  country  owing  to  devel 
opments  in  California.  It  authorized  the  coinage  of  double 
eagles,  and  also  of  gold  dollars.  "  Double  eagles  should 
each  be  of  the  value  of  twenty  dollars,  or  units,  and  gold 
dollars  should  each  be  of  the  value  of  one  dollar,  or  unit, 
these  coins  to  be  uniform  in  all  respects  to  the  standard  for 
gold  coins  now  established  by  law." 


SILVER   AND  GOLD.  I79 

It  was  not  until  the  Act  of  1853  that  the  coinage  of  three 
dollar  gold  pieces  was  authorized,  "of  the  value  of  three 
dollars,  or  units,  conformable  in  all  respects  to  the  standard 
gold  coins  now  authorized  by  law."  The  word  "  dollar  or 
unit"  was  used  in  all  the  Coinage  Acts  to  describe  the  value 
of  the  gold  coins  prior  to  1873. 

COINAGE   ACT   OF    1853. 

This  Act  is  significant  in  our  monetary  history  as  being 
the  first  which  recognized  the  difficulty  of  maintaining  a 
perfect  bi-metallic  standard,  and  the  first  which  contained  a 
step  toward  the  demonetization  of  silver.  It  was  passed  in 
February,  1853,  and  it  reduced  the  weight  of  the  half  dollar 
from  206 y^  grains  of  standard  silver  to  192  grains  of  the 
same.  All  the  smaller  coins  were  reduced  in  proportion. 
At  the  same  time  the  full  legal  tender  quality  was  removed 
from  these  subsidiary  coins,  and  they  became  no  longer  a 
legal  tender  for  sums  exceeding  five  dollars.  This  provision 
has  not  since  been  removed.  Again,  it  was  provided  that 
the  bullion  for  the  coinage  of  fractional  silver  should  be 
purchased  directly  by  the  government,  or  by  the  Director 
of  the  Mint  on  account  of  the  government,  and  that  the  gain 
arising  from  the  coinage  thereof  should  be  credited  to  the 
Mint.  This  was  a  blow  at  the  "  free  and  unlimited  coinage  " 
of  the  subsidiary  coins.  By  this  reduction  of  the  amount 
of  silver  in  the  fractional  coins  to  the  extent  of  about  seven 
per  cent.,  all  inducement  to  melt  them  up  or  sell  them  as 
bullion  was  removed ;  for,  although  the  silver  dollar  still 
remained  at  from  three  to  three  and  a  half  per  cent,  above 
the  gold  dollar  in  value,  the  seven  per  cent,  reduction  in  the 
commercial  value  of  the  fractional  coins  brought  them  three 
to  three  and  a  half  per  cent,  below  the  value  of  gold ;  quite 
enough  of  depreciation  to  save  them  to  the  circulation. 


iSu  SILVER  AND  GOLD. 

It  must  be  remarked  of  the  period  which  led  to,  embraced 
and  immediately  followed  the  Coinage  Act  of  1853,  that  it 
was  a  period  in  which  there  was  hardly  any  coinage  of 
silver  dollars,  and  practically  no  circulation  of  them.  In 
1850  only  $47,500  silver  dollars  were  coined;  in  1851, 
$1,300;  in  1852,  $1,100.  All  attention  was  paid  to  the 
coinage  of  gold,  the  total  coinage  of  which,  in  1852,  was 
$56,000,000,  fully  $2,000,000  of  which  was  in  gold  dollars. 

The  framers  of  the  Act  of  1853  Pa^  no  attention  to  the 
fact  that  our  silver  production  from  1851  to.  1855  was  about 
$400,000  per  year.  They  saw  only  the  large  gold  produc 
tion  of  over  $60,000,000  per  year,  and  the  spirit  of  the  Act  was 
to  take  advantage  of  the  opportunity  to  establish,  as  far  as 
possible,  a  single  currency  standard  of  gold.  True,  they  did 
not  interfere  with  the  silver  dollar.  There  was  no  need  to. 
None  were  being  coined.  None  were  in  circulation. 

FROM   1853  TO   1873. 

This  period  is  marvellous  in  the  history  of  metallic  money 
and  monetary  systems  at  home  and  abroad.  The  world's 
production  of  gold  from  1850  to  1870  was  $2,725,000,000, 
or  five  times  as  much  as  in  the  preceding  twenty  years,  and 
quite  as  much  as  during  the  entire  period  from  the  discov 
ery  of  America  to  the  discovery  of  gold  in  California. 

The  commercial  world  became  alarmed  at  these  figures, 
fearing  a  general  derangement  of  values.  That  the  com 
mercial  value  of  gold  was  decreasing  was  manifest  from  the 
increase  in  the  price  of  standard  commodities  all  the  world 
over.  Theories  arose  in  all  directions  as  to  remedies.  Some 
French  economists  thought  it  an  excellent  time  to  demon 
etize  gold,  and  establish  a  single  silver  standard.  Others 
thought  the  time  opportune  to  establish  the  principle  of  bi 
metallism,  provided  the  several  commercial  nations  could  be 


HON.  KICHARD  P.   BLAND. 

Born  near  Hartford,  Ky.,  August  19,  1836;  academically  educated; 
moved  to  Missouri,  1855;  thence  to  California  and  Virginia  city,  Nev. ; 
practiced  law  and  engaged  in  mining;  County  Treasurer  of  Carson  c». ; 
back  to  Missouri,  1865;  practiced  law  at  Rolla  and  Lebanon;  elected, 
as  a  Democrat,  to  represent  Eighth  Missouri  District  in  43d,  44th,  45th, 
46th,  47th,  48th,  49th,  50th,  51st,  and  52d  Congresses ;  rose  to  distinction 
as  author  of  Bland  Silver  Bill,  which  became  a  law,  with  the  Allison 
amendment,  in  1878;  Father  of  the  Free  Silver  Coinage  Bill  in  52d 
Congress ;  defeated  as  straight  Democratic  candidate  for  the  54th 
Congress  by  Hon.  J.  D.  Hubbard,  his  Republican  opponent;  promi 
nently  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  Presidency  by  Free  Silver  party. 


HON.  HORACE  BOIES. 

Born  in  Erie  co.,  N.  Y.,  December  7,  1827;  started,  a  poor  boy,  at 
sixteen,  for  Racine,  Wis. ;  worked  on  a  farm  for  a  time  and  returned  to 
New  York;  admitted  to  bar  of  Erie  co.,  1852;  elected  to  Assembly, 
as  a  Republican,  1853;  nominated  a  second  time  and  defeated;  moved 
to  Waterloo,  Iowa,  1867  ;  practiced  profession,  and  became  large  land 
owner;  left  the  Republican  party  on  account  of  its  prohibition  doctrines 
in  1883;  advocated  Cleveland's  election  in  1884;  favored  tariff  reform, 
but  not  unqualified  free  coinage  ;  nominated  for  Governor,  on  Demo 
cratic  ticket,  in  fall  of  1889,  and  elected ;  a  Congregationalist,  strictly 
temperate,  and  a  patron  of  fine-stock  raising.  Prominently  mentioned  as 
candidate  for  the  Presidency  on  Free  Silver  Democratic  ticket  of  1896. 


SILVER   AND   GOLD. 


183 


brought  to  give  common  consent.  France,  Italy,  Switzer 
land  and  Belgium  formed  what  was  called  "The  Latin 
Monetary  Union  "  in  1863,  based  on  bi-metallism.  But  in 
1867  was  held  the  "  International  Monetary  Conference," 
at  Paris,  in  which  it  was  laid  down  that  the  adoption  of  a 
single  gold  standard  was  a  principle  necessary  to  universal 
coinage. 

Following  this,  in  1871,  came  the  defeat  of  France  in  the 
Franco-Russian  war,  and  her  payment  of  an  immense  sub 
sidy  in  gold  to  Germany.  Immediately,  Germany,  by  a 
series  of  Coinage  Acts  from  1871  to  1873,  demonetized  her 
silver  and  adopted  a  single  gold  standard.  She  stopped  coin 
ing  silver  and  threw  it  on  the  market,  selling  $140,000,000 
worth  between  1873  and  1879.  This  alarmed  the  countries 
pledged  to  a  bi-metallic  system.  The  Latin  Union  closed 
the  mints  of  France,  Belgium,  Italy  and  Switzerland,  to  the 
coinage  of  silver,  thus  confessing  their  inability  to  maintain 
the  two  metals  on  an  equality  and  as  money.  For  thirteen 
years  France  did  not  issue  a  single  legal  tender  silver  coin, 
and  on  January  I,  1891,  the  Latin  Union  went  out  of  ex 
istence. 

Meanwhile,  our  own  country  was  passing  through  the 
throes  of  war  and  the  demoralization  attending  an  expanded 
and  strained  credit.  In  1861  the  government  became  a  bor 
rower  in  gold  to  the  extent  of  $100,000,000.  In  February, 
1862,  it  passed  the  "Legal  Tender  Act,"  under  which 
$150,000,000  in  "  Greenbacks  "  were  issued  as  legal  tenders. 
At  once  gold  jumped  to  a  premium.  The  government's 
promises  to  pay  were  so  much  cheaper  and  inferior  as  a  cir 
culating  medium,  that  gold  hied  away  and  disappeared  as 
currency. 

In  July  of  the  same  year  another  issue  of  $150,000,000 
of  legal  tenders  was  authorized.  Gold  rose  to  a  still  higher 


i84  SILVER  AND  GOLD. 

premium.  Even  our  fractional  silver  currency,  depreciated 
as  it  was  by  the  Act  of  1853,  went  to  a  premium  and  dis 
appeared  with  the  gold.  This  made  the  fractional  paper 
currency  necessary.  Subsequent  uses  of  government  credit 
in  various  forms  and  for  war  purposes,  continued  to  advance 
the  premium  on  gold  till  in  July,  1884,  it  reached  185  per 
cent.  Peace,  the  ability  of  the  government  to  pay,  as  steps 
toward  resumption  showed,  and  final  resumption  in  1879, 
mark  the  decline  of  gold  to  par  again,  or  rather  the  exalta 
tion  of  the  government  promise  to  pay  to  the  gold  standard. 


THE  ACT   OF 

This  Act  has  become  more  famous  through  subsequent 
discussions  of  it,  than  on  account  of  its  intrinsic  merits  or 
the  debates  which  attended  its  passage.  It  is  now  "  The 
Odious  Demonetization  Act  of  1873  "  or  "The  Conspiracy 
Against  Silver  "  of  that  year.  The  facts  connected  with  its 
passage  hardly  support  the  charge  that  it  was  a  "  trick  " 
played  on  the  advocates  of  free  silver  coinage  by  their 
opponents.  As  to  the  intimation  that  "  its  contents  were 
not  fully  known  "  or  sufficiently  known,  that  is  matter  per 
sonal  to  the  majority  which  passed  it  and  remote  from  its 
merits. 

The  approaches  to  no  other  Coinage  Act  seern  to  have 
been  more  deliberate  and  gradual.  The  original  draft  of  the 
Act  was  presented  to  the  Senate  as  early  as  April,  1870,  by 
the  then  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Hon.  Geo.  S.  Boutwell. 
It  had  been  prepared  with  great  deliberation,  and  under  the 
supervision  of  Dr.  Linderman,  Director  of  the  Mint.  It  pro 
ceeded  on  the  theory  that  if  the  American  silver  dollar  were 
made  the  equivalent  of  the  five-franc  piece  of  France  —  France 
being  on  a  bi-metallic  basis,  and  with  a  great  volume  of  sil 
ver  currency  —  said  dollar  might  become  interchangeable 


SILVER   AND   GOLD.  185 

with  European  coins  of  like  value.  The  bill,  therefore,  fixed 
the  weight  of  the  silver  dollar  at  3 84  grains  standard  silver, 
that  being  the  weight  of  the  five-franc  piece. 

But  as  this  was  really  to  reduce  the  ratio  between  silver 
and  gold  to  about  14.8  to  i,  and  as  the  bill  gave  to  the  sil 
ver  dollar  a  limited  legal  tender  power,  it  was  not  regarded 
as  one  which  would  effect  its  object  and  make  our  silver 
dollar  float  all  over  the  world.  It,  therefore,  flitted  back 
and  forward  between  the  two  houses  of  Congress  for  three 
years,  the  subject  of  repeated  debates  and  amendments,  the 
theme  of  much  newspaper  discussion,  till  at  length  it  was 
passed  by  the  House,  with  the  clause  providing  for  a  silver 
dollar  of  384  grains  in  it.  This  provision  was  struck  out 
by  the  Senate,  and  what  was  called  the  "  Trade  Dollar " 
clause  was  inserted  in  its  stead.  This  clause  provided  for  a 
trade  dollar  of  420  grains  standard  silver  and  378  grains 
pure  silver,  and  a  limit  on  its  legal  tender  quality  to  sums 
of  five  dollars.  The  object  was  to  provide  a  market  for  our 
production  of  silver  and  to  make  a  dollar  which  would  sub 
stitute  the  old  Spanish  dollar  in  the  Pacific  trade  with  China 
and  Japan.  It  was  a  dollar  of  commerce  and  not  circu 
lation. 

The  bill  then  went  to  a  Committee  of  Conference  between 
the  two  Houses,  where  its  final  form  was  agreed  upon.  It 
then  passed  both  Houses  and  became  a  law  February  12, 
1873.  It  provided  that  the  gold  coins  "shall  be  a  one  dol 
lar  piece,  which,  at  the  standard  weight  of  25.8  grains,  shall 
be  the  unit  of  value,"  etc. 

The  gold  coins  of  larger  denominations  were  based  upon 
the  one  dollar  piece.  The  silver  coins  were  declared  to  be 
a  trade  dollar,  etc.,  and  "  the  weight  of  the  trade  dollar  shall 
be  420  grains  troy  .  .  .  and  said  coins  shall  be  a  legal  ten 
der  at  their  nominal  value  for  any  amount  not  exceeding 
TI 


i86  SILVER    AND  GOLD. 

five  dollars  in  any  one  payment."  Thus  the  standard  silver 
dollar  was  not  only  struck  from  the  list  of  coins,  but  its  sub 
stitute  was  limited  in  legal  tender  power  and  classified  with 
the  fractional  coins.  No  change  was  made  in  the  weight  or 
quality  of  the  gold  coins.  The  important  changes  made, 
and  which  have  given  rise  to  so  much  contention  since, 
were : 

1.  The  gold  dollar  was  made  the  unit  value. 

2.  The  trade  was  substituted  for  the  standard  silver  dollar. 

3.  Silver  was  deprived  of   full  legal  tender  power,  and 
limited  to  payments  in  sums  of  five  dollars. 

No  change  was  made  in  the  minting  privilege  accorded 
the  two  metals,  except  with  reference  to  fractional  coins. 
Owners  of  silver  were  permitted  to  deposit  their  bullion  at 
the  Mint  upon  the  same  terms  as  owners  of  gold  bullion,  so 
far  as  trade  dollars  wrere  concerned.  The  provision  of  the 
Act  of  1853,  to  buy  silver  bullion  on  Government  account 
for  coining  fractional  silver,  was  continued  in  the  Act  of 
1873,  but  any  owner  of  silver  bullion  could  "  deposit  the 
same  at  any  mint,  to  be  formed  into  bars  or  into  trade  dol 
lars,"  at  a  charge  not  to  exceed  the  actual  average  cost  to 
the  mint.  In  answering  the  complaint  that  the  Act  of  1873 
struck  down  silver,  Mr.  Ehrich,  of  Colorado,  says : — 

"  Silver  has  been  struck  down,  but  not  by  the  bill  of  1873, 
nor  by  any  bill  concocted  by  man.  The  hand  which  struck 
down  silver  is  the  hand  which  will  strike  us  all  down  in 
time,  the  hand  which  nothing  can  withstand,  the  irresistible 
hand  of  Nature.  Silver  has  been  struck  down  by  the 
natural  forces,  by  the  great  law  of  supply  and  demand.  The 
yearly  average  of  gold  production  in  the  twenty-five  years 
from  1851  to  1875  was  $127,000,000.  The  yearly  average 
product  of  silver  for  the  same  period  was  $51,000,000.  The 
average  annual  product  of  gold  for  the  fifteen  years  from 


SILVER   AND   GOLD.  187 

1876  to  1890  declined  to  $108,000,000,  a  falling  off  of  15 
per  cent.  The  average  annual  product  of  silver  for  the 
same  period  increased  to  $i  16,000,000,  an  increase  of  127 
per  cent.  There  is  the  whole  silver  question,  and  in  the 
face  of  these  facts,  it  is  now  impossible  for  the  United  States, 
single  handed,  with  free  and  unlimited  coinage,  to  bring  sil 
ver  to  a  parity  with  gold  on  any  such  basis  as  1 6  to  I  ;  it  is 
more  impossible  than  for  a  thousand  men  to  pick  up  our 
great  '  Pike's  Peak  '  and  transport  it  bodily  to  Denver." 

ACTS  RELATING  TO  THE  TRADE  DOLLAR. 

By  the  Act  of  July  22,  1876,  it  was  provided  that  "the 
trade  dollar  shall  not  hereafter  be  a  legal  tender,"  and  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was  authorized  to  limit  the  coin 
age  thereof"  to  such  an  amount  as  he  may  deem  sufficient 
to  meet  the  export  demand  for  the  same."  By  this  Act  the 
silver  dollar  was  entirely  eliminated  from  the  list  of  United 
States  coins.  Subsequently  an  Act  was  passed  authorizing 
the  redemption  of  the  outstanding  trade  dollars  at  par,  and 
directing  their  recoinage  into  standard  dollars.  Before  the 
passage  of  this  Act,  however,  considerable  loss  was  sustained 
by  the  people  through  the  destruction  of  the  trade  dollar  as 
lawful  money.  Trade  dollars  to  the  number  of  35,965,924 
were  issued  from  the  mints,  a  large  proportion  of  which  was 
sent  to  China  and  never  returned  for  redemption. 

EXTENT    OF    COINAGE    UNDER    ACTS    TO    1878. 

From  the  establishment  of  the  mint  in  1792,  to  1806,  the 
aggregate  number  of  silver  dollars  coined  was  only  1,439,417, 
and  from  1806  to  1835  there  was  no  coinage  whatever  of 
this  piece.  In  1836  the  number  of  dollar  pieces  coined  was 
only  1,000.  The  two  years  following  coinage  of  dollars  was 
suspended,  but  was  resumed  in  1839,  when  300  were  issued, 


i88  SILVER  AND  GOLD. 

and  the  coinage  was  continued  until  1873,  when  the  standard 
silver  dollar  was  supplanted  by  the  trade  dollar.  The  largest 
annual  coinage  of  standard  silver  dollars  was  made  in  the 
years  1871  and  1872,  when  it  was  $  1,117, 136  and  $1,118,600 
respectively,  which  is  equal  to  nearly  two-fifths  of  the  aggre 
gate  of  standard  silver  dollars  coined  from  1792  to  1873, 
which  aggregate  was  7,830,538.  The  number  coined  in 
January  and  February,  1873,  was  296,000,  which  are  in 
cluded  in  the  above  aggregate.  The  "  Demonetization  Act " 
was  passed  February  12,  1873.  It  will  be  seen,  therefore, 
that  standard  silver  dollars  were  coined  down  to  the  passage 
of  the  Act  which  substituted  the  trade  dollar. 

COINAGE   ACT   OF    1878. 

Remembering  now  that  for  seventeen  years  prior  to  1879 
— the  date  of  resumption — neither  gold  nor  silver  coins 
were  in  circulation  in  the  United  States,  and  that  by  1876 
silver  had  fallen  to  $1.15  per  ounce,  we  are  prepared  for  the 
era  of  agitation  which  began  with  the  introduction  of  free 
silver  coinage  bills  into  Congress.  More  than  one  of  these 
was  introduced  into  the  House,  but  that  particular  one  which 
was  prepared  and  championed  by  Mr.  Bland,  of  Missouri, 
passed  the  House  in  the  fall  -of  1877.  It  became  known  as 
the  "  Bland  Bill,"  and  the  coinage  of  silver  that  followed  in 
its  wake  became  known  as  the  "  Bland  Dollars." 

What  was  really  the  "  Bland  Bill,"  that  is,  the  bill  passed 
by  the  House  and  sent  to  the  Senate,  never  became  a  law. 
The  bill  provided  for  the  coinage  of  "  silver  dollars  of  the 
weight  of  412^2  grains  Troy,  of  standard  silver,  as  provided 
in  the  Act  of  January  18,  1837."  .  .  .  "Which  coins, 
together  with  all  silver  dollars  heretofore  coined  by  the 
United  States  of  equal  weight  and  fineness,  shall  be  a  legal 
tender,  at  their  nominal  value,  for  all  debts  and  dues,  public 


SILVER  AND  GOLD.  189 

and  private,  except  where  otherwise  provided  by  contract. 
And,  any  owner  of  silver  bullion  may  deposit  the  same  at 
any  United  Slates  coinage  mint  or  assay  office,  to  be  coined 
into  such  dollars  for  his  benefit,  upon  the  same  terms  and 
conditions  as  gold  bullion  is  deposited  for  coinage  under  ex 
isting  laws." 

The  above  is  the  "  Bland  Bill  "  as  to  its  vital  points  and 
as  it  passed  the  House  and  appeared  in  the  Senate.  It  gave 
free  coinage  (that  is,  the  same  coinage  as  was  given  to  gold) 
to  any  owner  of  silver  bullion  who  presented  it  at  the  mint. 
It  gave  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  dollars  for  all  silver  bul 
lion  presented  to  be  coined.  It  made  coinage  compulsory. 
At  the  ratio  existing  between  silver  and  gold,  it  was  prac 
tical  mono-metallism,  with  silver  as  the  standard  and  gold  at 
a  premium,  for  the  cheaper  metal,  when  coined,  invariably 
takes  the  volume  of  circulation  and  expels  the  dearer. 

The  entire  character  of  this  bill  was  changed  in  the  Senate 
by  the  Allison  amendment  and  became  known  as  the  Bland- 
Allison  Bill.  It  was  then  passed  by  both  Houses  and  be 
came  the  Bland-Allison  Act.  As  passed,  it  involved  the 
principle  of  bi-metallism,  for  it  limited  the  coinage  of  the 
cheaper  metal,  silver,  and  undertook  to  maintain  it  at  par 
with  gold  by  providing  for  its  redemption. 

This  Act  of  February  28th,  1878,  restored  the  silver 
dollar  of  412*4  grains  to  the  coinage  with  full  legal  tender 
power,  but  did  not  restore  silver  bullion  to  the  minting 
privilege  which  attached  to  it  prior  to  1873,  and  which  was 
in  every  respect  equal  to  that  bestowed  upon  gold.  This 
Act  re-established  the  "  dollar  of  the  fathers/'  made  it  legal 
tender  for  all  debts,  "  except  when  otherwise  expressly 
stipulated  in  the  contract,"  and  directed  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  to  purchase  silver  bullion  monthly  "  at  the  market 
price  thereof,  not  less  than  two  million  dollars'  worth  per 


190  SILVER  AND   GOLD. 

month  nor  more  than  four  million  dollars'  worth  per  month, 
and  cause  the  same  to  be  coined  monthly,  as  fast  as  so  pur 
chased,  into  such  dollars."  The  third  section  provided  that 
holders  of  silver  dollars  "  may  deposit  the  same  with  the 
Treasurer  or  any  Assistant  Treasurer  of  the  United  States, 
in  sums  not  less  than  ten  dollars,  and  receive  therefor  cer 
tificates  of  not  less  than  ten  dollars  each." 

It  also  provided  as  follows  : — 

"  That  immediately  after  the  passage  of  this  Act  the  Presi 
dent  shall  invite  the  governments  of  the  countries  compos 
ing  the  Latin  Union,  so  called,  and  of  such  other  European 
nations  as  he  may  deem  advisable,  to  join  the  United  States 
in  a  conference  to  adopt  a  common  ratio  between  gold  and 
silver,  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  internationally  the  use 
of  bimetallic  money  and  securing  fixity  of  relative  value 
between  those  metals." 

This  bill  represented  the  same  order  of  thought  that 
pervaded  the  silver  agitation  of  after  years.  Those  who 
favored  the  "Greenback"  inflation  scheme  were  its  ardent 
supporters.  Representatives  from  the  Silver-producing 
States  were  strongly  in  its  favor,  in  the  belief  that  it  would 
enhance  the  value  of  their  product.  While  it  made  the 
coinage  of  silver  dollars  compulsory  to  the  extent  of 
$2,000,000  a  month,  it  placed  a  limit  at  $4,000,000.  It  was 
thought  that  this  much  circulation  in  silver  dollars  could  be 
kept  at  par  with  gold,  but  it  was  soon  found  that  the  silver 
dollars  would  not  circulate.  Out  of  the  12,136  tons  of 
silver  purchased  by  the  Government  under  the  Act  at  a 
cost  of  $308,199,262,  and  out  of  the  378,166,793  silver 
dollars  coined  therefrom  under  the  Act,  at  an  expense  of 
$5,000,000,  not  more  than  one  out  of  eight  found  its  way 
into  circulation.  For  all  the  benefit  to  the  circulation 
derived  from  the  Act,  the  Government  might  as  well  have 


SILVER  AND  GOLD.  191 

saved  itself  the  $5,000,000  expense  of  coinage,  and  bought 
and  stored  the  silver  in  bullion  shape.  The  bullion  was 
always  worth  more  than  the  coined  dollars,  and  could  have 
been  more  safely  and  cheaply  cared  for  in  the  Treasury 
vaults  than  its  equivalent  in  coins.  There  was  no  expansion 
of  the  currency,  as  the  ardent  advocates  of  the  bill  fondly 
hoped.  Nor  was  there  an  increase  in  the  price  of  silver 
bullion,  for  it  declined  from  $1.12  an  ounce  in  1879,  to  93 }/? 
cents  an  ounce  in  1889,  or  in  other  words  it  declined  to  a 
point  where  it  stood  to  gold  as  22  to  I  per  ounce  value,  and 
the  value  of  silver  in  a  silver  dollar  was  only  72  cents. 

The  silver  certificate  feature  of  the  Act  proved  of  little 
practical  value,  and  in  the  main  the  Act  negatived  its  own 
provisions  and  bred  causes  for  its  repeal. 

COINAGE   ACT   OF    1890. 

But  the  Bland-Allison  Act  of  1878  was  not  without  its 
uses.  It  satisfied  neither  its  advocates  nor  its  opponents, 
and  increased  rather  than  decreased  the  silver  agitation.  It 
led  directly  to  and  perhaps  hastened  the  passage  of  the 
Coinage  Act  of  July  14,  1890. 

The  bill  which  became  the  basis  of  this  Act  was  prepared 
on  a  plan  which  embraced  the  views  of  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  Windom.  It  was  submitted  to  the  House,  and 
passed.  Its  provisions  were  that  any  owner  of  silver  bul 
lion,  not  foreign,  could  bring  it  to  any  mint  and  obtain  for 
it  legal  tender  treasury  notes  equal  in  value  to  the  then 
market  value  of  the  silver,  which  notes  were  redeemable 
either  in  gold  or  silver  bullion,  at  its  then  market  value,  at 
the  option  of  the  government,  or  in  silver  dollars  at  the 
holder's  option. 

This  bill  was  amended  in  the  Senate  by  inserting  a  clause 
providing  for  free  and  unlimited  coinage.  It  then  went  to 


19*  SILVER  AND   GOLD. 

a  conference  committee,  where  it  took  the  form  in  which  it 
was  passed  finally  and  became  a  law,  July  14,  1890. 

As  passed,  it  directed  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to 
purchase  4,500,000  ounces  of  silver  bullion  each  month  at 
the  market  price  thereof,  not  exceeding  $i  for  every  37 il/£ 
grains  of  pure  silver,  and  to  issue  in  payment  for  such  pur 
chase  Treasury  Notes  of  the  United  States. 

Those  Treasury  Notes  were  made  redeemable  in  coin,  gold 
or  silver,  at  the  discretion  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
and  had  full  legal-tender  value.  Following  this  clause  was 
one  which  read,  "  It  being  the  established  policy  of  the 
United  States  to  maintain  the  two  metals  on  a  parity  with 
each  other  upon  the  present  legal  ratio,  or  such  ratio  as 
may  be  provided  by  law." 

The  Act  also  provided  for  the  actual  coinage  of  2,000,000 
silver  dollars  a  month  up  until  July  I,  1891. 

By  comparing  the  two  Acts  of  1878  and  1890,  a  better 
view  of  the  silver  controversy  may  be  had.  The  Act 
of  1878  made  it  compulsory  on  the  Government  to  buy 
silver  bullion  to  the  value  of  $2,000,000  and  not  exceeding 
$4,000,000  monthly,  and  to  coin  the  same  into  silver  dollars. 
This  was  a  drain  on  the  Treasury  of  at  least  $24,000,000  a 
year.  Holders  of  silver  dollars  could  exchange  them  at  the 
Treasury,  in  sums  of  ten  dollars,  for  Silver  Certificates,  the 
coin  remaining  in  the  Treasury  for  the  payment  of  the  Cer 
tificate  on  demand.  These  Certificates  were  not  given  full 
legal  tender  value,  except  for  payment  of  customs  and  all 
public  dues.  This  approval  of  them  by  the  Government 
confirmed  them  in  popular  estimation,  and  they  were  as 
freely  accepted  by  the  peopk  as  if  they  had  been  a  full  legal 
tender. 

The  Act  of  1 890  made  compulsory  on  the  Treasury  the  pur 
chase  of  4,500,000  ounces  of  silver  per  month,  or  54,000,000 


SILVER  AND  GOLD.  193 

ounces  a  year.  But  instead  of  paying  cash  for  it,  payment 
was  to  be  made  in  Certificates,  called  Treasury  notes, 
especially  issued,  redeemable  in  gold  or  silver  coin,  and 
clothed  with  full  legal  tender  power. 

It  will  be  seen  that  payment  for  the  bullion,  under  the 
Act  of  1878,  was  in  cash;  while  payment  for  the  bullion 
under  the  Act  of  1890  was  by  Certificate,  or  Treasury  note. 

There  was  no  compulsory  coinage  of  the  bullion  under 
the  Act  of  1890,  except  at  the  rate  of  $2,000,000  a  month 
up  till  July  i,  1891.  After  that  date  no  silver  dollars  were 
coined,  but  the  bullion  purchased  was  held  in  the  form 
of  fine  silver  bars.  Under  the  Act,  $28,298,45  5  were  coined, 
and  up  to  April  I,  1891,  $89,602,198  in  Treasury  notes,  to 
pay  for  bullion  deposited,  had  been  issued,  $77,605,000  of 
which  were  in  circulation.  At  the  same  date  the  value  of 
silver  bars  held  by  the  Treasury  was  $65,720,000. 

On  November  I,  1891,  the  total  of  silver  dollars  coined 
and  in  existence  in  the  United  States,  under  all  the  Acts, 
was  $409,475,368,  of  which  $347,339,907  were  in  the 
Treasury,  and  only  $62,135,461  outside  of  the  Treasury,  or 
in  circulation. 

Against  this  $323,668,401  silver  certificates  had  been 
issued,  $321,142,642  of  which  were  outside  of  the  Treasury 
and  $2,525,759  inside.  At  the  same  date  the  stock  of  silver 
bullion  in  the  Treasury  was  $33,094,234. 

The  54,000,000  ounces  of  silver  which  the  Government  is 
required  to  buy  yearly,  and  to  issue  Treasury  notes  therefor, 
was  the  exact  output  of  the  silver  mines  in  the  United  States 
in  1890.  A  prime  object  of  the  law  was,  therefore,  to 
furnish  a  sure  market  for  the  product  of  our  mines,  at  the 
prevailing  price  of  silver  bullion  when  presented  at  the 
Treasury.  The  Act  was  a  compromise  Act,  and  both  mine- 
owners  and  advocates  of  "  free  and  unlimited  coinage  "  ac- 


I94  SILVER  AND   GOLD. 

cepted  the  compromise,  as  the  best  that  could  be  done  to 
secure  a  certain  home  market  for  their  product,  and  at  the 
same  time  increase  the  circulating  medium  of  the  country 
by  just  the  number  of  Treasury  notes  required  to  purchase 
54,000,000  ounces  of  silver. 

Experience  has  shown  that  the  Act  really  authorized  the 
purchase  of  more  than  the  silver  product  of  American  mines, 
available  for  coinage  purposes,  since  some  three  to  five 
million  ounces  of  said  product  are  annually  used  up  in  the 
arts. 

It  was  a  general  belief,  at  the  time  of  the  passage  of  the 
Act  of  1890,  that  its  effect  would  be  to  increase  the  market 
price  of  silver.  Indeed  this  was  confidently  prophesied  by 
mine-owners  and  free-silver-coinage  advocates.  In  anticipa 
tion  of  such  rise,  silver  speculators  entered  the  market  and 
drove  silver  bullion  up  to  $1.05  an  ounce  in  April,  1890; 
to  $1.08  in  May;  to  $1.15  in  August;  to  $1.2 1  in  Septem 
ber.  But  now  the  natural  law  of  supply  and  demand  began 
to  operate  against  them.  They  had  to  contend  with  the 
world's  market  and  the  world's  prices,  and  no  longer  with  a 
home  market  and  home  prices.  The  inevitable  consequence 
was  that  the  price  of  silver  broke.  The  country  that  could 
sustain  a  certain  amount  of  silver  coin,  as  a  circulating 
medium,  at  par  with  gold,  could  not  sustain  the  market 
value  of  silver  bullion  at  a  point  above  where  the  laws  of 
supply  and  demand,  as  established  by  the  world  at  large, 
chose  to  fix  it. 

In  October,  1890,  silver  fell  to  $1.09  per  ounce;  in  De 
cember  to  $i  .06.  The  decline  was  gradual  for  a  long 
time.  In  December,  1891,  silver  was  worth  94  X  cents  an 
ounce,  and  the  fine  silver  in  a  dollar  was  worth  only  73 
cents.  On  May  23,  1892,  silver  sold  for  88^  cents  per 
ounce.  Therefore,  even  with  so  excellent  a  customer  as  the 


SILVER  AND  GOLD.  195 

Government,  and  one  ready  to  take  the  entire  output  of  the 
silver  mines  of  the  country,  the  market  price  of  the  product 
declined.  The  law  of  the  world  proved  mightier  than  the 
law  of  the  United  States. 

THE    BLAND    FREE    COINAGE    BILL PROPOSED    ACT    OF     1 892. 

Failure  of  silver  producers  to  realize  their  expectations 
under  the  Act  of  1890,  a  growing  desire  to  relieve  depressed 
industrial  and  trade  conditions,  especially  in  the  West  and 
South,  and  the  fact  that  political  conventions  in  a  great 
many  States  had  given  the  silver  question  a  party  turn, 
rendered  the  opening  of  the  Fifty-second  Congress  an  op 
portune  time  to  seek  new  coinage  legislation.  In  the 
Democratic  Conventions  the  planks  favored  the  "  free  and 
unlimited  coinage  of  silver;"  in  the  Republican  Conven 
tions  they  favored  the  "  maintainance  of  silver  on  a  parity 
with  gold." 

The  Congress  opened  with  an  overwhelming  Democratic 
majority,  and  Mr.  Bland,  of  Missouri,  became  the  recognized 
leader  of  his  party  on  the  silver  question.  He  introduced 
into  the  House  what  became  known  as  the  "  Bland  Free 
Silver  Coinage  Bill,"  and  advocated  it  with  his  well-known 
ability.  It  drew  around  it  the  advocates  of  "free  and  un 
limited  coinage"  and  became  the  subject  of  animated  and 
prolonged  debate.  When  ripe  for  passage  Mr.  Bland  de 
manded  the  previous  question,  which  failed  by  the  very  re 
markable  vote  of  148  yeas  to  148  nays  ;  there  being  enough 
of  Eastern  Democrats  voting  with  the  Republicans  to  cause 
this  disappointing  result  to  the  friends  of  the  measure. 

As  this  vote  by  no  means  disposed  of  the  measure  finally 
in  the  House,  or  if  so,  as  the  question  proved  a  leading  one 
in  the  National  campaign  of  1892,  it  is  well  to  understand 
the  provisions  of  the  bill. 


196  SILVER  AND  GOLD. 

It  provides  that  the  unit  of  value  shall  be  the  standard 
silver  dollar  as  now  coined,  of  412^  grains  standard  silver,  or 
the  gold  dollar  of  25.8  grains  standard  gold. 

That  the  standard  gold  and  silver  coins  shall  be  full  legal 
tender. 

That  any  holder  of  standard  gold  or  silver  bullion  shall 
be  entitled  to  have  the  same  minted  into  coins  free  of 
charge,  or  may  deposit  said  bullion  at  the  mints  and  receive 
coin  notes  therefor,  equal  in  value  to  the  coinage  value  of 
the  bullion  deposited,  the  bullion  thereupon  to  become  the 
property  of  the  government. 

That  the  coin  notes  shall  not  be  less  than  one  nor  over 
one  thousand  dollars  in  value  and  shall  be  a  legal  tender. 

That  issue  of  the  Treasury  notes  in  pay  for  bullion,  pro 
vided  for  in  the  Act  of  1890,  shall  be  discontinued,  and  all 
such  as  are  outstanding  shall  be  called  in  and  destroyed  and 
coin  notes  shall  be  substituted  for  them. 

That  the  issue  of  coin  notes  shall  never  be  greater  than 
the  coinage  value  of  the  bullion  in  the  Treasury. 

That  said  coin  notes  shall  be  redeemed  in  coin  at  the 
Treasury,  and  the  bullion  deposited  shall  be  coined  as  fast 
as  said  coins  are  needed  for  such  purposes  of  redemption. 

That  any  holder  of  gold  or  silver  coins  may  deposit  the 
same,  in  sums  of  ten  dollars,  and  demand  coin  notes 
therefor. 

That  the  Act  of  1 890  is  repealed ;  and  that  the  silver 
dollar  of  412^  grains  may  change  to  one  of  400  grains  as 
soon  as  France  reopens  her  mints  to  free  and  unrestricted 
coinage  of  silver  at  the  ratio  of  15^  of  silver  to  I  of  gold. 

Under  the  Act  of  1890  the  government  must  purchase 
54,000,000  ounces  of  silver  per  annum,  for  which  it  pays  the 
market  price. 

Under  the  proposed  Act  of  1892  the  owner  of  gold  or 


SILVER    AND   GOLD.  197 

silver  bullion  might  have  deposited  his  bullion  at  the 
mint,  demanded  its  mintage  free,  or  demanded  coin  notes 
for  it  at  the  mint  value  of  the  bullion. 

Under  the  act  of  1890,  the  owner  of  bullion  got  the 
bullion  price  for  it  on  the  day  of  deposit  at  the  mint. 
Under  the  proposed  Bland  law  of  1892,  he  got  pay  at  the 
mint  value  of  the  bullion  ;  that  is,  for  every  ounce  of 
silver  deposited,  that  has  cost  him,  say  ninety-five  cents, 
he  would  have  received  one  dollar  and  twenty-nine  cents 
in  coin.  The  opponents  of  free  silver  coinage  put  it  this 
way :  The  mine  owners,  under  the  law  of  1890,  turned 
in  their  annual  product  of  54,000,000  ounces  of  silver,  say 
in  1891,  at  a  value  of  $55,796,833,  for  which  they  received 
that  amount  of  Treasury  notes.  Under  the  proposed 
Bland  act,  they  could  have  deposited  their  54,000,000 
ounces,  and  demanded  the  mint  value,  or  $71,000,000  in 
coin  notes.  Therefore  they  would  have  received  thirty 
per  cent,  in  excess  of  the  market  value  of  silver. 

During  the  financial  and  industrial  depression  following 
the  political  revolution  of  1892,  the  new  administration 
charged  the  disastrous  times  to  the  existence  of  the  Silver 
Act  of  1890,  or  rather  to  the  purchasing  clause  of  said 
act.  In  this  it  had  a  large  support  in  both  political 
parties,  though  the  Republicans  took  the  ground  that  as 
the  act  had  proven  harmless  under  the  prior  administra 
tion,  the  disease  which  afflicted  the  country  was  due 
rather  to  the  standing  threat  upon  its  industries  than  to 
the  Silver  Act. 

It  was  well  known  to  President  Cleveland  that  a  large 
and  aggressive  sentiment  existed  in  the  South  and  West, 
in  his  own  party  and  among  the  Populists,  in  favor  of  the 
free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  in  the  ratio  of  16  to 
1,  and  against  the  repeal  of  the  Sherman  Act  of  1890, 


198  SILVER    AND   GOLD. 

provided  nothing  more  favorable  could  be  substituted  for 
it.  Though  persuaded  in  his  own  mind  that  existing  de 
plorable  conditions  were  due  to  that  Act  and  could  only 
be  remedied  by  its  repeal,  though  urged  by  the  friends  of 
1  repeal  to  call  an  extra  session  of  the  Fifty-third  Congress 
to  get  the  obnoxious  measure  out  of  the  way,  the  Presi 
dent  did  not  feel  it  safe  to  relegate  so  momentous  a  prob 
lem  to  the  freshly  chosen  and  untested  membership  of 
the  Congress  till  the  full  effect  of  the  commercial  and 
industrial  crisis  had  been  felt  by  the  congressional  dis 
tricts,  and  had  served  as  an  object  lesson  to  teach  the 
necessity  for  party  unity  in  favor  of  repeal.  The  crises 
grew  apace  daily. 

At  length,  June  30,  1893,  the  President  called  Congress 
in  extra  session  on  August  7.  It  met  while  the  crisis  was 
at  its  height,  and  amid  devastations  of  enterprise  unparal- 
led  in  our  history.  The  President's  brief  message  urged 
the  Congress  to  adhere  to  the  letter  of  the  call,  which  was 
the  repeal  of  the  Sherman  Act  of  1890,  and  set  forth  all 
the  arguments  that  had  been  used  by  politicians  and  busi 
ness  men  in  favor  of  such  repeal.  The  paper  pleased  the 
Republicans  who  favored  repeal.  It  embittered  the  free 
silver  coinage  men  of  both  parties.  As  a  large  majority 
of  these  were  in  the  Democratic  ranks,  he  ran  great  risk 
of  disrupting  his  own  party  and  defeating  the  object  of 
his  call,  but  he  trusted  largely  to  his  personal  and  admin 
istrative  powers,  to  the  value  of  the  object  lessons  of  the 
•preceding  months,  and  to  the  necessity  for  party  cohesion, 
to  sustain  him  in  his  course. 

By  August  28th,  1893,  the  debates  over  repeal  of  the 
act  closed,  and  a  vote  was  taken  which  stood  240  to  110 
in  favor  of  repeal.  A  vote  was  not  reached  in  the  Senate 
till  October  30th,  when  it  stood  43  to  32  in  favor  of  re- 


HON.  WILLIAM  M.  STEWART. 

Born  in  Wayne  co.,  N.  Y.,  August  9,  1827;  attended  Yale  College, 
1849-50  ;  started  for  California  and  arrived  May,  1850;  engaged  in  min 
ing;  studied  law  in  1852;  appointed  District  Attorney  in  1853,  and 
elected  next  year;  appointed  Attorney-General  of  California,  1854; 
located  at  Virginia  city,  Nev.,  1860;  engrossed  in  mining  litigation  and 
development  of  mining  industry;  member  of  Territorial  Convention, 
1861 ;  member  of  Constitutional  Convention,  1803;  elected  U.  S.  Senator, 
1864  and  1869;  resumed  general  law  practice  for  Pacific  States;  re- 
elected  to  U.  S.  Senate,  as  a  Republican,  for  term  beginning  March  4, 
1887  and  again  in  1893;  prominent  advocate  of  Free  Silver  Coinage; 
Chairman  of  Committee  on  Mines  and  Mining,  and  member  of  Commit 
tees  on  Claims,  Irrigation,  Indian  Affairs  and  Pacific  Railroads. 


JOSEPH  C.  S.  BLACKBURN. 

Born  in  Woodford  co.,  Ky.,  Oct.  1,  1838;  educated  at  Sayres  Insti 
tute  and  Centre  College ;  studied  law  at  Lexington,  and  admitted  to  the 
bar  in  1858  ;  entered  Confederate  army  in  1861 ;  resumed  practice  in 
1865;  elected  to  State  legislature,  1871  and  ]873;  elected  to  House  in 
44th,  45th  46th,  47th  and  48th  Congresses  ;  elected  to  U.  S.  Senate, 
1885  and  1890;  candidate  for  re-election  in  1896,  but  legislature  failed 
to  elect;  leader  of  free  silver  coinage  party  in  his  State,  and  prominently 
mentioned  as  Presidential  nominee  of  Democratic  party  in  1896. 


SILVER   AND  GOLD.  201 

peal.  The  country  at  first  felt  a  sense  of  relief  over  this 
repeal.  Banks  felt  easier  and  credit  grew  bolder.  But 
there  was  now  little  use  for  money.  Industrial  enterprise 
remained  in  a  state  of  paralysis.  It  soon  became  manifest 
that  the  substantial  benefits  expected  from  repeal  were 
not  to  be  realized,  and  that  the  causes  of  depression  and 
panic  must  be  sought  for  in  other  directions. 

In  the  first  regular  session  of  the  Fifty-third  Congress, 
December  4th,  1893,  the  question  of  silver  coinage  came 
up  again.  The  Treasury  reserve  had  fallen  below  the 
$100,000,000  limit,  deemed  safe  for  redemption  purposes. 
There  was  a  deficit  in  Treasury  receipts  of  about  $68,- 
000,000.  One  loan  of  $50,000,000  had  been  called  for, 
and  others  were  expected  to  follow.  As  a  means  of  aid 
ing  the  Treasury,  Mr.  Bland  introduced  into  the  House  a 
bill  providing  for  the  coinage  of  the  Treasury  seigniorage. 
It  was  championed  by  all  the  free  silver  coinage  men,  who 
saw  in  it  an  opportunity  they  had  lost  during  the  extra 
session  of  the  Congress.  The  estimated  value  of  this 
seigniorage  was  $55,000,000  which,  if  coined  into  silver 
dollars,  would  be  so  much  straight  gain  to  the  Treasury. 
It  was  opposed  stoutly  by  Republicans  and  an  able  Demo 
cratic  contingent,  as  sheer  inflation,  without  a  particle  of 
security  behind  it,  since  the  value  of  silver  bullion  in  the 
Treasury,  against  which  $153,000,000  of  silver  certificates 
had  been  issued,  had  fallen  from  $126,000,000  to  $97,000,- 
000.  Adding  the  entire  estimated  value  of  the  seignior 
age  ($55,000,000)  to  this  $97,000,000,  and  the  sum  would 
still  be  short  of  the  $153,000,000  silver  certificates  which 
were  to  be  protected.  This  bill  did  not  pass,  but  it  served 
to  show  that  the  question  of  the  free-coinage  of  silver  was 
a  rapidly  growing  one  and  that  the  day  might  not  be  dis- 
21 


202  SILVER    AND    GOLD. 

taut  when  it  would  project  itself  on  the  country  in  a  form 
independent  of  existing  political  parties. 

One  of  the  arguments  most  depended  on  by  the  free 
silver  coinage  men  is  to  the  effect  that  the  discrimination 
of  existing  laws  against  silver  creates  the  disparity  be 
tween  it  and  gold,  and  that  the  removal  of  such  discrim 
ination  would  make  the  bullion  value  of  silver  and  the 
price  of  it  with  the  Government  stamp  upon  it  the  same. 
They  say  that  whenever  the  mints  are  open  to  the  free 
coinage  of  silver,  and  whenever  the  owner  of  such  silver 
can  have  it  exchanged  at  the  rate  of  one  hundred  cents 
for  three  hundred  and  seventy-one  and  one  fourth  grains, 
silver  will  be  worth  as  much  without  as  with  the  Govern 
ment  stamp. 

Their  opponents  say,  this  argument  quite  loses  sight 
of  the  fact  that  the  moment  three  hundred  and  seventy- 
one  and  one-fourth  grains  of  silver  which  are  worth  in 
the  markets  of  the  world,  say  seventy  cents,  become  worth 
one  hundred  cents  by  sheer  virtue  of  the  stamp  upon  it, 
all  the  world  will  pour  its  surplus  silver  into  our  mints 
and  completely  swamp  our  metal  currency.  Gold  would 
flee  and  there  would  be  no  means  of  sustaining  silver 
money  at  par.  They  also  say  that  as  our  country  is  at 
present  situated,  with  barely  gold  enough  to  sustain  our 
present  silver  circulation,  the  moment  free  silver  coinage 
was  adopted  it  would  be  accepted  by  the  Treasury  and  by 
the  banks  as  notice  to  suspend  gold  payments.  Unless 
such  suspension  were  resorted  to,  it  would  be  no  time  be 
fore  the  gold  reserve  would  be  exhausted  and  disaster 
ensue. 

The  arguments  in  favor  of  free-silver  coinage  gain  great 
plausibility  and  become  far  reaching  when  they  are  turned 
to  the  account  of  the  debtor  classes.  As  seen  from  the 


SILVER   AND   GOLD.  203 

reasoning  just  above  given,  they  could  take  advantage  of 
the  thirty  per  cent,  difference  between  the  market  and 
mint  value  of  the  silver  dollar  and  thus  pay  their  debts  at 
less  than  they  had  contracted  to  pay.  The  opponents  of 
free  silver  coinage  question  the  state  of  morals  that  sanc 
tions  this  kind  of  repudiation,  and  add  that  it  would  be 
infinitely  better  for  the  Government  to  extend  this  differ 
ence  as  a  charity  to  debtors,  rather  than  run  the  risk  of  a 
dishonored  currency  and  of  the  panics,  disturbances  and 
immense  losses  which  would  surely  follow. 

Again,  the  free  silver  coinage  men  say  they  are  certain 
that  their  doctrine  in  practice  will  make  the  silver  dollar 
the  equal  of  the  gold  dollar.  Their  opponents  say  that  if 
this  be  so,  the  silver  dollar  will  be  as  hard  to  get  as  the 
gold  dollar,  and  therefore,  the  debtor  classes  will  be  no 
better  off  than  before.  But,  they  also  say,  granting  every 
advantage  claimed  by  the  free  silver  coinage  men  for  the 
debtor  classes,  how  about  the  creditor  classes?  They  are 
by  far  the  most  numerous  class.  Every  laborer  is  a  credi 
tor  when  his  day's  work  is  done,  every  pensioner,  every 
saving  institution,  etc.  If  the  cheaper  dollar  scales  the 
mortgage  on  the  debtor's  farm,  and  makes  it  easier  to  pay, 
a  thing  the  mortgagee  might  stand,  would  not  the  cheaper 
dollar  equally  scale  the  debt  due  at  night  to  the  miner, 
artisan,  day  laborer  and  servant? 

No,  says  the  free  coinage  man,  for  the  dollar  would  still 
be  a  dollar.  But,  answers  his  opponent,  it  being  a  dollar 
whose  intrinsic  value  is  worth  only  sixty  or  seventy 
cents,  and  being  plenty,  prices  must  rise,  and  the  daily 
earning  can  only  be  exchanged  for  what  was  formerly 
much  less  in  value. 

It  is  somewhat  lamentable  that  so  momentous  a  question 
AS  that  of  silver  and  gold,  or  in  other  words,  our  currency 


204  SILVER   AND   GOLD. 

of  redemption,  should  in  late  years  Lave  become  clouded 
with  theories  and  visions.  After  all,  there  are  but  a  few 
infallible  laws  underlying  the  whole  question  of  metallic 
currency,  and  these  have  been  stated  in  this  article.  All 
else  is  "  the  stuff  that  dreams  are  made  of,"  glittering  but 
ephemeral,  plausible  but  perishable.  They  may  serve  to 
whet  a  fancy  for  an  hour,  but  never  to  nerve  a  judgment 
for  a  lifetime. 

There  are  many  who  seriously  deprecate  the  rapid  drift 
of  this  question  of  metallic  currency  into  partyism.  As 
it  seems  impossible  for  it  to  escape  this  fate,  judging  from 
the  tenor  of  latest  sentiment,  it  were  perhaps  best  for  it 
to  pass  through  the  inevitable  ordeal— that  alembic  of  a 
popular  campaign  of  square  issues,  which  shall  serve  to 
separate  the  dross  of  theory  from  the  pure  ingot  of  fact. 
But  in  so  passing,  it  should  be  a  supreme  study  and  super 
human  effort  on  the  part  of  all  to  keep  it  free  from  those 
animosities  and  acerbities  that  belittle  its  importance  and 
shroud  it  with  dangers.  To  make  it  a  question  of  party, 
and  to  settle  it  on  a  basis  of  political  sentiment,  if  such 
must  needs  be,  it  is  surely  not  necessary  to  array  the  poor 
against  the  rich,  the  debtor  against  creditor,  section 
against  section  ;  nor  is  it  necessary  to  supplement  argu 
ment  and  calm  reasoning  with  threats  to  fire  on  another 
Surater  and  force  another  secession  and  rebellion. 

Above  all  it  should  not  be  forgotten  that  other  coun 
tries  have  done  with  their  silver  just  what  it  is  proposed 
to  do  with  ours,  and  that  they — notably  the  intelligent, 
manufacturing  and  commercial  countries  of  the  Latin 
Union — had  to  give  up  in  despair  their  effort  to  sustain 
silver  coin  at  par  with  gold,  in  quantities  beyond  the  ordi 
nary  needs  of  trade.  With  a  steady  reserve  of  gold  in  our 
treasury,  a  fair,  which  means  a  large,  quantity  of  silver  can 


SILVER   AND   GOLD.  205 

always  be  floated,  but  to  give  silver  the  preponderance  by 
admitting  it  to  free  and  unlimited  coinage  at  a  ratio  not 
warranted  by  its  intrinsic  value,  is  to  place  gold  at  its  mercy, 
if  the  experience  of  other  nations,  and  all  former  exper 
ience  of  our  own,  is  worth  anything. 

We  are  a  young  nation,  independent  of  others  politically, 
but  unfortunately  not  yet  so  far  on  as  to  be  independent 
of  the  world  in  a  commercial  sense.  We  are  a  debtor  na 
tion,  and  have  a  national  credit  at  stake.  If  the  nations 
that  have  dealt  with  us,  and  with  whom  we  expect  to  deal 
on  an  honorable  basis,  were  co-movers  with  us  in  a  read 
justment  of  metallic  ratios  and  in  the  establishment  of  free 
and  unlimited  coinage  of  gold  and  silver,  the  question 
would  rush  quickly  toward  final  and  satisfactory  settle 
ment.  It  was  with  this  view  that  the  recent  international 
monetary  conference  was  instituted.  It  did  not  achieve 
its  aim  at  a  single  session,  but  it  set  all  the  attending  na 
tions  to  serious  thinking,  and  in  its  moral  effects  the  con 
ference  won  a  greater  success  than  was  expected.  It  re 
mains  to  be  considered  by  friends  and  foes  of  free  silver 
coinage  whether  the  international  method  of  settling  the 
metallic  currency  question  finally  is  not  the  quickest  and 
surest,  and  therefore  the  one  to  be  pursued  to  the  end 
by  a  nation  possessing  our  instincts  of  honor,  and  so  inti 
mately  related  to  all  the  commercial  nations  of  the  globe. 

SILVER  ARITHMETIC. 

Question — On  June  22,  1896,  silver  bullion  sold  in 
New  York  for  69  cents  per  ounce  of  480  grains  ;  what  was 
the  price  of  a  grain  of  such  silver? 

Solution — Divide  69  cents  by  480  grains,  and  the  result 
will  be  .01437 +cents,  as  the  price  of  grain  of  such 
silver. 


206  SILVER    AND   GOLD. 

Question — In  a  silver  dollar  there  are  37J  grains  of 
silver  ;  what  is  the  cost  of  the  silver  dollar  if  each  of  said 
371J  grains  is  worth  .01437  cents  ? 

Solution — Multiply  371J  grains  by.  01437  cents,  and  the 
result  will  be  53J  cents  as  the  cost  of  the  silver  in  a  silver 
dollar. 

Question — If  a  man  gets  one  dollar,  or  100  cents,  for 
the  silver  which  cost  him  only  53J  cents ;  how  much  would 
he  get  for  that  ounce  of  silver  bullion  which  sold  on  June 
22,  1896,  for  69  cents?  ( 

Solution — As  53J  cents  is  to  100  cents,  so  69  cents  to 
the  answer,  which  is  $1.294  per  ounce  for  his  silver  bullion. 

Question — When  we  speak  of  bullion  value  of  silver  or 
gold,  what  do  we  mean? 

Answer — We  mean  the  value  of  the  pure  metal,  as 
found  in  the  commercial  bar,  ingot  or  bullion. 

Question — What  is  meant  by  standard  value  of  silver  or 
gold? 

Answer — Standard  value  is  that  of  the  coined  metal. 
That  is,  it  is  the  bullion  or  pure  metal,  value  decreased  by 
the  amount  of  alloy — say  about  one-tenth — introduced  for 
purposes  of  coinage. 

Question — What  does  the  ratio  of  16  to  1  mean  ? 

Answer — It  means  that  if  371J  grains  of  silver,  as 
above,  enter  into  a  silver  dollar,  it  shall  correspond  to  the 
23.22  grains  of  gold  in  a  gold  dollar;  or,  that  since 
23.22  grains  of  gold  make  a  gold  dollar,  therefore  37 \\ 
grains  of  silver  shall  make  a  silver  dollar.  These  two 
components,  in  grains,  stand  to  each  other  as  16  to  1 
uearly. 


HISTORY   OF  AMERICAN   TARIFFS. 

THE   COLONIAL  PERIOD. 

THE  English  colonial  system  in  America  began,  in  1616, 
with  the  Virginia  charter. 

It  extended  until  the  colonies  numbered  thirteen,  em 
bracing  the  Atlantic  front  from  Georgia  to  Maine,  and  ex 
tending  inland  indefinitely. 

Whatever  the  ambition  or  object  of  the  colonists,  they  did 
not  cut  the  apron  string  of  allegiance  to  Great  Britain,  but 
agreed  to  obey  the  decrees  of  her  kings,  the  edicts  of  her 
parliaments  and  the  behests  of  her  institutions. 

This  may  seem  strange,  since  every  colony  was  a  protest 
against  home  hardship  and  an  escape  from  tyrannical  inter 
ference  with  individual  rights. 

But  questions  of  title  to  land,  incipient  government,  protec 
tion  against  foes,  and  various  others,  proved  paramount  and 
decided  the  terms  of  colonization. 

As  to  the  mother  country,  those  terms  implied  political 
allegiance  and  commercial  contribution. 

Legitimate  trade  dates  from  the  reign  of  Elizabeth.  Hol 
land,  England  and  France  vied  with  each  other  in  that 
paternalism  which  went  out  to  the  industries  and  to  com 
merce  in  the  shape  of  protective  legislation. 

From  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  to  1846,  there  are  four 
hundred  Acts  of  Parliament — tonnage  laws,  poundage  laws, 
protective  tariff  and  commercial  regulations — relating  to 
manufactures  and  trade. 

Some  of  these  prohibited  imports.     Some  prohibited  ex- 

207 


2o3  HISTORY   OF  AMERICAN  TARIFFS. 

ports,  lest  inferior  nations  should  acquire  the  skill  of  the 
mother  country.  There  is  no  historic  record  of  a  protective 
system  so  extreme  in  its  conditions  and  so  arbitrarily  applied 
as  that  of  Great  Britain,  if  we  exclude  the  despotic  system 
of  China. 

Says  McCullough  in  his  Commercial  Dictionary : — "  It 
was  a  leading  principle  in  the  colonial  policy,  adopted  as 
well  by  England  as  by  other  European  nations,  to  discourage 
all  attempts  to  manufacture  such  articles  in  the  colonies  as 
could  be  provided  for  them  in  the  mother  country." 

Says  Bancroft  in  his  "  History  of  the  United  States  "  : — 
"  England  in  its  relation  with  other  states  sought  a  con 
venient  tariff.  In  the  colonies  it  prohibited  industry." 

In  1699  the  British  Parliament  enacted  that  no  wool,  yarn, 
cloth,  or  woollen  manufactures  of  the  English  Plantations  in 
America  should  be  shipped  from  any  of  said  Plantations,  or 
otherwise  laden,  in  order  to  be  transported  thence  to  any 
place  whatsoever,  under  a  penalty  of  forfeiting  both  ship  and 
cargo,  and  a  fine  of  $2500  for  each  offence. 

In  1732  Parliament  prohibited  the  exportation  of  hats 
from  province  to  province  (colony  to  colony)  in  America, 
and  limited  the  number  of  apprentices  to  be  taken  by 
hatters. 

In  1750  the  Parliament  prohibited  as  a  common  nuisance 
the  erection  of  any  mill  in  America  for  slitting  or  rolling 
iron,  or  any  plating  forge  to  work  with  a  tilt-hammer,  or 
furnace  for  making  steel.  The  penalty  for  such  crime  was 
$1000. 

A  little  later  an  Act  was  passed  prohibiting  the  making 
of  nails  in  the  province  of  Pennsylvania. 

About  the  same  time  Lord  Chatham  announced  it  as  his 
opinion  of  colonial  dependence  that  the  American  colonies 
ought  not  to  be  permitted  to  make  even  a  hob-nail  or  horse- 


HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  TARIFFS.  209 

shoe  for  themselves,  and  these  views  were  incorporated  into 
the  Act  of  1765  which  absolutely  prohibited  the  migration 
ot  artisans  to  the  American  colonies. 

In  1781  the  Parliament  enacted  that  no  woollen  machin 
ery  should  be  exported  to  the  American  colonies. 

In  1782  Parliament  enacted  that  no  cotton  machinery 
should  be  exported  to  the  colonies,  and  that  no  artificers  in 
cotton  should  migrate  thither.  In  the  same  year  the  duty 
on  bar-iron  was  fixed  at  $12  per  ton.  This  rate  lasted  till 

I795- 

In  1785  Parliament  prohibited  the  exportation  of  iron  and 
steel  making  machinery  to  the  colonies,  and  the  migration 
of  workmen,  skilled  in  those  branches  of  trade,  thither. 

In  1797  Parliament  levied  a  duty,  then  deemed  prohibitive, 
of  $14  per  ton  on  all  foreign  bar-iron  imported  into  Great 
Britain.  In  1798  this  was  increased  to  $15  per  ton;  in 
1806  to  $23  per  ton;  in  1 8 10  to  $24  per  ton;  in  1818  to 
$28  per  ton;  in  1825  to  $33  per  ton,  if  imported  in  British 
ships,  and  to  $38,  and  over,  per  ton,  if  imported  in  foreign 
ships.  During  the  same  period,  other  manufactures  of  iron 
paid  $90  per  ton,  and  iron  not  otherwise  enumerated  $250 
for  every  $500  worth  imported.  All  of  these  rates  were 
designed  to  be  absolutely  prohibitive,  in  accordance  with 
the  existing  policy  of  the  realm,  which  policy  was  that  of 
France  and  Holland,  both  countries  with  colonial  posses 
sions,  and  both  striving  for  commercial  and  manufacturing 
independence. 

In  1799  the  English  Parliament  prohibited  the  migration 
of  colliers,  lest  other  countries  should  acquire  the  art  of 
mining  coal. 

Says  Adam  Smith,  the  father  of  English  political  economy, 
"  Even  up  to  1776  England  prohibited  the  exportation  from 
one  province  (American)  to  another  by  water,  and  even  the 


210  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN   TARIFFS. 

carriage  by  land,  upon  horseback  or  in  cart,  of  hats,  of  wools 
and  woolen  goods,  of  the  produce  of  America,  a  regulation 
which  effectually  prevents  the  establishment  of  any  manu 
facture  of  such  commodities  for  distant  sale,  and  confines 
the  industry  of  her  colonists  in  this  way  to  such  coarse  and 
household  manufactures  as  a  private  family  commonly 
makes  for  its  own  use,  or  for  that  of  some  of  its  neighbors 
in  the  same  province." 

The  enactments  cited  are  fair  samples  of  those  which  went 
to  compose  the  English  Colonial  policy.  They  help  to  an 
understanding  of  the  leading  object,  which  was  to  limit 
Colonial  America  to  a  farming  community.  America  was 
to  play  the  part  of  India  and  Australia,  as  a  cereal  feeder  of 
a  little  island  whose  commercial  and  'manufacturing  genius 
was  far  in  excess  of  its  ability  to  supply  the  necessaries  of 
life  for  its  working  population. 

Of  course  the  suspicion  could  not  escape  so  inquiring  a 
country,  that  America  might  prove  as  rich  in  raw  materials, 
suited  to  English  manufacture,  as  in  farm  products.  There 
fore  the  English  policy,  when  fully  developed,  made  Amer 
ica  a  provider  of  food  and  of  raw  materials  for  England. 
England,  the  main  market,  would  receive  nothing  manufac 
tured  in  the  colonies.  England,  the  supreme  country, 
would  permit  nothing  to  be  manufactured  in  the  colonies. 
England,  the  dominant  commercial  country,  would  permit 
no  trade  with  the  colonies,  except  in  British  bottoms,  and 
of  an  agricultural  surplus,  or  a  raw  material,  in  exchange  for 
her  own  manufactured  products. 

This  was  severe  on  the  colonial  agriculturist,  who,  not 
having  a  voice  in  the  carrying  trade,  nor  a  say  in  what 
should  come  to  him,  could  not  thus  early  raise  an  agricultu 
ral  surplus  sufficient  to  pay  for  what  he  was  compelled  to 
receive  as  an  import.  He  could  not  manufacture,  except  as 


HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  TARIFFS.  211 

to  the  coarse  things  necessary  for  family  use,  and  he  could 
not  have  interchanged  manufactures  between  the  provinces 
by  using  the  natural  waterways  nor  by  means  of  carts. 

The  colonist  paid  nothing  on  his  imports.  They  were 
free.  The  prohibition  was  on  his  exports,  and  especially  if 
in  manufactured  shape.  The  prohibition  was  on  his  domes 
tic  change  of  manufactured  articles.  All  inducement  to 
manufacture  was  taken  away.  A  home  market  for  agri 
cultural  products,  or  for  raw  materials,  was  not  to  be  en 
couraged  or  tolerated.  The  plan  was  ingenious  and  most 
successful,  so  far  as  English  manufacturers  and  capitalists 
were  concerned.  In  1771  colonial  imports  exceeded  the 
exports  by  $13,000,000,  and  as  trade  was  more  nearly  barter 
than  now,  it  may  be  said  that  the  colonies  incurred  a  debt 
to  England  of  $13,000,000  in  1771,  which  they  had  no  visi 
ble  means  of  paying. 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that  the  British  policy  was  effect 
ing  all  its  objects.  Nature  and  opportunity  in  America 
were  entering  their  quiet  protests.  After  the  invention  of 
the  puddling  furnace  and  rolling-mill  by  Henry  Cort,  we 
find  the  English  statutes  most  rigid  against  the  exportation 
of  tools,  utensils  and  artisans  to  foreign  parts,  as  in  1785  and 
1799.  Yet  the  first  rolling-mill  in  America  was  built  and 
started  for  Col.  Isaac  Meason,  at  Plumsock,  Fayette  county, 
Pa.,  by  two  Welshmen,  Thomas  and  George  Lewis,  who 
came  under  the  prohibited  head  of  "  British  skilled  iron 
workers,"  and  as  such  were  compelled  to  smuggle  their  way 
across  the  Atlantic  and  into  the  colony  of  Penn. 

So,  nature  having  provided  excellent  ship  timber  and  the 
colonists  having  a  genius  for  ship-building  and  sailing,  they 
quietly  established  a  remunerative  trade  with  the  West 
Indies  and  with  many  nations  more  or  less  remote.  This 
was  intolerable  to  the  mother  country.  The  Navigation 


212  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  TARIFFS. 

Act  was  passed  as  a  remedy.  It  provided  that  "  No  goods 
or  commodities  whatever,  the  growth,  production  or  manu 
facture  of  Europe,  Africa  or  America,  shall  be  imported 
into  England  or  Ireland,  or  into  any  of  the  Plantations 
(American  colonies),  except  in  ships  belonging  to  English 
subjects,  of  which  the  master  and  the  greater  number  of  the 
crew  shall  also  be  English." 

This  and  subsequent  navigation  acts  destroyed  our  West 
India  trade.  Prices  of  goods  imported  and  exported,  and 
their  quantities,  fell  entirely  under  English  jurisdiction.  All 
she  sent  to  us  was  free  of  duty.  All  sent  to  her  was  upon 
her  own  conditions.  Nothing  could  be  sent,  except  in  her 
bottoms,  and  to  the  destination  and  upon  the  terms  she  im 
posed.  As  Burke  said  in  Parliament,  "  By  it  (the  Naviga 
tion  Act)  the  commerce  of  the  colonies  was  not  only  tied, 
but  strangled." 

Our  Revolutionary  history,  familiar  to  every  schoolboy, 
acquaints  us  with  the  English  method  of  extracting  revenue 
directly  from  her  colonies  by  means  of  such  inventions  as 
the  Stamp  Act,  the  Tea  Tax,  etc.  They  were  but  parts  of 
an  ingenious  and  stupendous  system  of  home  protection 
which  eventuated  in  established  manufactures  and  commerce, 
and  in  a  final  declaration  of  independence  of  the  rest  of  the 
world  in  these  respects. 

Just  here,  the  thought  is  foreign  to  neither  the  theme  nor 
time,  it  may  well  be  wondered  why  so  astute  a  nation  as 
Great  Britain,  after  two  hundred  years  of  an  attempt  to 
make  a  simple  wheat  granary  of  America,  and  after  the 
energies  which  followed  American  independence  fully 
established  the  fact  that  such  a  granary  was  within  reach, 
did  not  rather  choose  to  take  advantage  of  it,  than  fly  to 
others  in  India  and  in  the  Islands  of  the  sea,  far  more  remote 
and  far  less  obedient  to  the  comities  of  trade.  Did  she 


HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN  TARIFFS.  213 

scent  the  possibilities  of  American  development  and  the  rise 
of  a  home  market,  which  would  absorb  the  annual  agri 
cultural  product,  or  at  least  create  a  demand  from  which  her 
capital  would  shrink  ? 

A    FIRST    EXPERIMENT. 

After  the  treaty  of  1783  which  closed  the  Revolutionary 
war  and  established  American  Independence,  up  until  1789, 
the  date  of  the  first  American  Tariff  Act,  the  ports  of  this 
country  were  open  to  the  goods  of  all  nations.  Most  of  this 
time  (to  1787)  was  the  era  of  the  Confederacy.  This  period 
was  one  during  which  the  States  were  held  together  by  very 
weak  ties,  by  "  a  rope  of  sand "  as  one  historian  has  it. 
They  had  conceded  little  in  their  "  Articles  of  Confedera 
tion,"  and  had  withheld  entirely  from  the  central  government 
the  right  to  regulate  their  commerce.  Each  State  strove  to 
secure  trade  for  itself,  and  each  imposed  restrictions  on 
foreign  commerce  as  it  saw  fit,  or  left  them  unimposed. 
The  consequence  was  that  there  was  no  concert  of  action. 
The  condition  which  arose  was  worse  than  a  free-trade  con 
dition,  for  one  State  was  sure  to  nullify  the  commercial 
enactments  of  another,  through  jealousy  or  some  other 
motive. 

When  Pennsylvania  imposed  a  slight  tariff  on  certain 
classes  of  imports,  New  Jersey  opened  a  free  port  at  Bur 
lington  and  flooded  the  city  of  Penn  with  smuggled  goods. 
When  New  Jersey  voted  to  impose  a  general  tariff  New 
York  refused,  and  in  revenge  the  free  port  of  Paulus  Hook 
began  to  supply  New  York  with  non-dutiable  imports. 

Thus  the  States  were  a  prey  to  one  another.  The  states- 
men  of  the  day  saw  how  suicidal  the  policy,  or  rather,  the 
lack  of  policy,  was,  and  there  was  no  one  source  of  weak 
ness  that  seemed  so  fatal,  nor  the  lack  of  any  vital  principle 


214  HISTORY    OF  AMERICAN  TARIFFS. 

that  impelled  so  powerfully  toward  a  more  perfect  constitu 
tion  than  this  commercial  discord.  Not  even  the  flat  refusal 
of  New  Jersey  to  comply  with  an  Act  of  the  Congress,  nor 
the  open  offence  of  Massachusetts  in  raising  troops  to  crush 
Shay's  rebellion,  affected  the  public  mind  so  forcibly  and 
paved  the  way  so  directly  toward  a  stronger  central  union, 
as  the  quarrel  between  Virginia  and  Maryland  as  to  com 
mercial  rights  on  the  Chesapeake  and  Potomac.  This  last 
brought  the  Annapolis  convention  in  1786.  Hamilton, 
Madison  and  Dickinson  were  there,  and  they  saw  no  way 
of  preventing  the  subordination  of  the  States  to  foreign  in 
fluence  and  their  extinction  as  sovereign  bodies,  except  by 
creating  a  stronger  central  government  and  endowing  it  with 
powers  sufficient  for  the  settlement  of  all  such  discords. 

It  seemed  to  require  some  such  mighty  exigency  to 
move  the  States  to  their  second  independence.  There  was 
nothing  so  supreme  as  the  thought  that  colonial  independ 
ence  meant  escape  from  a  discriminative  and  ruinous  com 
mercial  policy  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain.  Search  the 
colonial  debates  through,  and  there  is  not  one  of  moment 
that  does  not  inveigh  against  the  efforts  of  England  to  en 
rich  herself  at  the  expense  of  other  nations,  and  to  complete 
her  commercial  and  industrial  supremacy  by  overriding 
their  protective  systems  and  sapping  their  powers  for  com 
petitive  and  independent  existence.  The  Declaration  of 
Independence  submits  it  to  "  a  candid  world  "  that  Great 
Britain  meant  to  establish  "  an  absolute  tyranny  over  these 
States  "  by  "  cutting  off  our  trade  with  all  parts  of  the  world," 
and  that  among  the  foremost  rights  of  a  free  people  is  the 
right  to  "  establish  commerce." 

Says  a  learned  historian :  "  The  most  fatal  defect  of  the 
Articles  of  Confederation  was  absence  of  power  to  collect 
revenue,  regulate  trade,  en-courage  industry.  The  thoughts 


HISTORY  OF   AMERICAN  TARIFFS.  215 

of  all  our  early  statesmen  were  turned  to  this  defect,  which 
to  them  was  the  more  glaring,  because  of  intimate  acquaint 
ance  with  the*  British  system.  So  paramount  was  the 
necessity  for  escape  from  industrial  and  commercial  de 
pendence,  and  so  momentous  was  deemed  the  power  to  pro 
tect  ourselves  that  Washington  confidently  looked  to  the 
trade  regulations  of  a  more  efficient  government  as  a  means 
of  giving  the  country  its  proper  weight  in  the  scale  of  em 
pires  and,  with  a  feeling  foreign  to  his  better  nature,  he 
declared  that  such  government  "  will  surely  impose  retaliat 
ing  restrictions,  to  a  certain  degree,  upon  the  trade  of 
England." 

The  proceedings  of  the  Continental  Congress  abound  in 
debates,  resolutions  and  committees,  having  for  their  object 
the  promotion  of  home  products  and  the  development  of 
home  resources.  There  seemed  to  be  no  question  among 
the  leaders  of  thought,  so  far  as  the  debates  show,  of  the 
right  and  duty  of  the  government  to  foster  industry  by 
legislative  enactment,  nor  of  the  necessity  for  a  new  govern 
ment  endowed  with  ample  power  to  provide  revenue  through 
a  tariff  and  at  the  same  time  protect  its  vital  interests. 

But  while  this  was  all  so  in  the  minds  of  statesmen,  the 
inchoate  States  were  afloat  on  the  sea  of  discord.  They  had 
industry,  commerce,  tariffs,  in  their  own  hands.  There  was 
no  uniform  import  law,  and  consequently  none  at  all.  One 
State  nullified  the  laws  of  another.  They  were,  as  Hamilton" 
said,  "jarring,  jealous  and  perverse,  fluctuating  and  unhappy 
at  home,  and  weak  by  their  dissensions  in  the  eyes  of  other 
nations." 

A  prey  to  one  another,  they  were  the  natural  victims  of 
more  knowing,  designing,  older,  richer  and  advanced  nations, 
and  especially  that  one  which  sought  to  revenge  defeat  of 
arms  by  political  segregation  and  commercial  conquest. 


216  HISTORY   OF  AMERICAN  TARIFFS. 

With  intelligence  and  the  instinct  of  self-preservation  arrayed 
against  free  traffic  with  foreign  nations,  there  existed  the 
hard  compulsion  of  circumstances  to  render  tfce  States  help 
less.  Depleted  by  a  long  war,  with  few  factories,  mills  and 
workshops,  with  limited  means  of  recuperation,  with  thirteen 
hostile  systems  of  commercial  independence,  they  were  at 
the  entire  mercy  of  the  foreign  merchant  and  manufacturer. 
There  was  absolutely  no  law  against  importations.  The  era 
was  one  of  free-trade,  uninterrupted  by  effective  statute, 
unimpaired  by  anything  except  ineffective  sentiment. 

The  consequences  must  be  faced.  Says  Carey : — "  At  the 
close  of  the  Revolution  the  trade  of  America  was  free  and 
unrestrained  in  the  fullest  sense  of  the  term,  according  to 
the  theory  of  Adam  Smith,  Say,  Ricardo,  the  '  Edinburgh 
Reviewers  '  and  the  authors  of  the  '  Encyclopaedia.'  Her 
ports  were  open,  with  scarcely  any  duties,  to  the  vessels 
and  merchandise  of  other  nations."  What  befell  ?  As  the 
States  were  discordant,  foreign  powers  passed  laws  as  they 
pleased  to  destroy  our  commerce.  Nearly  every  foreign 
nation  shipped  goods  into  the  country  and  dumped  them 
promiscuously  on  our  wharves.  The  consequences  followed 
which  never  fail  to  follow  such  a  state  of  things.  Competi 
tion  on  the  part  of  our  manufacturers  was  at  an  end.  They 
were  bankrupted  and  beggared.  The  merchants  whose 
importations  had  ruined  them  were  involved  in  calamity. 
Farmers,  who  had  longed  to  buy  foreign  merchandise  cheap, 
went  down  in  the  vortex  of  general  destruction. 

Said  a  statesman  of  the  day,  "  The  people  of  America 
went  to  war  to  improve  their  condition  and  throw  off  the 
burdens  which  the  colonial  system  laid  on  their  industry. 
And  when  their  independence  was  attained  they  found  it 
was  a  piece  of  parchment.  The  arm  which  had  struck  for 
.it  in  the  field  was  palsied  in  the  workshop.  The  industry 


HON.  ROGER   Q.   MILLS. 

Born  in  Salem,  Kentucky,  in  1832  ;  when  seventeen  years  of  age  he 
emigrated  to  Texas;  he  became  a  lawyer,  and  when  twenty-seven  years 
of  age  was  elected  to  the  Texas  Legislature ;  at  the  breaking  out  of  the 
civil  war  he  joined  the  Southern  army  as  Colonel  of  a  regiment  of 
infantry;  he  was  wounded  a  number  of  times,  though  not  seriously,  and, 
returning  to  his  home  at  Corsicana,  resumed  the  practice  of  his  profes 
sion  ;  in  1872  he  was  elected  to  Congress  on  the  Democratic  ticket,  and 
has  been  returned  at  every  subsequent  election.  His  majority  at  the 
last  election  was  over  16,000 ;  Mr.  Mills  was  always  a  tariff  reformer, 
and  he  was  entrusted  by  Speaker  Carlisle  in  the  Fiftieth  Congress  with 
the  task  of  framing  a  tariff  bill,  which  was  the  issue  of  the  campaign  of 
1888,  in  which  the  Democrats  were  defeated  ;  Mr.  Mills  was  a  candi 
date  for  Speaker  for  the  present  House,  but  Mr.  Crisp  secured  the  prize- 
elected  to  U.  S.  Senate,  March  22,  1892,  and  re-elected  for  the  full 
term  in  1893. 


WM.  L.  WILSON, 

Chairman  of  House  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  and  Author  of 
the  Wilson  Tariff  Bill. 

Born  in  Jefferson  co,  Va.,  May  3,  1843 ;  graduated  from  University 
of  Virginia  in  1860  ;  served  in  the  Confederate  army ;  for  several  years 
Professor  in  Columbian  College;  resigned  and  entered  practice  of  law  at 
Charlestown,  W.  Va.;  elected  President  of  West  Virginia  University  in 
1882 ;  elected  to  49th,  50th,  51st,  52d  and  53d  Congresses ;  in  latter  Con- 
gress  served  as  Chairman  of  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means ;  father 
of  the  Wilson  Tariff  Bill ;  nominated  by  President  Cleveland  as 
Postmaster-General,  February  28,  1895,  and  took  oath  of  office,  April 
4,  1895. 


HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN  TARIFFS.  219 

which  had  been  burdened  in  the  colonies  was  crushed  in  the 
free  States.  At  the  close  of  the  revolution  the  mechanics 
and  manufacturers  of  the  country  found  themselves,  in  the 
bitterness  of  their  hearts,  independent — and  ruined!' 

Says  Bancroft,  of  the  year  1785,  "It  is  certain  that  the 
English  have  the  trade  of  these  States  almost  wholly  in 
their  hands,  whereby  their  influence  must  increase;  and  a 
constantly  increasing  scarcity  of  money  begins  to  be  felt, 
since  no  ship  sails  to  England  without  large  sums  of  money 
aboard,  especially  the  English  packet  boats,  which  monthly 
take  with  them  between  forty  and  fifty  thousand  pounds  sterl 
ing.  The  scarcity  of  money  makes  the  produce  of  the  country 
cheap,  to  the  disappointment  of  farmers  and  the  discourage 
ment  of  husbandry.  Thus  the  two  classes,  the  farmer  and 
the  merchant,  that  divide  nearly  all  America,  are  discon 
tented  and  distressed." 

Said  Webster  of  this  period,  in  a  speech  delivered  in  1833, 
"  From  the  close  of  the  war  of  the  Revolution  there  came  a 
period  of  depression  and  distress  on  the  Atlantic  Coast,  such 
as  the  people  had  hardly  felt  during  the  crisis  of  the  war 
itself.  Ship-owners,  ship-builders,  mechanics,  artisans,  all 
were  destitute  of  employment  and  some  of  them  destitute 
of  bread.  British  ships  came  freely,  and  British  ships  came 
plentifully ;  while  to  American  ships  and  American  prod 
ucts  there  was  neither  protection  on  the  one  side  nor  the 
equivalent  of  reciprocal  free-trade  on  the  other.  The 
cheaper  labor  of  England  supplied  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Atlantic  shores  with  everything^.  Ready-made  clothes, 
among  the  rest,  from  the  crown  of  the  head  to  the  soles  of 
the  feet,  were  for  sale  in  every  city.  All  these  things  came 
free  from  any  general  system  of  imposts.  Some  of  the 
States  attempted  to  establish  their  own  partial  systems,  but 
they  failed." 


220  HISTORY   OF  AMERICAN   TARIFFS. 

There  is  no  history  of  America  covering  this  time  but 
what  repeats  the  above  views,  over  and  over  again,  and  if 
anything,  in  still  more  lugubrious  terms. 

The  situation  simply  affirmed  what  Lord  Goderich  said 
in  Parliament : — "  Other  nations  know  that  what  we  English 
mean  by  free-trade  is  nothing  more  nor  less  than,  by  means 
of  the  great  advantages  we  enjoy,  to  get  the  monopoly  of 
all  the  markets  of  other  nations  for  our  manufactures,  and 
to  prevent  them,  one  and  all,  from  ever  becoming  manufac 
turing  nations." 

With  equal  sincerity  and  emphasis  David  Syme,  another 
member  of  Parliament,  declared :— "  In  any  quarter  of  the 
globe  where  competition  shows  itself  as  likely  to  interfere 
with  English  monopoly,  immediately  the  capital  of  her 
manufacturers  is  massed  in  that  particular  quarter,  and 
goods  are  exported  there  in  large  quantities,  and  sold  at 
such  prices  that  outside  competition  is  immediately  counted 
out.  English  manufacturers  have  been  known  to  export 
goods  to  a  distant  market  and  sell  them  under  cost  for  years 
with  a  view  of  getting  the  market  into  their  own  hands 
again,  and  keep  that  foreign  market,  and  step  in  for  the 
whole  when  prices  revive." 

END   OF   THE   FREE-TRADE    ERA. 

It  became  manifest  to  even  the  dullest  mind  that  America 
was  about  to  lose  her  political  independence  in  the  mire  of 
industrial  and  commercial  subserviency.  Says  Mason : — 

"  Depreciation  seized  upon  every  species  of  property. 
Legal  pressure  to  enforce  payment  of  debts  caused  alarming 
sacrifices  of  both  personal  and  real-estate ;  spread  distress  far 
and  wide  among  the  masses  of  the  people ;  aroused  in  the 
hearts  of  the  sufferers  the  bitterest  feelings  against  lawyers, 
the  courts  and  the  whole  creditor  class ;  led  to  a  popular 


HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  TARIFFS.  221 

clamor  for  stay-laws  and  various  other  radical  measures  of 
supposed  relief,  and  finally  filled  the  whole  land  with  excite 
ment,  apprehension  and  sense  of  weakness  and  a  tendency 
to  despair  of  the  Republic.  Inability  to  pay  even  necessary 
taxes  became  general,  and  often  these  could  be  collected 
only  by  levy  and  sale  of  the  homestead." 

Figures  began  to  pile  up  and  to  tell  their  awful  tale.  In 
1/84-85,  imports  from  Great  Britain  alone  swelled  to 
$30,000,000,  while  our  exports  reached  barely  $9,000,000. 
In  Hildreth's  history  we  read  :  "  The  large  importation  of 
foreign  goods,  subject  to  little  or  no  duty,  and  sold  at  peace 
prices,  was  proving  ruinous  to  all  those  domestic  manufac 
tures  and  mechanical  employments  which  the  non-consump 
tion  agreements  and  the  war  had  created  and  fostered. 
Immediately  after  the  peace,  the  country  had  been  flooded 
with  imported  goods,  and  debts  had  been  unwarily  con 
tracted,  for  which  there  was  no  means  to  pay." 

In  Maine  a  Convention  was  held  for  the  purpose  of  revolt 
ing  from  Massachusetts  on  account  of  the  prevailing  distress. 
In  New  Hampshire  the  people  surrounded  the  Legislative 
hall  and  declared  the  body  should  not  adjourn  till  it  passed 
a  measure  to  absolve  the  people  from  debt  Shay's  rebellion 
in  Massachusetts  was  but  a  protest  against  suffering  on  the 
part  of  the  people.  In  speaking  of  its  causes  Hildreth  says : 
— "The  want  of  a  certain  and  remunerative  market  for  the 
produce  of  the  farmer,  and  the  depression  of  domestic  manu 
factures  by  competition  from  abroad." 

In  Connecticut  alone  five  hundred  farms  were  offered  for 
sale  to  pay  taxes.  The  condition  was  the  same  in  Pennsyl 
vania  and  the  Carolinas.  Real  estate  found  no  market. 
Debtors  were  compelled  to  close  out  at  one-fourth  the  value 
of  their  lands.  Men  distrusted  one  another.  The  best 
securities  were  offered  at  half  their  face  value. 


222  HISTORY  OP  AMERICAN  TARIFFS. 

At  length  the  newspapers  of  the  period,  without  regard  to 
party,  began  to  clamor  for  change.  Pamphleteers  arose  with 
out  number,  and  joined  in  the  cry  of  necessity  for  a  change. 
Merchants,  business  men,  farmers,  artisans,  laborers  echoed 
the  universal  sentiment : — "  We  have  had  enough  of  free- 
trade.  It  has  but  one  meaning  for  America,  and  that  is 
utter  neglect  of  ourselves  and  the  forced  sale  of  our  ener 
gies,  opportunities  and  resources  to  the  older  and  better 
equipped  nations.  We  have  won  political  independence  at 
a  cost  of  seven  years  of  war,  we  have  yet  to  win  the  still 
longer  battle  for  industrial  and  commercial  independence, 
or  else  the  .victory  of  foreign  nations  over  us  will  be  greater 
than  our  recent  victory  over  them." 

Every  one  saw  what  was  patent  to  John  Stuart  Mill,  and 
what  he  incorporated  into  his  "  Principles  of  Political  Econ 
omy,"  that:  "  What  prevented  the  rapid  recuperation  of  the 
United  States,  after  the  peace  of  1783,  was  the  system  of 
free  foreign  trade,  allowed  to  add  its  devastations  upon  in 
dustry  to  those  of  the  Revolution." 

Educated  by  a  dreadful  experience,  it  became  the  convic 
tion  of  all  parties  that  the  power  of  industrial  and  commer 
cial  protection,  so  conspicuously  and  fatally  absent  in  the 
Articles  of  Confederation,  must  repose  somewhere.  No 
other  thought  impelled  more  powerfully  toward  a  Union  of 
States  under  a  Federal  Constitution.  "  Four  causes,"  says 
Bancroft, "  above  others,  exercised  a  steady  and  commanding 
influence.  The  New  Republic,  as  one  nation,  must  have 
power  to  regulate  its  foreign  commerce  ;  to  colonize  its  large 
domain  ;  to  provide  an  adequate  revenue  ;  to  establish  justice 
in  domestic  trade  by  prohibiting  the  separate  States  from 
impairing  the  obligation  of  contracts." 

From  this  time  on  till  the  Constitution  became  a  fact, 
September  17, 1787,  or  rather,  until  the  Government  became 


HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  TARIFFS.  223 

a  fact,  April  30,  1789,  a  unanimous  political  and  business 
sentiment  persistently  and  eloquently  urged  a  stronger 
government,  imbued  with  the  paternal  instinct,  able  and  will 
ing  to  defend  and  encourage  home  industries  and  interests. 
State  responded  to  State  in  this  behalf;  statesmen  echoed 
the  complaints  and  arguments  of  statesmen.  Every  politi 
cal  school  joined  in  the  pleas  for  industrial  and  commercial 
independence.  One  of  the  most  assuring  phases  of  the 
situation  was  the  entire  unanimity  of  artificers,  mechanics 
and  working  men,  who  gathered  in  large  assemblies,  and  by 
means  of  public  speeches,  whose  logic  was  even  more  forci 
ble  than  those  of  learned  statesmen,  and  by  printed  resolu 
tions  of  great  vigor  and  aptness,  demanded  exemption  from 
the  degrading  and  ruinous  competition  forced  upon  them  by 
the  free  and  inordinate  influx  of  foreign  goods,  upon  whose 
manufacture  they  depended  for  a  living. 

Under  these  auspices  the  New  Constitution  took  shape, 
and  Clause  1  of  Section  VIII.  provided  that  "  Congress 
shall  have  power  to  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  imposts 
and  excises,  and  to  pay  the  debts  and  provide  for  the 
common  defence  and  general  welfare  of  the  United  States." 

In  order  to  achieve  what  was  equally  important  in  an  in 
dustrial  and  commercial  sense,  viz.,  perfect  interchange  of 
goods  and  products  between  the  States  themselves,  or  in 
other  words  "  free-trade  "  between  all  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Union,  it  was  ordained  that  Congress  should  never  have  the 
power  to  levy  "  a  tax  or  duty  on  articles  exported  from  any 
State." 

Thus  endowed,  the  New  Government  started  on  its  career. 
The  writers  of  the  Federalist,  Hamilton,  Madison  and  others, 
saw  in  the  above  clauses  sufficient  power  to  remedy  the 
evils  complained  of,  and  they  eloquently  assured  their  ~oun- 


224  HISTORY   OF  AMERICAN   TARIFFS. 

trymen  that  the  protection  they  demanded  for  their  infant  in* 
dustries  could  now  be  given  beyond  doubt. 

Says  Bishop  :  "  That  the  productive  classes  regarded  the 
Constitution  of  1787  as  conferring  the  power  and  right  of 
protection  to  the  infant  manufactures  of  the  country  is  mani 
fest  from  the  jubilant  feeling  excited  in  various  quarters 
upon  the  public  ratification  of  that  instrument." 

THE    FIRST    TARIFF    ACT. 

The  first  petition  presented  to  the  First  Congress,  in 
March,  1789,  came  from  700  mechanics  and  tradesmen  of 
Baltimore.  It  lamented  the  decline  of  manufactures  since 
the  Revolution,  and  prayed  that  the  efficient  Government 
with  which  they  were,  for  the  first  time,  blessed,  would 
render  the  country  "  independent  in  fact  as  well  as  in  name  " 
by  early  attention  to  the  encouragement  and  protection  of 
American  manufactures  and  by  imposing  on  "  all  foreign 
articles  which  could  not  be  made  in  America  such  duties  as 
would  give  a  decided  preference  to  their  labors" 

Leagues  of  artisans  and  tradesmen,  merchants  and  manu 
facturers  were  formed  in  all  the  leading  cities  and  industrial 
centres,  for  the  purpose  of  urging  on  Congress  an  early  in 
terpretation  of  the  new  powers  conferred  by  the  Constitu 
tion  in  the  interest  of  industry  and  commerce.  Charleston 
shipwrights  followed  the  Baltimore  artisans  with  a  powerful 
petition  to  the  First  Congress.  Similar  petitions  came  in 
from  Boston,  New  York  and  Philadelphia. 

As  already  stated,  the  universal  sentiment  of  the  hour 
was  that  the  Constitution  gave  Congress  ample  power  to 
regulate  commerce  by  a  tariff  for  revenue,  for  protection  or 
for  prohibition,  as  the  case  might  be.  The  words  "  for  the 
regulation  of  commerce"  had  a  well-understood  meaning 
among  American  statesmen.  They  were  the  words  used  in 


HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS.  225 

English  enactments  when  like  objects  were  in  view  and 
when  like  powers  were  conferred,  and  they  had  been  in 
terpreted  so  often  both  on  the  bench  and  in  actual  practice 
that  rational  dissent  to  their  meaning  was  out  of  the  ques 
tion.  Hamilton,  Franklin,  Madison,  Jefferson,  Monroe,  ac 
corded  perfectly  as  to  the  nature  of  the  power  and  the  ob 
ject  of  the  clause.  Gallatin  said  that  on  his  entrance  into 
public  life  he  found  but  one  sentiment  respecting  the  clause 
among  statesmen.  There  was  then  no  such  objection  as 
afterwards  arose,  and  still  exists,  and  which  is  to  the  effect 
that  a  power  to  raise  revenue  by  a  tariff  does  not  carry  the 
power  to  protect  home  manufactures  and  industries. 

Said  Washington  in  his  first  annual  message,  "  The  safety 
and  interest  of  a  free  people  require  that  they  promote  such 
manufactures  as  tend  to  render  them  independent  of  others 
for  essentials,  particularly  military  supplies." 

The  question  of  a  tariff  was  thus  injected  into  the  First 
Congress,  and  became  the  first  theme  for  discussion.  It  was 
a  Congress  which  embraced  many  farmers,  merchants  and 
manufacturers,  an  industrial  rather  than  professional  Con 
gress,  though,  of  course,  containing  many  illustrious  lawyers 
and  statesmen.  That  first  great  question  thrust  upon  it  has 
survived  all  others,  and  is  as  momentous  to-day  as  ever. 
The  other  class  of  questions  which  drew  fiercer,  but  not 
more  learned,  discussion,  such  as  nullification,  the  national 
bank,  slavery,  secession,  reconstruction,  has  happily  found  a 
grave. 

After  the  passage  of  a  bill  regulating  the  oath  of  office, 
the  Congress  took  up  the  tariff  bill,  and  it  became  the  first 
general  Act  of  the  First  Congress.  Its  preamble  fore 
shadowed  its  purport :  "  Whereas,  it  is  necessary  for  the 
support  of  the  Government,  for  the  discharge  of  the  debt 
of  the  United  States,  and  for  the  encouragement  and  pro- 


226  HISTORY  OF   AMERICAN  TARIFFS. 

tection  of  manufactures,  that  duties  be  laid  on  imported 
goods,  therefore  be  it  enacted,"  etc. 

This  preamble  drew  no  dissent.  Statesmen  North  and 
South  gave  it  sanction.  The  bill  itself  drew  the  widest 
range  of  debate,  and  the  learning  brought  into  the  discus 
sion  of  its  merits  has  never  been  surpassed  in  considering 
the  same  subject,  though  of  course  facts,  statistics  and  ex 
perience  have  changed  the  lines  of  argument,  and  remodelled 
theories.  This  learning  not  only  bore  on  all  the  economic 
phases  of  the  question,  as  then  understood,  but  it  was  ex 
haustive  of  the  principle  that  the  Constitution  designed  to 
secure  to  the  infant  manufactures  and  struggling  industries 
of  the  country  the  protection  they  needed  against  the  riper 
experience  and  cheaper  labor  of  Europe. 

The  debates  upon  this  bill  were  not  as  to  the  necessity 
for  protection,  nor  as  to  the  fact  that  the  legislation  pro 
posed  was  or  was  not  in  principle  the  best  for  the  purpose. 
They  were  rather  upon  the  question  of  general  method  of 
procedure,  and  as  to  whether  or  not  the  States  might  be 
robbed  of  some  of  their  reserved  rights  if  too  liberal  a  con 
struction  were  thus  early  put  upon  the  Constitution.  The 
question  of  what  rate  of  duty  would  raise  the  required 
revenue  and  what  would  insure  the  needed  protection  was 
also  a  novel  one  and  the  subject  of  animated  discussion,  as 
it  broke  entirely  new  ground,  and  was  beyond  the  range  of 
all  precedents  and  experience.  Among  the  leading  debaters 
were  James  Madison,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  Charles  Carroll, 
Rufus  King,  Oliver  Ellsworth,  Fisher  Ames,  Roger  Sher 
man,  James  Trumbull,  and  others,  and  these  all  impressed 
their  genius  and  wisdom  on  the  First  American  Tariff  Act. 

The  Act  became  a  law  by  the  signature  of  Washington, 
affixed  July  4,  1789.  The  rates  of  duty  provided  by  the 
Act  were,  in  modern  acceptation,  ridiculously  low,  yet  as 


HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS.  227 

the  legislation  was  entirely  experimental,  and  as  there  were 
no  precedents  to  steer  by,  there  was  general  acquiescence  in 
the  provisions,  not  only  as  insuring  revenue  but  as  estab 
lishing  protection.  The  class  of  articles  subjected  to  duty 
is  the  best  guide  to  the  spirit  of  the  Act.  It  imposed  the 
highest  duties  on  those  manufactures  and  industries  which 
were  deemed  most  in  need  and  most  worthy  of  encourage 
ment.  They  embraced  the  iron  and  steel  of  Pennsylvania; 
the  glass  of  Maryland ;  the  cotton,  indigo  and  tobacco  of 
the  Southern  States ;  the  wool,  leather,  paper  and  fisheries 
of  the  Eastern  States.  There  was  hardly  an  article  intro 
duced  into  it  whose  freedom  from  foreign  competition  had 
not  been  petitioned  for,  and  the  desirability  of  whose  home 
growth  or  manufacture  had  not  been  made  clear  to  the 
majority  in  Congress. 

A  powerful  spur  to  the  passage  of  this  Act  had  been  the 
oft-repeated  boast  of  Great  Britain  that  while  America  had 
achieved  political  independence,  it  had  been  reconquered 
commercially,  and  was  a  more  abject  and  useful  appendage 
than  before.  It  was  therefore  quite  natural  that  the  friends 
of  the  Act,  and  those  who  hoped  most  from  its  provisions, 
should  regard  it  as  in  the  nature  of  a  second  Declaration 
of  Independence,  and  as  far  more  valuable  to  the  Govern 
ment  and  the  people  for  the  spirit  it  evinced  and  the  possi 
bilities  it  contained,  than  for  the  rates  of  duty  it  established. 

This  Act  was  followed  the  next  year,  1790,  by  Hamilton's 
lengthy  and  able  report  upon  "  Commerce  and  Manufac 
tures."  This  report  was  designed  to  emphasize  the  prin 
ciple  of  protective  legislation.  It  embraced  all  the  learning 
and  experience  of  the  older  nations  bearing  upon  the  sub 
ject,  and  it  served  the  purpose  of  reconciling  an  almost 
universal  party  sentiment  to  the  operations  of  the  Act  of 
1789,  while  it  more  than  ever  committed  the  budding  nation 


228  HISTORY    OF   AMERICAN  TARIFFS. 

to  the  doctrine  he  advocated.  It  was  in  this  report  that  he 
enunciated  the  principle  which  protectionists  of  to-day  clairn 
to  be  fully  proved  by  experience,  to  wit,  that  internal  compe 
tition  is  an  effectual  corrective  of  monopoly,  and  in  the  end 
tends  to  a  lower  scale  of  prices  for  protected  manufactures 
than  prevailed  for  foreign.  His  interpretation  of  the  powers 
conferred  on  the  Government  by  the  clause  of  the  Consti 
tution  relating  to  taxes,  revenue  and  the  common  defence 
has  been  accepted  by  all  political  parties,  and  it  now  pre 
vails  without  regard  to  party  lines. 

This  Act  of  1789  and  this  report  of  1790  form  the  begin 
ning  of  an  historic  and  practical  protective  era  in  the  United 
States.  It  was  an  era  which  lasted,  under  varying  condi 
tions,  which  we  shall  note,  up  until  1816. 

The  previous  session  of  the  First  Congress  had  been  an 
extra  one.  It  was  now,  January  4,  1790,  in  First  Regular 
Session  at  Philadelphia  and  had  received  Hamilton's  cele 
brated  report.  Federals  and  Anti-Federals  divided  over  the 
payment  of  the  debts,  especially  those  of  the  States,  and  the 
doctrine  of  open  or  close  construction  of  the  Constitution 
was  fast  shaping  up  political  lines.  However,  there  was 
very  little  division  of  sentiment  on  the  propriety  of  increas 
ing  the  rates  of  duty  provided  by  the  Act  of  July  4,  1789, 
and  they  were  increased  by  the  Act  of  August  10,  1790, 
which  went  into  effect  January  I,  1791. 

During  the  Second  Session  of  the  First  Congress,  which 
opened  October  24,  1791,  at  Philadelphia,  there  was  much 
excitement  owing  to  opposition  to  the  Excise  Laws  of  the 
previous  session  and  the  rebellion  against  them  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  known  as  the"  Whiskey  Rebellion."  The  animosities 
thus  aroused  served  to  widen  the  gap  between  the  Federals 
and  Anti-Federals,  but  not  enough  to  defeat  further  tariff 
legislation.  The  Act  of  May  2,  1792,  was  passed  without 


HISTORY   OP    AMERICAN    TARIFFS.  229 

much  difficulty.  It  took  effect  July  I,  1792, and  it  increased 
the  ad  valorem  rates  of  duty  from  2^  to  5  per  cent.  This 
was  the  third  Tariff  Act  in  three  years,  and  the  drift  of  legisla 
tion  was  in  favor  of  higher  and  more  protective  duties. 

During  the  First  Session  of  the  Third  Congress  which 
met  December  2,  1793,  party  lines  became  still  more  distinct 
over  matters  of  tariff  legislation.  The  Anti-Federals  had 
now  taken  the  name  of  Republicans,  and,  though  without  a 
definite  policy  of  their  own,  found  means  of  coherence  and 
growth  in  opposing  Federal  doctrines.  Yet  it  was  a  com 
paratively  easy  matter  to  pass  the  Tariff  Act  of  June  7,  1794, 
which  took  effect  July  I,  1794.  All  parties  were  agreed  as 
to  the  necessity  of  providing  additional  revenue,  which  the 
increased  ad  valorem  rates  in  the  Act  were  designed  to 
secure.  All  parties  were  also  agreed  that  a  tariff  was  the 
quietest  and  easiest  way  of  attaining  such  revenue,  and  the 
Anti-Federals,  or  Republicans,  who  had  violently  opposed 
the  excise  laws,  were  even  more  fully  committed  to  a  tariff 
as  a  revenue  measure  than  the  Federals.  They,  however, 
began  to  draw  the  line  when  the  doctrine  of  protection  was 
broached.  Not  all,  of  course,  but  a  few  whose  strict  con 
struction  notions  dominated  their  economic  views. 

The  next  tariff  legislation  was  the  Act  of  May  13,  1800, 
which  took  effect  July  I,  1800.  This  legislation  was  not 
difficult  and  was  still  in  the  line  of  protective  duties.  It 
raised  the  duties  on  sugar  half  a  cent  a  pound  and  on  silks 
2^/2  per  cent. 

On  March  26,  1804,  an  amended  Tariff  Act  was  passed 
which  took  effect  July  i,  1804.  It  must  be  remembered 
that  now  the  country  had  undergone  a  political  revolution, 
that  the  Republicans  were  in  power  in  Congress  and  that 
Jefferson  was  President.  Yet  the  Tariff  Act  of  1804  was  in 
the  line  of  increased  duties. 


23o  HISTORY   OF  AMERICAN   TARIFFS. 

All  the  Acts  thus  far  were  amendatory  of  the  original  Act 
of  1789,  and  were  helpful  of  the  provisions  and  operations 
of  that  Act.  As  sufficient  time  had  elapsed  to  form  opinions 
of  the  workings  of  that  Act,  or  in  other  words,  to  witness 
the  effects  of  incorporating  protective  tariff  legislation  into 
pur  institutions,  it  will  be  profitable  to  turn  to  the  sentiment 
of  the  times  respecting  it. 

In  his  seventh  annual  message,  Washington  said  : — "  Our 
agriculture,  commerce  and  manufactures  prosper  beyond 
example.  Every  part  of  the  Union  displays  indications  of 
rapid  and  various  improvement,  and  with  burdens  so  light 
as  scarcely  to  be  perceived." 

John  Adams  in  his  last  annual  message  said  : — "  I  observe 
with  much  satisfaction  that  the  product  of  the  revenue  dur 
ing  the  present  year  is  more  considerable  than  at  any  former 
period." 

Thomas  Jefferson  in  his  second  annual  message  said : — 
"  To  protect  the  manufactures  adapted  to  our  circumstances 
is  one  of  the  land-marks  by  which  we  should  guide  our 
selves." 

The  provisions  of  the  Act  of  1789  and  its  amendments 
had,  in  their  practical  workings,  so  far  exceeded  expecta 
tions,  that  in  1806  Jefferson  found  the  revenues  more  than 
ample  for  the  requirements  of  the  Government.  In  speak 
ing  of  the  surplus  he  said  in  his  sixth  annual  message : — 
"  Shall  we  suppress  the  imposts  and  give  that  advantage  to 
foreign  over  our  domestic  manufactures  ?  On  a  few  articles 
of  more  general  and  necessary  use,  the  suppression,  in  due 
season,  will  doubtless  be  right,  but  the  great  mass  of  the 
articles  on  which  imposts  are  laid  are  foreign  luxuries, 
purchased  only  by  the  rich,  who  can  afford  themselves  the 
use  of  them." 

In  1809  h£  wrote  to  Humphrey  thus : — "  My  own  idea  is 


HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS.  231 

that  we  should  encourage  home  manufactures  to  the  extent 
of  our  own  home  consumption  of  everything  of  which  we 
raise  the  raw  materials." 

Said  Madison  in  his  special  message  of  May  23,  1809: — 
"  It  will  be  worthy  of  the  just  and  provident  care  of  Congress 
to  make  such  further  alterations  in  the  laws  as  will  more 
especially  protect  and  foster  the  several  branches  of  manu 
factures  which  have  been  recently  instituted  or  extended  by 
the  laudable  exertions  of  our  citizens." 

Says  Harriman  in  writing  of  the  Tariff  of  1789: — "Agri 
culture  became  more  extensive  and  prosperous ;  Commerce 
increased  with  wonderful  rapidity ;  old  industries  were  re 
vived  and  many  new  ones  established ;  our  merchant  navy 
revived  and  multiplied;  all  branches  of  domestic  trade  pros 
pered;  our  revenues  exceeded  the  wants  of  government; 
the  people  became  contented  and  industrious ;  the  whole 
country  was  on  the  high  road  to  wealth  and  prosperity." 

THE  EMBARGO  AND  TARIFF  OF  l8l2. 

Now  while  many  provisions  in  the  Tariff  Acts  up  to  1808 
embraced  the  protective  doctrine,  such  as  duties  on  hemp, 
cordage,  glass,  nails,  salt  and  various  manufactures  of  iron, 
as  has  been  noted  the  duties  were  low,  according  to  present 
standards.  Protection  of  the  textiles  and  of  unmanufactured 
iron  had  not  been  much  thought  of.  But  they  were  soon 
to  draw  attention  and  become  the  great  subjects  of  the  pro 
tective  controversy. 

The  year  1808  marks  a  turning-point  in  the  industrial 
history  of  our  country.  The  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees  of 
Napoleon  and  the  English  Orders  in  Council  led  to  ths, 
Embargo  Act  of  December,  1807.  The  Non-Intercourse 
Act  followed  it  in  1809.  War  was  declared  against  Great 


232  HISTORY   OF  AMERICAN  TARIFFS. 

Britain  in  1812.  On  July  i,  i8i2,the  Tariff  Act  was  passed, 
which  became  a  law  immediately. 

The  passage  of  this  Act  was  strongly  urged  by  Madison 
in  his  message  to  the  Twelfth  Congress  : — "  As  a  means  to 
preserve  and  promote  the  manufactures  which  have  sprung 
into  existence  and  attained  an  unparalleled  maturity  through 
out  the  United  States  during  the  period  of  the  European 
wars."  The  younger  leaders  of  the  Republican  party  took 
up  Madison's  request  and  were  prepared  to  go  to  any  length 
to  grant  it.  Calhoun  and  Lowndes  joined  their  logic  to 
Clay's  eloquence  in  favor  of  the  doctrine  that  protection  to 
home  industries  should  no  longer  occupy  a  place  secondary 
to  the  revenue  idea.  South  Carolina  became  the  highest 
protection  State  in  the  Union,  England  having  levied  a  duty 
on  raw  cotton.  The  entire  Republican  party  swung  away 
from  its  strict  construction  notions  and  became  such  liberal 
interpreters  as  that  they  quoted  with  the  utmost  favor  the 
report  of  Hamilton  upon  which  the  earlier  Tariff  Acts  were 
based.  The  Federals  were  dazed  with  the  situation,  and, 
failing  to  see  anything  good  in  their  opponents,  quite  forgot 
their  own  traditions,  and  swung,  under  the  lead  of  Webster, 
quite  to  the  anti-protection  side  of  the  controversy. 

Out  of  the  confused  situation  came  the  "American  Idea" 
and  the  Whig  party,  which  was  Clay's  outlet  from  the  strict 
construction  columns.  The  Tariff  Act  of  the  session — a  Re 
publican,  or,  as  some  have  it,  a  Democratic  Act — marks 
the  highest  rates  of  duty  reached  from  the  foundation 
of  the  government  up  till  1842.  It  practically  doubled  the 
rates  existing  before.  Sugar  went  from  2^/2  cents  per  pound 
to  5  cents;  coffee  from  5  cents  to  10  cents;  tea  from  18 
cents  to  36;  pig  iron  from  17^  per  cent,  to  30  per  cent; 
bar  iron  from  17 j£  per  cent,  to  30;  glass  from  22^/2  per 
cent,  to  40;  manufactures  of  cotton  from  17*^*  per  cent,  to 


HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  TARIFFS.  233 

30 ;  woolens  from  17  per  cent,  to  30;  silk  from  15  per  cent, 
to  25. 

The  Embargo  Act  of  1808,  the  Non-Intercourse  Act  of 
1 809,  and  the  highly  protective  Tariff  Act  of  1 8 1 2,  constituted 
a  series  of  restrictive  measures  which  had  the  efficacy  of 
prohibitive  duties.  They  gave  an  enormous  stimulus  to  all 
branches  of  industry  whose  products  had  before  been  im 
ported.  Establishments  for  the  manufacture  of  cottons, 
woolens,  iron,  glass,  pottery  and  other  articles,  sprang  up 
as  if  by  magic.  The  success  of  this  extreme  protection 
formed  the  basis  of  that  powerful  movement  which  subse 
quently  became  the  heritage  of  the  Whig  party,  and  which 
had  for  its  object  the  decided  limitation  of  foreign  competi 
tion  both  as  to  manufactures  and  commerce. 

TARIFF   ACT   OF    l8l6. 

The  logic  of  the  Tariff  Act  of  1816  is  not  understood  by 
economists,  nor  can  it  be  accounted  for  by  any  one  except 
upon  the  theory  that  having  passed  through  a  war,  the 
country  would  probably  settle  back  into  some  such  condi 
tion  as  existed  prior  to  1808.  The  controlling  element  in 
Congress  was  still  the  young  element,  the  element  respon 
sible  for  the  war  and  therefore  responsible  for  its  results.  | 
They  had  proven  themselves  avowed  protectionists  by  the  I 
passage  of  the  Tariff  Act  of  1812,  and  by  the  favor  with  which 
they  regarded  the  new  manufactures  which  had  arisen. 
They  were  still  willing  to  assist  them,  for  they  clung  to  fair 
duties  in  the  Act  of  April  27,  1816,  on  those  goods  in 
which  the  most  interest  was  felt,  as  in  textile  fabrics. 

But  here  the  fatality  which  overhung  the  Act  came  in. 
Cotton  and  woolen  goods  were  to  pay  a  duty  of  25  per  cent. 
• — a  protective  duty — till  1819.  After  that  they  were  to  pay 
20  per  cent.  On  some  other  classes  of  goods  the  duties- 


234  HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS. 

were  decreased  directly,  on  others  increased.  As  to  the 
textiles,  Calhoun  urged  strongly  the  argument  in  favor  of 
protecting  young  industries,  and  at  the  same  time  limiting 
the  protection,  after  a  period  when  they  ought  to  be  on  their 
feet. 

As  a  whole  the  Act  of  1816  was  protective,  but  it  looked 
to  a  period  only  three  years  off,  when  it  would  no  longer  be 
so.  This  was  its  misfortune.  It  prepared  foreign  nations 
for  our  market.  Though  our  breadstuffs,  provisions,  cotton 
and  every  product  of  the  soil  were  high  in  price;  though 
wages  and  rents  were  high ;  the  currency  was  very  weak 
and  unsettled.  Home  competition  had  reduced  the  price 
of  our  manufactured  products.  The  manufacturers  of  Great 
Britain  found  their  warehouses  bursting  with  wares.  They 
looked  with  awe  on  the  American  situation,  which  revealed 
to  them  the  fact  that  our  home  industries  had  robbed  them 
of  a  market.  This  must  not  be.  Those  industries  are  only 
tentative.  By  1819,  when  the  duties  of  1816  reach  their 
minimum,  they  can  no  longer  survive.  We  will  begin  the 
crushing  process  now.  Said  Lord  Brougham  in  the  House 
of  Commons,  "  It  is  well  worth  while  to  incur  a  loss  upon 
our  first  exportation,  in  order,  by  the  glut,  to  stifle  in  the 
cradle,  those  infant  manufactures  in  the  United  States,  which 
the  war  has  forced  into  existence." 

Great  Britain  began  to  unload  her  surplus  manufactures 
upon  our  shores  at  far  below  cost.  They  were  goods  that 
were  not  new,  nor  fashionable,  nor  in  demand  at  home.  The 
protective  features  of  the  Act  of  1 8 16  were  insufficient  to 
stay  the  flood.  More  than  twice  the  quantity  were  imported 
that  could  be  consumed.  Great  depression  in  business  set 
in.  Bankruptcy  became  general.  The  near  approach  of 
1819,  when  the  minimum  rates  of  duty  should  go  into  effect, 
but  encouraged  the  inflow  of  foreign  products.  Says 


HON.  WILLIAM  P.   FIIYE. 

Born  at  Lewiston,  Me.,  September  2,1831;  graduated  at  Bowdoin 
College,  1850;  educated  for  the  bar;  elected  to  State  Legislature,  1861, 
1862,  1867;  Mayor  of  Lewiston,  1866-67;  Attorney-General,  1867-68' 
69 ;  member  of  Republican  National  Executive  Committee,  1872-76- 
80;  Presidential  Elector,  1864;  Delegate  to  Republican  National  Con 
ventions,  1872-76-80 ;  elected  member  of  42d,  43d,  44th,  45th,  46th 
and  47th  Congresses ;  elected  to  succeed  James  G.  Elaine  in  United 
States  Senate  in  1880;  re-elected  Senator  in  1883,1888  and  1895; 
Chairman  of  Committee  on  Commerce,  and  a  member  of  Committee  on 
Foreign  Relations,  and  other  important  Committees. 


DAVID  TURPIK. 

Admitted  to  practice  at  Logansport,  Ind.,  1849;  Judge  of  Common 
Pleas,  1854,  and  of  Circuit  Court,  1856,  both  of  which  he  resigned; 
member  of  Ind.  Legislature,  1853  and  1858;  elected  to  U.  S.  Senate, 
1863,  for  unexpired  term  of  Jesse  D.  Bright;  member  of  Ind.  Gen. 
Assembly  and  Speaker  of  body,  1874-75  ;  Commissioner  for  Revision  of 
Indiana  Laws;  U.  S.  Dist.  Atty.,  1886-87;  Delegate-nt-Large  to  Dem. 
Convention,  1888;  elected  U.  S.  Senator,  1887  and  1893;  member  of 
Committees  on  Census,  Foreign  Relations,  Land  Claims,  Privileges  and 
Elections,  Transportation,  and  U.  S.  University. 


HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  TARIFFS.  237 

Thomas  H.  Benton,  "  No  price  for  property;  no  sales  ex 
cept  those  of  the  sheriff  and  marshal;  no  purchasers  at 
execution  sales  save  the  creditor  or  some  money  hoarder ; 
no  employment  for  industry;  no  sale  for  the  products  of  the 
farm ;  no  sound  of  the  hammer  save  that  of  the  auctioneer 
knocking  down  property.  Distress  was  the  universal  cry 
of  the  people;  relief,  the  universal  demand,  was  thundered 
at  the  doors  of  Legislatures,  State  and  Federal." 

This  condition  of  affairs  appalled  Congress  and  brought 
about  the  Tariff  Act  of  1818,  which  simply  extended  the 
already  ineffective  provisions  of  the  Act  of  1816  for  a  period 
of  seven  years  and  placed  some  few  free  articles  on  the  duti 
able  list.  It  did  not  prove  remedial  to  the  extent  expected 
and  the  panic  of  1817-19  extended  over  a  period  of  several 
years. 

TARIFF   ACT    OF    1824. 

The  sad  condition  of  affairs,  before  described,  rendered 
relief  necessary.  The  liberal  side  of  the  Republican  party 
held  the  ascendant  in  the  Eighteenth  Congress,  December 
i,  1823,  and  elected  Clay  Speaker  of  the  House.  In  his 
message,  President  Monroe  not  only  announced  the  cele 
brated  "  Monroe  Doctrine,"  but  inclined  to  the  popular 
faction  of  his  party  on  matters  of  protection  and  internal 
revenue.  He  urgently  recommended  "  additional  protection 
to  those  articles  which  we  are  prepared  to  manufacture." 

A  bill  was  framed  and  .debated  for  two  months.  Calhoun 
who  had  deserted  Clay,  Daniel  Webster  and  John  Randolph, 
led  the  free-trade  forces.  Andrew  Jackson  and  James 
Buchanan  were  among  the  strongest  advocates  of  the  bill. 
It  did  not  fix  rates  as  high  as  the  Act  of  1812,  but  it  recog 
nized  the  doctrine  of  protection  more  distinctly  than  any 
former  Act.  The  strict  constructionists  urged  their  old 
argument  against  the  constitutionality  of  protection  and,  for 


238  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  TARIFFS. 

the  first  time  in  our  history,  supplemented  it  with  the 
ment  that  a  protective  tariff  was  unfair  to  the  South.  As 
the  lines  shaped  up  they  presented  almost  a  solid  array  of 
Southern  against  a  solid  array  of  Northern  States. 

The  bill  passed  by  a  close  vote,  May  22,  1824,  and  it 
fully  engrafted  the  "  American  System "  on  our  national 
politics.  It  fixed  a  duty  on  sugar  of  3  cents  per  pound ; 
coffee,  5  cents;  tea,  25  cents;  salt,  20  cents;  pig-iron,  20 
per  cent. ;  bar-iron,  $30  per  ton  ;  glass,  30  per  cent,  and  3 
cents  a  pound ;  manufactures  of  cotton,  25  per  cent. ;  wool 
ens,  30  per  cent. ;  silk,  25  per  cent. 

The  financial  and  industrial  situation  responded  promptly 
to  this  Act.  There  was  such  a  pronounced  betterment  of 
affairs  that  the  friends  of  the  Act  were  encouraged  to  try 
their  hand  at  further  legislation  in  the  line  of  protection. 

TARIFF   OF    1828. 

In  the  Twentieth  Congress  the  Democrats  (formerly  Re 
publicans)  were  in  a  majority.  They  were  divided,  how 
ever,  over  a  Protective  Tariff.  Those  of  the  Northern  States 
united  with  the  National  Republicans  (Whigs)  and  brought 
about  the  Tariff  Act  of  May  19,  1828.  It  was  largely  a 
Jackson  measure,  who  had  carried  New  York,  Pennsylvania 
and  Illinois,  on  his  protective  tariff  record. 

This  Act  of  1828  had  little  peculiar  about  it,  except  that 
it  increased  the  duty  on  woolens  and  few  raw  materials,  in 
cluding  wool.  Yet  it  proved  to  be  one  of  the  most  moment 
ous  Tariff  Acts  in  our  history,  (i)  It  emphasized  the 
"  American  Idea  "  by  introducing  protection  in  every  change 
of  the  Act  of  1824.  (2)  It  was  the  turning-point  of  the 
hitherto  hostile  New  England  sentiment,  Webster  having 
changed  ground  and  entered  on  its  advocacy.  (3)  The 
South  entirely  sectionalized  its  opposition  to  it,  and  justified 


HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  TARIFFS.  239 

nullification  of  it  as  a  blow  at  the  planting  interests,  as  a  dis 
crimination  against  unpaid  labor,  and  as  unconstitutional. 

Of  the  operations  of  the  two  protective  Acts  of  1824  and 
1828,  Jackson  said  in  his  message  of  1832  : — Our  country 
presents  on  every  side  marks  of  prosperity  and  happiness, 
unequalled  perhaps  in  any  portion  of  the  world."  Webster 
said  : — "  The  relief  was  profound  and  general,  reaching  all 
classes — farmers,  manufacturers,  ship-owners,  mechanics, 
day  laborers."  Clay  said : — "  If  the  term  of  seven  years 
were  selected  to  measure  the  greatest  prosperity  of  this 
people  since  the  establishment  of  the  Constitution,  it  would 
be  exactly  that  period  of  seven  years  which  immediately 
followed  the  passage  of  the  Tariff  Act  of  1824." 

TARIFF   ACT   OF    1832. 

The  Tariff  Act  of  1828  led  to  bitter  party  and  sectional 
turmoil.  The  South  was  bitterly  opposed  to  it.  It  had  be 
come  a  kind  of  fashion  to  prepare  for  a  National  Campaign 
by  amending  the  Tariff  Act.  An  Act  passed  May,  1830, 
which  scaled  considerably  the  rates  of  duty  of  the  Act  of 
1828,  proved  unsatisfactory,  because  it  did  not  eliminate  the 
protective  features  of  that  Act.  The  nullifying  sentiment  of 
the  South  demanded  the  repudiation  of  the  protective  policy 
and  the  affirmation  of  the  free-trade  policy  by  the  govern 
ment.  It  was  a  powerful  sentiment  and  must  be  appeased, 
else  Jackson  could  not  hope  to  succeed  himself. 

Hence  the  Tariff  Act  of  1832,  which  reduced  the  rates  of 
duty  considerably  and  placed  coffee  and  tea  on  the  free  list. 
It  failed  of  its  purpose,  because  it  contained  no  repudiation 
of  the  protective  idea.  Nullification  set  in  all  the  same  and 
South  Carolina,  November  19,  1832,  declared  the  Tariff  Acts 
of  1828  and  1832  "null  and  void." 


240  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  TARIFFS. 

TARIFF   ACT    OF    1833. 

The  Twenty-second  Congress — December  3,  1832 — at  its 
second  session,  had  to  meet  the  question  of  Nullification.  It 
passed  the  "Force  Bill,"  which  enabled  Jackson  to  collect 
the  duties  under  the  Act  of  1832,  and  then  it  changed  the 
tenor  of  the  Act  by  the  Compromise  Act  introduced  by 
Henry  Clay,  passed  March  2,  1833,  and  designed  to  show 
to  the  nullifiers  that  the  protectionists  were  not  necessarily 
their  enemies.  It  had  the  weakness  of  all  compromises,  and 
was  immediately  heralded  by  the  nullifiers  as  their  vindica 
tion,  as  a  surrender  of  the  "  American  System  "  and  as  a 
justification  of  South  Carolina.  It  did  not  enact  anything 
affirmatively,  but  took  the  tariff  of  1832  as  a  basis,  and 
scaled  its  rates  by  biennial  reductions,  till  at  the  end  of  ten 
years  a  uniform  rate  of  not  exceeding  20  percent,  should  pre 
vail.  This  was  ingenious  and  gradual  repeal  of  a  protective 
Act  and  a  practical  abandonment  of  the  protective  principle. 
It  was  notice  to  the  people  and  was  accepted  as  such  by  all 
foreign  countries,  that  the  United  States  had  repudiated  its 
earlier  policy  of  protection.  Henceforth  the  tariff  was  fully 
afloat  on  the  sea  of  politics. 

A  very  few  biennial  reductions  brought  the  rates  of  the 
tariff  of  1832  to  where  they  were  no  longer  protective,  and 
there  came  an  inundation  of  foreign  goods  as  in  1817-19. 
Financial  depression  followed.  Prices  fell ;  production 
diminished  ;  workmen  became  idle ;  farm  products  found  no 
market;  public  revenue  fell  off  25  per  cent. ;  the  government 
had  to  borrow  at  a  ruinous  discount  in  order  to  pay  current 
expenses.  The  nation  was  in  the  midst  of  the  calamitous 
panic  of  1837 — worse  even  than  that  of  1818-19.  Aside 
from  the  moral  strain  of  the  disaster,  the  money  loss  was 
estimated  at  $1,000,000,000. 


HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  TARIFFS.  241 

TARIFF    OF    1842. 

The  drift  of  popular  sentiment  was  entirely  away  from 
Van  Buren,  1837-1841.  The  Whigs  took  the  lead  and 
nominated  William  Henry  Harrison,  in  December,  1839, 
without  a  platform.  The  Democrats  renominated  Van 
Buren  in  May,  1840,  and  placed  him  on  an  elaborate  plat 
form  which  contained  the  plank: — "Justice  and  sound 
policy  forbids  the  government  to  foster  one  branch  of  indus 
try  to  the  detriment  of  another,  or  one  section  to  the  injury 
of  another."  It  also  contained  a  plank  which  read  : — "The 
Constitution  does  not  confer  the  right  on  the  government 
to  carry  on  a  system  of  internal  improvements." 

Harrison  was  elected  President  and  the  Congress  had  a 
Whig  majority  of  six  in  the  Senate  and  twenty-five  in  the 
House.  Harrison  died  in  just  one  month  after  his  inaugura 
tion,  April  4,  1841,  and  Tyler  became  President.  It  was 
well  known  that  he  was  not  a  protectionist.  The  Whigs 
enacted  the  Tariff  Act  of  August  30,  1842,  in  obedience  to 
a  popular  demand.  The  debates  on  it  were  acrimonious 
and,  as  to  the  opponents,  involved  the  old  arguments  of 
1828  and  1832,  against  the  constitutionality  of  protection 
and  the  right  to  nullify  an  Act  of  Congress.  It  passed, 
however,  and  President  Tyler  vetoed  it,  giving  as  a  reason 
that  it  violated  the  compromise  of  1833,  which,  as  to  pro 
tection  and  revenue,  was  to  run  till  1842,  and,  as  to  non-dis 
crimination  against  the  planting  interests,  was  practically 
without  time.  This  Act  contained  pronounced  protective 
features.  Another  Act  was  passed,  without  protective  feat 
ures,  but  with  a  clause  providing  for  the  distribution  of  any 
surplus  that  might  arise  to  the  States.  This  too  was  vetoed. 
A  third  Act  was  passed  without  the  surplus  clause.  This 
became  the  Tariff  Act  of  August  10,  1842. 


242  HISTORY    OF  AMERICAN  TARIFFS. 

It  found,  under  the  operation  of  the  Scaling  Act  of  1833, 
a  uniform  duty  of  20  per  cent.  This  it  changed,  by  raising 
cotton  goods  to  30  per  cent. ;  woolens  to  40  per  cent. ; 
silks  to  $2.50  per  pound  ;  bar-iron  to  $25  per  ton  ;  pig-iron 
to  $g  per  ton  ;  sugar  to  2)4  cents  per  pound.  Tea  and 
coffee  remained  free.  Clay  and  Calhoun,  who  were 
together  in  the  Compromise  of  1833,  were  antagonists  over 
this  Act  of  1842.  This  was  the  Twenty-seventh  Congress. 

The  Act  of  1842  was  so  shorn  of  its  original  features  that 
it  could  scarcely  be  called  protective,  but  such  as  it  was  it 
sufficed  to  lift  the  cloud  of  depression  and  introduce  an  era 
of  prosperity  which  had  not  been  witnessed  since  1832. 
Business  revived.  Factories  began  to  operate.  Customs 
receipts  rose  and  put  the  Government  in  possession  of  much 
needed  revenue.  Labor  sprang  into  demand.  Farm  pn> 
duce  rose  in  price.  A  large  demand  arose  for  iron,  wool, 
cotton,  coal,  and  through  competition  in  manufactures,  and 
the  introduction  of  labor-saving  machinery,  the  prices  of 
manufactured  articles  were  cheaper  than  ever  before.  Roads, 
canals,  ships,  returned  a  profit.  Corporations,  States,  and 
even  the  general  Government,  rose  from  bankruptcy  to  high 
credit.  Said  President  Polk  in  his  message  of  1846, "Labor 
in  all  its  branches  is  receiving  ample  reward.  The  progress 
of  our  country  in  resources  and  wealth  and  in  the  happy 
condition  of  our  people,  is  without  example  in  the  history 
of  nations." 

THE    TARIFF    ACT     OF     1846. 

The  National  Whig  Convention  of  1844  introduced  this 
plank  into  its  platform: — "A  tariff  for  revenue,  discriminat 
ing  with  reference  to  protection  of  domestic  labor."  The 
Democrats  reaffirmed  their  opposition  to  protection,  as  in 
the  platform  of  1840,  though  they  went  to  the  country  on 


HISTORY  OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS.  243 

the  cry  of  "  Polk,  Dallas  and  the  Tariff  of  1842."  The  elec 
tion  of  Polk  and  a  Democratic  House  favored  the  passage, 
in  the  Twenty-ninth  Congress,  of  a  Tariff  Act  which  should 
repeal  or  modify  that  of  1842,  for  it  was  known  that  the 
South  was  bent  on  such  repeal.  But  northern  Democrats 
refused  to  bow  to  the  situation.  Debate  took  a  sectional 
turn.  Northern  Democrats  pleaded  the  promises  of  the 
campaign,  not  to  interfere  with  the  Tariff  of  1842.  They 
were  overruled.  The  Act  of  July  30,  1846,  passed  the 
House,  which  had  a  Democratic  majority  of  61  votes.  In 
the  Senate,  which  had  a  Democratic  majority  of  five,  it  met 
with  a  tie,  and  the  tie  was  broken  by  the  casting  vote  of 
George  M.  Dallas,  Vice-President,  who  voted  in  favor  of  the 
measure.  The  Act  of  1846  reduced  the  rates  of  1842,  from 
5  to  25  per  cent.,  introduced  the  theory  of  general  ad  valorem 
duties,  and  affirmed  the  doctrine  of  revenue  without  incident 
protection.  It  was  a  disappointing  Act  to  Northern  Demo 
crats  and  Whigs,  and  while  it  was  far  removed  from  the 
promises  of  the  campaign,  it  nevertheless  fitted  in  with  the 
National  platform. 

While  the  reduced  tariff  of  1846,  and  the  means  by  which 
such  reduction  was  secured,  led  to  that  revulsion  of  public 
sentiment  which  culminated  in  the  Whig  successes  of  1848, 
the  country  happily  escaped  for  a  time  the  disasters  which 
had  followed,  quickly  and  inevitably,  former  tariff  reduc 
tions. 

The  Mexican  war  (1846-48)  created  an  extra  demand  for 
munitions  and  supplies  estimated  at  over  $100,000,000. 

The  discovery  of  gold  in  California  (1849)  increased  the 
demand  for  labor,  agricultural  products,  mining  materials 
and  shipping;  and  sent  for  ten  years  $55,000,000  a  year  in 
gold  into  the  country. 

The  European  countries  were  in  revolution  (1848-51). 


244  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  TARIFFS. 

Their  agricultural  and  manufacturing  industries  were  para 
lyzed.  They  could  not  export;  on  the  contrary  required 
food  supplies. 

The  Crimean  war  followed,  involving  all  Europe,  and 
creating  an  extraordinary  demand  for  American  breadstuffs. 

The  Irish  famine  occurred  and  added  to  the  demand  for 
additional  breadstuffs. 

From  1846  to  1856  these  adventitious  aids  to  the  indus 
tries  and  trade  of  the  United  States  proved  to  be  better  than 
any  protective  agency  that  might  have  been  sought  through 
forms  of  tariff  laws.  But  unfortunately  they  were  foreign 
to  sober  enactment  and  any  economic  principle.  They  came 
and  went  without  regard  to  our  domestic  situation,  our  com 
fort  or  discomfort,  our  weal  or  woe. 

By  1854  the  true  economic  condition  began  to  assert 
itself.  Foreign  imports  reappeared  in  our  marts  in  amazing 
quantities  and  at  demoralizing  prices.  The  crises  abroad 
being  over,  our  exports  declined.  Manufactories  suspended 
operations,  being  unable  to  compete  with  the  supply  from 
abroad. 

In  1848  the  national  Democratic  platform  contained  a 
plank  denouncing  a  Tariff,  except  for  revenue,  and  hailing 
"  the  noble  impulse  given  to  the  cause  of  free-trade  by  the 
repeal  of  the  tariff  of  1842,  and  the  creation  of  the  more 
equal,  honest  and  productive  tariff  of  1846."  The  Whigs 
did  not  adopt  a  platform. 

The,  National  Democratic  platform  of  1852  reaffirmed  that 
of  1848.  in  great  part;  and  that  of  the  Whigs  affirmed  "a 
tariff  for  revenue  with  suitable  encouragement  to  American 
industry." 

The  Democratic  platform  of  1856  contained  the  plank: — 
"That  the  time  has  come  for  the  people  of  the  United 


HISTORY  OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS.  245 

States  to  declare  themselves  in  favor  of  free  seas  and  pro 
gressive  free  trade  throughout  the  world." 

The  new  Republican  party  did  not  introduce  a  tariff  plank 
into  its  platform  of  1856. 

THE    TARIFF    ACT    OF     1857. 

In  the  Thirty-fourth  Congress,  December  5,  1855,  the 
Democrats  had  a  majority  of  9  in  the  Senate,  but  their 
magnificent  majority  in  the  previous  House  was  turned  into 
a  medley  of  straight  Democrats,  pro-slavery  Whigs,  Know- 
Nothings  and  Anti-Nebraska  men.  Owing  to  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  troubles,  the  Congress  was  not  a  dispassionate 
body.  While  it  showed  a  spirit  of  generosity  in  encourag 
ing  railroad  enterprise  and  grants  of  public  lands,  it  swung 
without  apparent  cause,  and  in  the  face  of  solemn  admoni 
tions,  clear  over  to  a  free-trade  policy,  and  under  existing 
circumstances  struck  the  country  a  cruel  blow  on  the  very 
last  day  of  its  Second  Session,  March  3,  1857.  This  is  the 
date  of  the  Tariff  Act  of  that  year.  The  only  excuse  offered 
for  its  passage  was  the  redundancy  of  revenue.  This  was 
almost  instantaneously  met  by  a  flood  of  importations,  for 
the  Act  reduced  duties  along  the  entire  line  of  imports  of 
leading  articles,  almost  to  such  rates  as  had  prevailed  before 
the  war  of  1812,  and  had  prevailed  at  no  time  since,  except 
at  the  end  of  the  sliding  scale  in  1841,  as  provided  in  the 
Compromise  Act  of  1833. 

As  had  ever  been,  the  already  tottering  industries  were 
struck  with  paralysis,  and  there  occurred  an  exhaustive  out 
pour  of  specie  to  foreign  parts.  Within  six  months  of  the 
passage  of  the  Act  the  country  was  in  the  midst  of  distress 
ing  panic.  No  branch  of  industry  escaped  the  disaster. 
Ruin  was  deep  and  universal.  Ere  it  ceased  there  were 
5,123  commercial  failures.  The  government  was  compelled 


246  HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS. 

to  borrow  money  for  necessary  expenses  at  a  discount  of 
eight  to  ten  per  cent.  Up  to  1861  the  public  debt  increased 
$46,000,000,  and  during  the  same  time  the  expenditures 
exceeded  the  receipts  by  $77,234,1 16.  President  Buchanan, 
in  his  annual  message,  said  :  "  With  unsurpassed  plenty  in 
all  the  productions  and  all  the  elements  of  natural  wealth, 
our  manufacturers  have  suspended;  our  public  works  are 
retarded;  our  private  enterprises  of  different  kinds  are 
abandoned ;  thousands  of  useful  laborers  are  thrown  out  of 
employment  and  reduced  to  want.  We  have  possessed  all 
the  elements  of  material  wealth  in  rich  abundance,  and  yet, 
notwithstanding  all  these  advantages,  our  country,  in  its 
monetary  interests,  is  in  a  deplorable  condition." 

TARIFF   ACT   OF    1 86 1. 

The  Democratic  platform  of  1860  affirmed  that  of  1856. 
The  Republican  platform  favored  a  revenue  for  duties,  with 
such  adjustment  of  them  as  would  "  develop  the  industries 
of  the  whole  country." 

By  the  withdrawal  of  members  from  the  Thirty-sixth 
Congress,  to  follow  the  seceding  States,  the  Republicans 
came  into  a  strong  majority  during  the  second  session,  met 
December  3,  1860.  They  improved  their  opportunity  by 
the  passage  of  the  Tariff  Act  of  March  2,  1861.  The  Act 
was  natural  to  the  party  and  the  situation.  It  increased 
duties  all  along  the  line  of  imports,  and  reintroduced  the 
protective  principle  which  had  prevailed  with  slight  modifi 
cation  from  1789  to  1832,  and  from  1842  to  1846.  It  is 
needless  here  to  inquire  into  the  rates  of  duty  established 
by  this  tariff.  They  differed  radically  from  those  imposed 
in  the  Act  of  1857,  and  were  so  laid  as  to  best  effect  the 
object  of  revenue,  which  was  then,  or  soon  would  be,  greatly 


HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN   TARIFFS.  247 

needed,  and  at  the  same  time  apply  and  confirm  the  doctrine 
of  protection,  as  to  labor,  manufactures  and  a  home  market. 

The  war  of  the  Rebellion  helped  to  sanction  this  Act  to 
the  popular  will  and  universal  need.  It  was  amended  by 
the  Act  of  December  24,  1861,  so  as  to  increase  the  revenues. 
It  was  still  further  amended  by  the  Act  of  June  30,  1864, 
which  increased  rates  of  duty,  and  made  them  more  protec 
tive.  There  was  another  amendment,  March  2,  1867,  which 
chiefly  related  to  manufacture  of  woolens,  an  industry 
which  had  been  greatly  stimulated  by  the  war,  and  which 
was  threatened  by  foreign  competition  in  time  of  peace. 

The  principle  of  both  revenue  and  protection  had  now 
been  strained  to  the  uttermost  by  the  exigency  of  war,  and 
the  period  had  arrived  for  a  modification  of  duties.  This 
modification  came  about  under  the  amendatory  Tariff  Act  of 
June  6,  1872,  which  reduced  duties  to  a  considerable  extent, 
but  without  much  discrimination,  and  added  largely  to  the 
free  list. 

TARIFF    ACT    OF    1874. 

Though  this  Act  did  not  attempt  general  revision,  and  was 
still  amendatory,  it  was  nevertheless  important  in  the  respect 
that  it  was  an  attempt  to  correct  the  inconsiderate  reduc 
tions  of  the  Act  of  1872.  The  panic  of  1873  had  followed 
the  reductions  of  1872,  and  though  it  was  a  world's  panic, 
and  hardly  attributable  to  the  legislation  of  any  one  nation, 
it  served  as  a  reminder  that  such  catastrophes  had  invariably 
succeeded  a  too  rapid  reduction  of  duties  and  too  wide  a 
departure  from  the  policy  of  protection.  Therefore  the  Act 
of  June  22,  1874,  stiffened  rates  on  dutiable  articles  of  a 
kind  which  was  liable  to  suffer  from  competition,  broadened 
the  protective  idea  as  to  new  industries  and  home  labor,  and 
£t  the  same  time  allowed  a  liberal  free  list,  mostly  of  raw 
jnaterials  and  unmanufactured  articles.  It  was  passed 


248  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  TARIFFS. 

during  the  first  session  of  the  Forty-third  Congress,  which 
had  a  large  Republican  majority. 

TARIFF   ACT   OF    1883. 

The  Republican  platform  of  1880  contained  a  distinctive 
protective  plank  ;  the  Democratic  platform  declared  for  "  a 
tariff  for  revenue  only."  The  Forty-seventh  Congress  had 
a  Republican  working  majority  in  the  House,  but  a  tie  in 
the  Senate.  Owing  to  the  death  of  Garfield  and  the  little 
work  done  by  the  previous  Congress,  it  stood  at  the  apex 
of  an  immense  amount  of  legislation.  At  the  first  session, 
a  bill  was  passed,  May  15,  1882,  creating  a  Tariff  Commis 
sion.  This  Commission  sat  at  various  places  during  1882, 
and  its  report  became  the  basis  of  the  Tariff  Act  of  the 
succeeding  session.  It  was  a  non-partisan  Commission,  and 
its  existence  was  due  to  a  sentiment  pervading  all  parties 
that  some  highly  deliberate  step  was  necessary  to  correct 
the  incongruities  of  existing  Tariff  Acts,  and  re-adapt  rates 
of  duty  to  our  newer  and  more  widely  diversified  industries. 

The  Commission  worked  laboriously,  and  with  deference 
to  the  spirit  of  reform  which  had  called  it  into  existence, 
and,  it  may  be  said,  with  due  regard  to  the  sentiment  of  the 
hour  against  prohibitive,  or  even  protective,  rates  as  to  es 
tablished  industries.  Its  conclusions  pointed  to  measures 
which  reduced  duties  along  the  entire  line  of  imports,  in 
general  at  least  25  per  cent.,  in  some  cases  more,  in  others 
less.  Though  the  Congress  did  not  adopt  all  of  the  conclu 
sions  of  the  Commission,  its  report,  as  already  stated, 
formed  the  groundwork  of  the  Act  of  1883. 

The  Act  was  passed  March  3,  1883,  after  protracted  dis 
cussion.  While  it  strove  to  equalize  rates  and  abolish  in 
congruities,  it  did  not  prove  to  be  a  success.  Interests  were 
SO  conflicting  that  it  was  impossible  to  avoid  crudities  and 


HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  TARIFFS.  249 

hardships.  The  demands  of  manufacturers  for  lighter 
duties  on,  or  for  free,  raw  materials  worked  to  the  injury  of 
the  producing  classes,  and  vice  versa.  The  Act  was  in  the 
nature  of  a  compromise  all  round,  but  it  showed  that  the 
entire  country  had  come  to  regard  this  class  of  legislation 
as  of  the  highest  moment,  and  vital  to  its  interests. 

In  the  Forty-eighth  Congress  (1884),  which,  after  the 
political  "tidal  wave"  of  1882,  contained  a  large  Demo 
cratic  majority  in  the  House,  a  determined  effort  was  made 
to  pass  the  Morrison  Tariff  Bill,  which  provided  for  a  hori 
zontal  reduction  of  duties  to  the  extent  of  twenty  per  cent. 
The  Democrats  divided  on  the  merits  of  the  bill  and  it  was 
disposed  of  by  striking  out  its  enacting  clause. 

TARIFF   ACT   OF    1890. 

The  Republican  National  platform  of  1884  distinctly 
enunciated  the  doctrine  of  protection.  The  Democratic 
platform  contained  a  pledge  of  "  tariff  revision."  There 
was  no  further  excitement  over  the  tariff  till  President 
Cleveland  delivered  his  message  to  Congress  in  December, 
1887.  It  was  devoted  almost  wholly  to  tariff  systems  and 
laws,  excepted  to  existing  duties  on  wool  and  necessaries, 
and  directly  opposed  the  protective  idea.  It  was  an  earnest 
paper  and  had  all  the  weight  of  a  deliberate  and  special  an 
nouncement  to  the  American  people.  The  free-trade  wing 
of  the  party  hailed  it  as  a  recognition  of  their  views.  The 
"  revenue  reform "  element,  headed  by  Mr.  Randall,  re 
garded  it  as  unwise,  as  containing  the  seeds  of  political  dis 
aster,  and  as  crushing  out  the  minority  element  in  the  party. 
The  Republicans  treated  it  as  a  challenge  to  contest  to  the 
bitter  end  the  issue  of  Free-Trade  vs.  Protection,  though 
they  regarded  it  as  unnecessarily  bitter  in  expression,  es 
pecially  in  such  sentences  as,  "  But  our  present  tariff  laws, 


250  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  TARIFFS. 

the  vicious,  inequitable  and  illogical  source  of  unnecessary 
taxation,  ought  to  be  at  once  revised  and  amended."  The 
English  press  was  profuse  in  its  praise,  and  as  the  Spectator 
said,  "  His  terse  and  telling  message  has  struck  a  blow  at 
American  protection  such  as  could  never  have  been  struck 
by  any  free-trade  league." 

What  became  known  as  the  "  Mills'  Tariff  Bill,"  suppos- 
ably  framed  to  meet  the  President's  views,  was  reported  to 
the  House  of  Representatives  March  i,  1888.  It  made  sig 
nificant  reductions  in  existing  tariff  rates,  and  at  once 
became  the  absorbing  measure  of  the  first  session  of  the 
Fiftieth  Congress.  It  was  evident  that  upon  it,  and  the 
repeal  of  internal  taxation,  party  lines  would  be  closely 
drawn,  except  as  to  the  Democratic  contingent  led  by  Mr. 
Randall.  The  bill  proved  to  have  been  hastily  and  crudely 
drawn,  and  the  debates  upon  it  took  a  wide  range  and  were 
exhaustive  of  the  merits  of  free-trade  and  protection.  It 
passed  the  House  July  21,  1888,  but  was  met  by  a  counter 
bill  in  the  Senate,  which  embodied  the  Republican  doctrine 
of  protection.  The  two  parties  were  now  hopelessly  wide 
apart,  the  time  of  the  session  was  exhausted,  and  both 
appealed  to  the  country  on  the  record  made  in  the  Con 
gress. 

The  Republican  national  platform  of  1888  pledged  un 
compromising  favor  for  the  American  system  of  protection. 
The  Democratic  platform  reaffirmed  that  of  1884,  endorsed 
the  views  of  President  Cleveland  in  his  last  annual  message, 
and  also  the  efforts  of  the  Democratic  Congress  to  secure  a 
reduction  of  excessive  taxation. 

The  issue  of  the  campaign  of  1888  is  well  known.  With 
Harrison  was  elected  a  Republican  Congress.  The  issue 
had  been  so  wholly  that  of  Free-trade  -vs..  Protection  that 
the  way  of  the  Republican  majority  was  plain.  The  Com* 


HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  TARIFFS.  251 

mittee  of  Ways  and  Means,  whose  chairman  was  William 
McKinley,  invited  all  the  interests  concerned  in  tariff  revis 
ion  to  a  hearing.  A  bill  was  finally  framed,  which  became 
known  as  the  "  McKinley  Bill,"  The  effort  was  to  embody 
in  the  bill  the  experience  of  all  former  tariff  legislation,  and 
what  was  best  of  all  former  Acts ;  to  impose  rates  of  a  dis 
tinctively  protective  character,  and  in  the  interest  of  Ameri 
can  labor,  on  manufactures  which  could  exist  here,  but 
whose  existence  was  threatened  by  foreign  competition ;  to 
impose  similar  rates  on  goods,  such  as  tin  plates,  which  we 
did  not,  but  could  manufacture,  and  ought  to ;  to  largely 
reduce  the  duty  on  necessaries,  or  exempt  them  altogether, 
as  by  making  sugar  free ;  to  increase  the  free  list  by  placing 
all  raw  materials  on  it  whose  importation  did  not  compete 
with  the  home  growth  of  the  same ;  to  introduce  the  policy 
of  reciprocity  by  which  we  could  gain  something  by  en 
larged  trade  in  return  for  the  loss  of  duties  on  sugars  and 
such  articles. 

A  great  deal  of  thought  was  given  to  the  bill,  and  it  was 
fully  debated  in  Congress.  Perhaps  no  Tariff  Act  was  ever 
passed,  in  whose  preparation  so  many  interests  had  been  so 
fully  consulted,  and  with  whose  provisions  the  varied  inter 
ests  were  so  fully  satisfied.  Certainly  none  ever  passed  that 
had  to  undergo  more  minute  criticism,  whose  merits  were 
more  elaborately  discussed,  and  respecting  which  so  many 
prophecies,  good  and  bad,  were  indulged.  Its  passage  oc 
cupied  the  entire  time  of  the  first  session  of  the  Fifty-first 
Congress,  and  it  was  not  until  October  I,  1890,  that  it  be 
came  a  law.  No  other  enactment  of  the  Congress  approached 
it  in  importance. 

So  prominent  was  this  legislation,  and  such  the  character 
of  prophecies  respecting  it,  that  hardly  anything  else  was 
heard  in  the  Congressional  campaign  of  1890.  As  the  im~ 


252  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  TARIFFS. 

'aginations  of  its  opponents  had  free  play,  and  as  nothing 
could  be  affirmed  of  its  practical  workings  by  its  friends 
before  it  began  to  work,  there  was  another  political  "tidal 
wave"  like  that  of  1882,  and  the  Democrats  entered  the 
Fifty-second  Congress  with  an  overwhelming  majority. 

They  were  under  the  same  obligations  to  repeal  the 
obnoxious  McKinley  Act,  and  enact  a  measure  which 
embraced  their  views,  as  the  Republicans  were  in  the  Fifty- 
first  Congress.  They  were  in  far  better  condition  to  do  this, 
as  to  the  House,  for  their  majority  was  overwhelming. 
They,  however,  did  not  attempt  repeal  or  general  revision, 
but  introduced  a  series  of  Acts  relating  to  special  articles, 
such  as  the  lowering  of  duties  on  manufactures  of  wool  and 
on  tin-plates,  and  the  placing  of  wool,  binding  twine,  etc.,  on 
the  free  list.  The  discussion  of  these  provisions  was  ani 
mated,  and  in  general  they  passed  the  House.  They  served 
to  keep  the  sentiment  of  the  respective  parties  prominent, 
and  to  shape  the  issues  for  a  retrial  in  the  campaign  of  1892, 
by  which  time  the  practical  workings  of  the  Act  of  1890  will 
have  tested  many  theories,  and  will  compel  orators  to  hew 
closely  to  lines  of  facts  and  figures  in  order  to  carry  convic 
tion. 

The  McKinley  Act  increased  duties  on  about  115  articles, 
embracing  farm  products,  manufactures  not  sufficiently  pro 
tected,  manufactures  to  be  established,  luxuries,  such  as 
wines.  It  decreased  duties  on  about  190  articles,  embracing 
manufactures  established,  or  which  could  not  suffer  from 
foreign  competition.  It  left  the  duties  unchanged  on  249 
articles.  It  enlarged  the  free  list  till  it  embraces  55.75  per 
cent,  of  all  imports,  or  22.48  more  than  previous  tariffs. 
The  placing  of  sugar  on  the  free  list  was  a  loss  of  revenue 
equal  to  $54,000,000  a  year. 

Yet   in    its   practical  workings,  the  act  never  failed  to 


HON.  WILLIAM  C.  WHITNEY. 

Born  in  Conway,  Mass,,  July  15,1841;  graduated  at  Yale,  1868; 
graduated  at  Harvard  Law  School,  1865;  continued  study  of  law  in 
New  York  city  and  admitted  to  bar  there ;  prominent  member  of 
Young  Men's  Democratic  Club;  conspicuous  for  activity  against 
"  Tweed  Ring;  "  Inspector  City  Schools,  1872;  candidate  of  Reformed 
Democracy  for  District  Attorney  and  defeated ;  appointed  Corporation 
Counsel  for  New  York  city,  1876-80;  reputed  to  have  saved  the  city 
large  sums  by  resisting  fraudulent  claims ;  resigned  office,  1882 ;  ap 
pointed  Secretary  of  Navy  by  President  Cleveland,  March  5,  1885;  re 
ceived  degree  of  LL.  D.  from  Yale,  1888 ;  advocate  of  a  new  navy,  and 
made  this  a  conspicuous  feature  of  his  administration.  > 


HON.  DAVID  B.  HILL. 

Born  in  Chemung  co.,  N.  Y.,  August  29, 1843;  graduated  at  Havanna 
Academy ;  admitted  to  Elmira  bar,  November,  1864,  and  appointed 
City  Attorney;  member  of  State  Assembly,  1871-72;  President  of 
Democratic  State  Conventions,  1877,  1881 ;  elected  Mayor  of  Elmira, 
1882;  President  of  New  York  Bar  Association,  1886-87  ;  elected  Lieu- 
tenant-Governor  of  New  York,  November,  1882 ;  succeeded  Grover 
Cleveland  as  Governor,  January,  1885 ;  elected  Governor,  November, 
1885,  on  Democratic  ticket;  re-elected  Governor,  1888;  elected  to 
United  States  Senate,  as  Democrat,  1891 ;  a  distinguished  party  organ- 
tew  and  leader;  name  much  discussed  in  connection  with  the  Presidency. 


HISTORY   OF    AMERICAN    TARIFFS.  255 

raise  the  revenue  expected  of  it,  which  was  ample  for  all 
the  needs  of  the  Government,  with  a  fair  margin  to  spare. 

TARIFF  OF  1894. 

It  was  thought  at  the  time  that  the  failure  of  the  Fifty- 
second  Congress  to  pass  a  tariff  act  virtually  repealing 
that  of  1890  was  due  to  the  fine  hand  of  Ex-President 
Cleveland.  Whether  this  were  true  or  not,  there  can  be 
no  doubt  that  the  Democratic  majority  in  the  House  of 
that  Congress  not  only  escaped  the  danger  it  feared 
through  excess  of  untrained  forces,  but,  consciously  or 
unconsciously,  paved  the  way  for  Mr.  Cleveland's  re- 
nomination.  The  lustre  of  hte  championship  of  tariff  re 
form,  the  making  of  it  a  party  issue,  the  high  hope  he  in 
dulged  as  to  its  future  success,  the  shrewd  calculation  on 
his  part  that  the  battles  must  be  many  and  stubborn  be 
fore  a  system  so  strongly  entrenched  as  protection  could 
be  made  to  yield,  were  all  so  many  pointers  toward  his 
selection  as  leader  of  his  party  in  the  Presidential 
campaign  of  1892.  In  the  Convention  which  placed  him 
in  nomination,  it  was  said  of  him  that,  "if  he  did  not 
create  tariff  reform  he  made  it  a  presidential  issue.  He 
vitalized  it,  and  presented  it  to  the  Democratic  party  as 
the  issue  for  which  we  ought  to  fight,  and  continue  to 
battle  upon  it  until  victory  is  now  assured.  It  consoli 
dated  into  one  solid  phalanx  the  Democracy  of  the  nation. 
In  every  State  of  this  Union  that  policy  has  been  placed 
in  Democratic  platforms,  and  our  battles  have  been 
fought  upon  it,  and  this  great  body  of  representative 
Democrats  has  seen  its  good  results.'" 

In  that  Convention  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  re 
ported  a   tariff  plank  which  supported  the  traditions  of 
the  party,  but  it  was  not  deemed  radical  enough  by  a . 
15 


256  HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN    TARIFFS. 

majority  of  the  Convention,  to  whom  u  tariff  reform  " 
had  no  meaning,  who  wished  to  express  their  disgust  at 
the  cowardice  of  the  party  in  the  Fifty-second  Congress, 
or  who  believed  that  the  time  had  passed  for  further  dis 
guise  of  the  fact  that  the  real  issue  was  one  between 
"  Free  Trade  and  Protection."  This  majority,  therefore, 
agreed  to  make  their  departure  then  and  there,  cost  what 
it  might  to  the  party.  It  was  loudly  hinted  that  in  their 
rather  desperate  action  they  cared  but  little  for  Mr. 
Cleveland's  success,  but  it  is  more  than  likely  that  their 
real  aim  was  an  issue  without  disguises.  They  were  con 
fident  of  the  support  of  the  solid  South,  where  the  Con 
federate  Constitution  had  in  years  gone  by  enacted  free 
trade.  So  they  determined  to  throw  the  gauntlet 
squarely  down,  and  by  one  herculean  effort  purge  our 
institutions  of  the  protective  doctrine. 

They  took  their  radical  step  by  moving  the  following 
plank  as  a  substitute  for  that  which  had  been  proposed 
by  the  Committee  on  Resolutions : 

"We  denounce  Republican  protection  as  a  fraud — as  a 
robbery  of  a  great  majority  of  the  American  people  for 
the  benefit  of  a  few.  We  declare  it  to  be  a  fundamental 
principal  of  the  Democratic  party  that  the  Government 
has  no  constitutional  power  to  impose  and  collect  a  dollar 
for  tax  except  for  purposes  of  revenue  only,  and  demand 
that  the  collection  of  such  taxes  be  imposed  by  the 
Government  when  only  honestly  and  economically  ad 
ministered.  We  denounce  the  McKinley  law  enacted  by 
the  Fifty-first  Congress  as  the  culminating  atrocity  of 
class  legislation.  We  endorse  the  efforts  of  the  Dem 
ocrats  of  the  present  Congress  to  modify  its  most  oppress 
ive  features  in  the  direction  of  free  raw  materials  and 
cheaper  manufactured  goods  that  enter  into  general  con- 


HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS.  257 

sumption,  and  we  promise  its  repeal  as  one  of  the  benefi 
cent  results  that  will  follow  the  action  of  the  people  in 
entrusting  power  to  the  Democratic  party.  Since  the 
McKinley  tariff  went  into  operation  there  have  been  ten 
reductions  of  the  wages  of  laboring  men  to  one  increase 
We  deny  that  there  has  been  any  increase  of  prosperity 
to  the  country  since  that  tariff  went  into  operation,  and 
we  point  to  the  dulness  and  distress,  the  wage  reductions 
and  strikes  in  the  iron  trade,  as  the  best  possible  evidence 
that  no  such  prosperity  has  resulted  from  the  McKinley 
act." 

This  extraordinarily  bold  announcement  of  sentiments 
to  which  a  great  party  was  asked  to  subscribe,  and  upon 
which  it  was  to  stake  the  issues  of  a  presidential  cam 
paign,  was  everywhere  received  with  surprise  and  conster 
nation.  They  indicated  such  a  bold  advance  and  such  a 
revolutionary  temper  as  must  have  inevitably  led  to  party 
schism  and  final  defeat,  had  it  not  been  possible  to  in. 
dulge  the  saving  thought  that  Mr.  Cleveland  could  well 
afford  to  be  a  platform  unto  himself,  and  would  un 
doubtedly  repudiate  whatever  he  found  offensive  in  the 
above  radical  plank.  Indeed  he  greatly  modified  the 
asperities  of  the  plank  in  his  letter  of  acceptance,  and 
gave  the  country  the  assurance  that  no  war  of  extermina 
tion  was  contemplated  against  American  interests.  Hav 
ing  taken  the  sting  out  of  the  savage  sentences  of  the 
platform  on  which  he  stood,  he  hoped  thereby  to  reconcile 
the  results  of  the  Convention  to  those  who  before  saw  in 
them  the  seeds  of  certain  disaster. 

Mr.  Cleveland  was  elected  President,  and  with  him  a 
majority  of  both  Houses  of  the  Fifty-third  Congress, 
thus  giving  the  Democrats  full  control  of  all  the  depart 
ments  of  Government  for  the  first  time  in  thirty-two 


258  HISTORY    OF    AMERICAN    TARIFFS. 

years.  So  pronounced  a  victory  brought  the  party  face 
to  face  with  its  platform  doctrines  and  pledges,  and  not 
a  few  of  the  leaders  clamored  for  a  swift  and  deadly  blow 
at  the  fabric  of  protection.  But  Mr.  Cleveland  was  by 
no  means  as  decided  in  his  tariff  reform  views  as  he  had 
been  in  his  celebrated  message  of  1887.  In  his  message 
to  Congress  he  generalized  on  his  favorite  subject,  and 
glossed  his  attacks  on  protection  by  referring  to  the  evils 
of  paternalism.  His  language  was,  "The  verdict  of  our 
voters  which  condemned  the  injury  of  maintaining  pro 
tection  for  protection's  sake,  enjoins  upon  the  people's 
servants  the  duty  of  exposing  and  destroying  the  brood 
of  kindred  evils  which  are  the  unwholesome  progeny  of 
paternalism.  This  is  the  bane  of  republican  institutions 
and  the  constant  peril  of  our  Government  by  the  people. 
It  degrades  to  the  purposes  of  wily  craft  the  plan  of  rule 
our  fathers  established  and  bequeathed  to  us  as  an  object 
of  veneration.  It  perverts  the  patriotic  sentiments  of  our 
countrymen  and  tempts  them  to  a  pitiful  calculation  of 
sordid  gain  to  be  derived  from  their  Government's  main 
tenance.  It  undermines  the  self-reliance  of  our  people 
and  substitutes  in  its  place  dependence  upon  govern 
mental  favoritism.  It  stifles  the  spirit  of  true  American 
ism  and  stupefies  every  ennobling  trait  of  citizenship." 

This  generalization  betokened  caution  on  the  part  of  the 
President,  and  it  was  disappointing  to  those  who  sought 
an  immediate  application  of  the  unequivocal  doctrine  of 
the  platform  of  1892.  But  he  had  witnessed  the  dangers 
that  arose  from  a  large,  newly  elected  and  incongruous 
majority  of  his  party  in  the  House  of  the  Fifty-second  Con 
gress.  Now  the  elements  were  still  more  incongruous,  for 
the  political  upheaval  that  had  assured  his  election,  and  the 
majority  in  the  Congress,  had  come  about  by  strange 


HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS.  259 

alliances  with  the  populistic  and  communistic  elements  of 
the  country,  and  with  the  discontented  of  ever}'  political 
persuasion  ;  and  now  too  he  was  aware  of  the  strong 
disposition  of  his  party  to  regard  victory  as  a  vindication 
of  the  bold  stand  taken  in  the  tariff  plank  of  the  plat 
form  rather  than  of  his  modification  of  the  same.  He 
must,  therefore,  see  these  new  men  and  get  acquainted 
with  these  new  forces,  during  the  calm  after  the  storm, 
in  order  to  take  the  bearings  for  his  administration. 

Almost  synchronous  with  Mr.  Cleveland's  inauguration, 
waves  of  commercial  doubt  swept  over  the  country. 
Amid  conditions  bordering  on  panic,  industries  withered, 
and  idleness,  want  and  distress  became  the  portion  of 
labor.  The  existence  of  the  Sherman  Silver  Act  was 
fixed  on  as  a  cause,  though  to  all  protectionists  it  was 
manifest  that  the  real  cause  was  the  demoralizing  uncer 
tainty  created  by  the  threatened  overthrow  of  the  pro 
tective  system.  In  obedience  to  the  clamor  for  the  repeal  of 
the  Sherman  Act,  Mr.  Cleveland  called  the  Fifty-third 
Congress  in  extra  session,  August  7, 1893.  It  met  the  ob 
ject  of  the  call  by  repeal  of  the  purchasing  clause  of  the  act. 
Though  this  was  its  exclusive  official  work,  the  frame 
work  of  what  was  to  become  known  as  the  Wilson  Tariff 
Bill  was  then  and  there  erected.  The  election  of  Speaker 
of  the  House,  the  arrangement  of  committees,  and  such 
other  steps  as  could  be  taken  without  interference  with 
the  special  object  of  the  session,  all  pointed  to  early  ac 
tion  on  the  tariff  bill.  This  was  particularly  true  of  the 
Committee  on  Ways  and  Means,  with  whom  the  bill  was 
to  originate.  Hon.  William  L.  Wilson,  of  West  Virginia, 
was  selected  as  chairman  of  the  committee.  This  choice  was 
pleasing  to  Mr.  Cleveland,  and  was,  perhaps,  dictated  by 
him.  He  had  long  admired  Mr.  Wilson  for  his  industry 


260  HISTORY   OF    AMERICAN    TARIFFS, 

in  the  House  and  his  grasp  of  economic  questions.  He 
was  a  scholarly  man,  and  thoroughly  imbued  with  the 
doctrines  of  the  free  trade  school  of  statesmen,  especially 
as  found  in  books.  As  to  fitness  for  the  particular  work 
in  hand,  the  choice  could  not  have  fallen  on  better 
shoulders. 

What  time  could  be  spared  from  the  immediate  work  of 
the  special  session  of  Congress,  was  devoted  by  the 
Democratic  majority  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means  to  the  preparation  of  the  new  tariff  bill.  This 
work  was  extended  over  the  vacation  period,  the  object 
being  to  have  the  bill  as  far  advanced  as  possible,  and 
ready  for  early  presentation  to  the  Congress  at  its  first 
regular  session,  December  4th,  1893.  This  object  was 
achieved  and  the  bill  came  into  the  House  soon  after  .the 
session  opened. 

In  the  preparation  of  the  bill  the  Democratic  majority 
of  the  Committee  permitted  no  interference  with  its  pur 
poses.  Complaint  was  made  that  the  various  interests  of 
the  country  were  denied  a  hearing  such  as  had  been  ac 
corded  when  the  McKinley  bill  of  1890  was  under  prep 
aration,  or,  if  granted  a  hearing,  that  their  facts  and 
arguments  were  ignored.  But  it  was  not  deemed  neces 
sary  to  hear  fully  or  favor  at  all,  for  the  theory  of  the  bill 
was  to  eliminate  the  protective  principle  as  far  as  possible, 
and  to  establish  a  system  of  purely  revenue  duties,  with 
as  near  an  approach  as  circumstances  would  admit  of,  by 
an  enlargement  of  the  free  list,  to  the  principles  of  free 
trade. 

When  the  bill  appeared  in  the  House,  its  opponents 
quickly  pointed  out  that  it  was  full  of  incongruities  due 
to  a  desire  to  placate  certain  sections  and  favor  certain  in 
dustries.  In  this  respect  it  was  at  odds  with  the  platform 


HISTORY  OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS.  261 

of  the  party  which  had  denounced  as  unconstitutional 
all  duties  levied  for  protective  purposes,  and  it,  at  the 
time,  contained  the  admission  that,  after  all,  protection 
was  necessary  for  the  existence  and  encouragement  of 
certain  industries.  A  leading  characteristic  of  the  bill 
was  the  almost  universal  departure  from  the  principles  of 
specific  duties  and  the  adoption  of  ad  valorem  rates.  In 
this  respect  it  copied  the  old  Walker  Tariff  Act  which 
went  out  of  existence  with  the  adoption  of  the  Morill 
Tariff  of  1861.  Against  this  feature  of  the  bill  its  op 
ponents  inveighed  strongly  in  House  and  Senate,  deeming 
the  change  a  direct  invitation  to  fraud  upon  the  Govern 
ment  by  undervaluation  of  goods  by  foreign,  exporters. 
The  counter  argument  was  that  it  was  equitable  and  fur 
nished  a  sliding  scale  of  duties  according  to  the  rise  and 
fall  of  prices. 

In  general  terms  the  bill  made  sweeping  reductions  in 
duties  as  fixed  in  the  McKinley  Act,  turned  the  lumber 
schedule  practically  into  a  free  list,  placed  wool,  coal, 
animals  and  iron  ore  on  the  free  list,  and  brought  all 
manufactures  of  wool  below  the  protective  rate.  The 
further  enlargement  of  the  free  list  was  effected  by  modi 
fications  in  all  the  schedules,  and  especially  in  those 
which  embraced  products  of  the  farm.  It  struck  a  direct 
and  exterminating  blow  at  the  principle  of  reciprocity 
which  had  been  incorporated  into  the  McKinley  Act,  and 
brought  about  the  speedy  abrogation  of  the  numerous 
treaties  which  had  been  negotiated  under  that  Act,  look 
ing  to  an  enlargement  of  reciprocal  trade  relations  with 
other  countries,  and  which  had  already  brought  about 
great  increase  in  commerce. 

Perhaps  the  most  conspicuous,  certainly  the  most  novel 
and  unexpected  feature  of  the  bill,  was  that  levying  a  tax 


262  HISTORY   OF    AMERICAN   TARIFFS. 

of  two  per  cent,  on  all  incomes  in  excess  of  $4,000.  Dur 
ing  the  civil  war  a  similar  tax  was  levied,  but  it  was 
deemed  an  emergency  tax,  was  exacted  for  only  a  brief 
while,  and  after  the  return  of  peace,  the  unexpended  pro 
ceeds  of  the  tax  were  refunded  to  the  States.  Such  a  tax 
had  ever  met  with  the  bitterest  hostility  of  the  Demo 
crats,  who  refused  to  justify  it  even  as  a  war  measure. 
It  had  never  found  favorable  mention  in  any  Democratic 
platform.  There  was  no  open  evidence  anywhere  that 
the  party  had  undergone  a  change  of  heart  respect 
ing  this  kind  of  taxation.  The  only  platform  of  any 
party,  in  1892,  that  contained  a  favorable  mention  of 
such  a  tax  was  the  Populist  platform,  adopted  at  Omaha, 
in  which  the  demand  was  for  "  a  graduated  income  tax" 

It  was  charged  that  this  furnished  the  reason  for  the  in 
corporation  of  the  income  tax  clauses  in  the  Wilson  Tariff 
bill,  and  that  the  demand  for  its  insertion  by  those  who 
had  proved  such  willing  and  profitable  allies  of  the  Dem 
ocrats  in  1892  could  not  be  denied,  and  this  especially 
since  the  demand  proved  pleasing  to  the  South,  where  the 
blending  of  Populistic  and  Democratic  doctrines  was  such 
as  to  obscure  the  political  identity  of  both.  In  the  after 
discussion  of  the  bill,  especially  in  the  Senate,  the  Popu 
list  members  laid  bold  claim  to  the  fathership  of  this  in 
come  tax  feature,  a  claim  which  was  not  denied.  It  was 
therefore  a  concession  to  this  new  and  helpful  political 
element,  though  a  wide  departure  from  the  recognized 
principles  of  Democracy,  and  a  reflection  on  its  record  as 
spread  abroad  in  convention,  legislative  hall  and  in  the  hust 
ings.  Its  one  justification  by  those  who  fathered  it,  was 
that  the  rich  were  not  bearing  their  full  share  of  taxation. 
To  this  argument,  those  who  introduced  it  into  the  tariff 
added  another,  to  the  effect  that  it  was  a  necessity  be- 


HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS.  263 

cause  the  tariff  bill  as  then  framed  would  fail  to  raise  suf 
ficient  revenue  to  meet  the  wants  of  the  Government.  It 
is  needless  to  say  that  this  argument  struck  the  minds  of 
economists  and  statesmen  as  somewhat  remarkable, 
since  the  underlying  principle  of  the  Wilson  bill  was  to 
substitute  a  revenue  tariff  for  a  protective  one ;  and  since 
in  the  introduction  and  establishment  of  a  principle  so 
momentous  and  a  doctrine  so  cardinal,  the  one  central 
feature  of  the  bill,  the  revenue  feature,  should  be  so  faulty 
as  to  wring  a  confession  in  advance  that  it  was  a  failure. 

The  heading  of  the  Wilson  Tariff  bill  was  "  A  bill  to  re 
duce  taxation,  provide  revenue  for  the  government  and  for 
other  purposes"  Mr.  Wilson  presented  the  bill  in  the 
House  with  a  speech,  in  which  he  justified  the  departure 
indicated  by  the  bill,  by  the  doctrine  that  protection  was 
opposed  to  the  instincts  of  a  free  and  prosperous  people, 
that  paternalism  had  proven  harmful  in  widening  the  gap 
between  labor  and  capital,  and  in  favoring  the  classes  at 
the  expense  of  the  masses.  Passing  over  and  explaining 
the  various  schedules,  lie  asked  for  the  measure  that  sup 
port  which  his  party  was  bound  to  give  if  it  expected 
to  redeem  its  pledges  to  the  people. 

The  parliamentary  struggle  over  the  bill  now  began.  It 
was  to  be  a  prolonged  contention.  While  Mr.  Wilson  in 
his  introductory  speech  had  sounded  the  keynote  of  ar 
gument,  and  had  the  administration  at  his  back,  and 
therefore  presumably  his  party  at  his  back,  it  became 
apparent  at  an  early  day  that  the  bill  contained  inherent 
weaknesses  which  might  force  its  material  modification  and 
greatly  postpone  its  passage.  It  was  not  such  a  bill  as 
out  and  out  free  traders  had  demanded  and  expected.  It 
alarmed  conservative  Democrats  who  found  their  home 
interests  threatened  by  it.  It  became  an  object  of  per- 


264  HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS. 

sistent  and  merciless  attack  by  Republicans,  who  con 
demned  it  more  for  its  glaring  inconsistencies  than  for  its 
general  aim.  As  was  facetiously  stated  at  the  time,  it 
was  a  bill  which  met  the  views  of  but  few  of  its  friends, 
yet  to  which  all  subscribed  under  the  plea  that  party  ne 
cessity  compelled  its  support  without  regard  to  its  intrin 
sic  merits. 

The  question  of  its  passage  in  the  House,  therefore, 
became  one  of  holding  the  party  together,  of  keeping  up 
a  daily  quorum,  and  of  forcing  issues  as  they  arose.  The 
rules  of  the  House  had  been  made  exceedingly  strong  for 
this  purpose,  and  the  rulings  of  the  speaker  strenuous. 
Yet  with  all  this  it  made  difficult  and  tardy  headway.  In 
terest  flagged  as  the  debates  progressed,  and  it  became 
possible  for  the  opposition,  by  refusing  to  help  the  major 
ity  to  keep  up  a  quorum,  to  check  all  progress.  This 
brought  about  a  change  of  rules,  and  the  adoption  of  that 
principle  of  counting  a  quorum  which  the  Republicans 
had  adopted  in  the  Fifty -first  Congress,  and  which  the 
Democrats  had  then  so  bitterly  opposed. 

Thus  fortified,  and  with  the  idea  more  dominant  than 
ever  that  the  bill  was  a  party  necessity,  it  moved  more 
rapidly  toward  passage.  Few  opportunities  for  amend 
ment  were  given,  though  amendments  were  offered  in  great 
numbers.  The  heavy,  dangerous  end  of  the  bill  was  its 
income  tax  feature.  This  was  teriffically  attacked  by  the 
Republicans  as  giving  to  the  bill  a  sectional  and  revenge 
ful  turn,  and  as  being  at  odds  with  all  ideas  of  justice  and 
a  discouragement  to  frugality.  It  was  as  powerfully  at 
tacked  by  an  able  Democratic  contingent,  whose  hostility, 
however,  was  rendered  innocuous  by  the  fact  that  in  the 
end  they  would  vote  for  it. 

After  nearly  two  months  of  discussion  in  the  House, 


HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS.  265 

the  bill  was  passed,  February  1st,  1894,  by  a  large  and 
almost  strictly  party  majority,  augmented  by  the  Populist 
strength.  The  vote  stood  204  for,  and  140  against  it, 
seventeen  of  the  latter  being  Democrats.  The  dominant 
forces  had  been  well  kept  together  during  the  struggle, 
and  the  passage  of  the  bill  was  heralded  as  a  signal  vic 
tory  for  Mr.  Cleveland's  administration. 

It  was  now  ready  for  the  Seriate,  and  the  great  problem 
was  how  it  would  fare  in  a  body  of  conservative  tenden 
cies  and  where  the  Democratic  majority  was  meagre. 
Once  in  the  Senate,  it  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  Fi 
nance  Committee,  and  was  immediately  referred  to  a  sub 
committee  composed  of  Senators  Mills  of  Texas,  Jones  of 
Arkansas  and  Vest  of  Missouri.  The  bill  had  been  bit 
terly  denounced  by  the  Republicans  in  the  House  as  the 
boldest  stride  toward  free  trade  taken  since  the  celebrated 
Walker  Tariff  Act  of  1846,  as  a  sectional  bill  framed  in 
the  interests  of  the  South  and  containing  a  cruel  and 
unnecessary  blow  at  the  wealth  and  industry  of  the  North, 
and  as  utterly  ruinous  to  American  prosperity.  If  this 
were  so,  it  was  surely  now  in  the  hands  of  its  real  friends, 
for  the  subcommittee  which  had  it  in  charge,  represented 
three  contiguous  southern  States,  neither  of  which  had 
large  commercial  or  manufacturing  interests  at  stake. 
The  committee  evidently  knew  for  what  it  had  been 
chosen,  for  it  went  about  its  work  in  earnest,  but  in  a  way 
which  soon  led  to  loud  public  censure.  It  refused  hear 
ings  to  manufacturing  interests  where  they  were  confi 
dently  expected  and  had  been  usually  granted,  on  the 
plea  that  such  hearings  would  lead  to  waste  of  time  and 
indefinite  postponement  of  conclusions.  It  attempted  to 
remedy  this  defective  method  of  procedure  by  sending 
out  circulars  inviting  opinions  as  to  the  effect  of  changes 


266  HISTORY    OF    AMERICAN    TARIFFS. 

in  rates  of  duty,  but  the  complaint  was  still  general,  that 
answers,  which  could  not  be  satisfactorily  framed  in  this 
way,  were  treated  with  indifference  or  wholly  ignored. 

After  a  period  of  suspense,  which  was  greatly  intensi 
fied  by  the  prostrated  condition  of  the  country,  an  outline 
of  such  bill  as  the  Finance  Committee  had  agreed  to  re 
port  was  tentatively  submitted  to  the  Senate.  It  imme 
diately  drew  the  fierce  fire  of  the  Republicans,  and  after 
one  or  two  tests  of  strength,  it  was  seen  that  further  at 
tempt  to  push  the  measure  would  prove  a  failure.  While 
it  was  not  directly  recalled,  the  Committee  gave  it  out 
that  it  had  a  more  complete  and  satisfactory  measure  in 
reserve.  When  this  was  forthcoming  it  proved  to  be  a 
revelation  and  sensation.  It  was  no  longer  the  Wilson 
bill  as  it  had  passed  the  House,  and  hardly  a  semblance  of 
it,  for  it  had  been  disfigured  and  transformed  by  more 
than  four  hundred  amendments. 

Why  and  how  these  amendments  came  to  be  made — 
amendments  sufficient  in  number  to  constitute  a  new  bill — 
can  never  be  historically  explained ;  yet  it  may  be  truth 
fully  said  that  so  far  as  conservative  Democrats  were  con 
cerned,  they  urged  the  importance  of  such  concessions  as 
would  insure  the  speedy  passage  of  the  bill  and  give  the 
Country  relief.  These  concessions'  were  not  only  for 
reasons  existing  within  the  party,  but  for  the  purpose  of 
modifying  the  ferocity  of  the  Republican  attack.  Inter 
ests  that  had  at  first  been  denied  a  hearing  were  consid 
ered,  and  many  of  them  obtained  concessions  that  were 
of  great  value,  if  not  entirely  satisfactory.  Several 
articles,  such  as  coal,  etc.,  which  had  found  a  place  in  the 
free  list,  were  turned  back  to  the  dutiable  list,  every  such 
change  being  a  departure  from  the  spirit  of  the  original 
bill,  and  tending  to  make  it  more  confused  and  anomalous 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICAN    TARIFFS.  267 

as  a  revenue  measure.  The  situation  in  the  Senate  re 
peated  that  of  the  House.  Every  friend  of  the  bill  was 
dissatisfied  with  it;  yet  willing  to  support  it  for  the  sake 
)>f  party. 

At  this  juncture  the  bill  became  a  source  of  public 
scandal.  The  charge  was  made  that  it  had  been  turned 
Jnto  a  matter  of  bargain  and  sale  by  the  Sugar  Trust, 
whose  members  had  secretly  visited  members  of  the 
Senate  Finance  Committee,  and  had  secured  a  modifica 
tion  of  the  sugar  schedule  in  the  interest  of  the  Trust,  by 
means  of  which  it  would  reap  great  profits.  These  profits 
were  to  be  realized  by  placing  a  duty  on  sugar,  but  post 
poning  its  collection  till  January  1st,  1895.  thus  giving 
the  Trust  a  chance  to  stock  up  without  duty,  but  at  the 
same  time  to  advance  the  price  of  refined  sugar  to  the  extent 
of  the  duty.  The  charge  was  further  made  that  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  had  personally  written,  or  dic 
tated,  a  change  in  the  sugar  schedule  in  accordance  with 
the  wishes  of  the  Trust.  Still  another  charge  was  made 
that  the  Trust  demanded  and  obtained  this  valuable  con 
cession  in  pursuance  of  a  preexisting  agreement  with  the 
leaders  of  the  Democratic  party  that  its  (the  Trust's) 
interests  should  be  protected  for  the  consideration  of  a 
gift  of  a  sum  of  money,  estimated  at  $500,000,  for  cam 
paign  purposes  in  1892.  And  again  it  was  charged  that 
information  respecting  the  work  of  the  Finance  Com 
mittee  had  been  sent  out  secretly  to  New  York  brokers, 
and  that  Senators  had  taken  advantage  of  this  leakage  to 
speculate  in  sugar  stocks. 

The  publication  of  these  charges  created  quite  a  sen 
sation,  dragged  the  high  character  of  the  Senate  in  the 
miros  and  cast  a  taint  on  tariff  legislation.  An  investiga 
tion  was  ordered.  The  newspaper  men  who  had  made  the 


268  HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS 

exposures  refused  to  give  the  names  of  their  informants  and 
were  turned  over  to  the  criminal  courts  to  be  tried  for 
contumacy.  The  sugar  magnates  who  were  called  to  tes 
tify  admitted  the  giving  of  money  in  unremembered 
amounts  to  State,  but  not  the  National,  Campaigns,  on  the 
score  of  business,  and  for  which  they  expected  correspond 
ing  benefits.  Other  witnesses  testified  in  a  modified  way, 
and  some  with  very  proper  and  natural  excuses,  to  the 
truth  of  what  had  been  charged,  while  even  Senators  when 
called  did  not  in  every  instance  place  themselves  beyond 
the  suspicion  that  they  had  taken  advantage  of  the  situation 
to  turn  a  penny  in  sugar  stock  speculation. 

The  revelations  were  a  terrible  blow  to  the  national 
pride  and  to  every  sense  of  honor  and  honesty,  but  they 
did  not  serve  to  loosen  the  grip  which  the  Trust  had  on 
the  Senate.  On  the  contrary,  they  served  rather  to  ex 
plain  what  had  before  been  a  rumor,  that  the  position  of 
the  Trust  was  so  strong  that  the  fate  of  the  entire  tariff 
bill  depended  on  its  getting  the  protection  it  wanted. 
They  also  served  to  explain  the  indifference  of  the  Trust 
to  the  sugar  schedule  when  the  bill  was  in  the  House,  at 
which  time  it  was  given  out  that  the  Trust  depended  on 
the  Senate  for  the  protection  it  desired.  Moreover  they 
intensified  the  opposition  to  the  bill  in  general,  for  the 
taint,  like  mildew,  spread  to  other  parts  of  it,  especially 
to  the  internal  revenue  clauses  relating  to  the  taxes  on 
whiskey  and  beer. 

That  there  should  have  been  such  favoritism  shown  to 
a  gigantic  Trust,  at  a  time  when  the  exalted  principle  of 
tariff  reform  was  seeking  for  recognition  in  our  industrial 
and  commercial  economy,  was  made  all  the  more  inexplic 
able  by  the  clause  in  the  Democratic  platform  of  1892, 
which  read: — 


HISTORY   OP   AMERICAN   TARIFFS.  269 

"We  recognize  in  the  Trusts  and  Combinations  which 
are  designed  to  enable  capital  to  secure  more  than  its  just 
share  of  the  joint  product  of  capital  and  labor  a  natural 
consequence  of  the  prohibitive  taxes  which  prevent  the 
free  competition  which  is  the  life  of  honest  trade,  but  be 
lieve  their  worst  evils  can  be  abated  by  law,  and  we 
demand  the  vigid  enforcement  of  the  laws  made  to  prevent 
and  control  them,  together  with  such  further  legislation 
in  restraint  of  these  abuses  as  experience  may  show  to  be 
necessary." 

The  bill  was  debated  in  the  senate  for  months  with 
blended  ability  and  acrimony.  It  was  subjected  to 
gradual  modifications,  generally  in  the  direction  of  increased 
duties  and  additional  inconsistencies.  The  income  tax 
portion  precipitated  the  strongest  debates,  and,  as  had 
been  the  case  in  the  House,  the  bitterest  opponents  of  the 
tax  were  Democrats  themselves.  The  opposition  speeches 
of  Senators  Hill  of  New  York  and  Smith  of  New  Jersey, 
were  remarkable  for  their  vigor  and  ability.  The  ground 
taken  by  the  former  was  not  only  economically  important, 
but  showed  the  great  danger  to  the  party  likely  to  spring 
out  of  this  kind  of  legislation.  He  deemed  it  unwise  to 
incorporate  an  income  tax  into  a  reform  bill,  or  to  attach 
it  to  any  measure  of  tariff  revision.  It  was  a  war  tax  in 
time  of  peace.  Democracy  had  never  favored  such  a  tax. 
It  was  a  Populistic  measure.  It  fulfilled  no  Democratic 
doctrine  or  promise.  He  ridiculed  the  idea  that  the 
United  States  should  copy  this  form  of  taxation  from 
England,  whose  form  of  government,  natural  surround 
ings  and  obligations  were  essentially  different.  But  even 
in  England  it  was  rather  tolerated  than  approved.  Wax 
ing  warm,  he  repudiated  the  uSpurious  Democracy  of 
those  modern  apostles  and  prophets,  who  are  part  Mug- 


270  HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS. 

wump,  part  Populist,  and  the  least  part  Democratic,  who 
seek  to  lead  us  astray  after  false  gods,  false  theories  and 
false  methods." 

The  arguments  against  the  tax  may  be  summed  up 
thus:  (1)  It  had  no  legitimate  place  in  a  tariff  reform 
bill.  (2)  It  was  neither  Democratic  nor  Republican  in 
principle  ;  had  never  been  approved  by  the  public  ;  was  a 
doctrine  of  Populism.  (3)  It  was  unnecessary  as  a  rev 
enue  measure.  (4)  It  was  a  direct  tax  and  therefore  un 
constitutional.  (5)  It  was  unequal,  unjust  and  sectional 
in  its  operations.  (6)  It  revived  an  odious  war  tax.  (7) 
Its  exemption  stamped  it  as  an  offensive  piece  of  class 
legislation ;  all  incomes  should  be  taxed  or  none.  (8)  It 
was  retroactive.  (9)  It  usurped  a  field  of  taxation  law 
fully  belonging  to  the  States.  (10)  It  was  inquisitorial 
and  offensive.  (11)  It  would  lead  to  conflict  between 
State  and  Federal  authorities.  (12)  It  selects  a  class  fol 
Federal  taxation. 

The  Populist  senators  were  persistent  and  aggressive 
in  support  of  the  income  tax  clause.  They  averred  that 
the  tax  was  favored  by  a  majority  of  the  people ;  that  the 
laboring  classes  thought  the  rich  were  not  bearing  theif 
share  of  taxation  ;  that  officials  who  had  to  do  with  pub 
lic  moneys  were  corrupt,  and  the  rich  could  secure  from 
them  lower  assessments ;  that  millionaires  were  too  num 
erous,  seventy  of  them  averaging  estates  of  $37,000,000 
each. 

As  the  summer  of  1894  wore  away,  and  there  was  a 
prospect  of  the  passage  of  the  Wilson  bill  in  the  Senate, 
anxiety  arose  as  to  how  it  would  be  received  in  its  trans 
formed  shape  on  its  return  to  the  House.  There  was 
much  probing  of  sentiment  as  to  this,  and  it  was  found 
that  many  disciplinary  lessons  would  be  required  in  order 


GROVER  CLEVELAND. 

id1 


fnuff 


HON.  JOHN  G.  CARLISLE. 

Born  in  Kenton  co.,  Ky.,  September  5,  1835 ;  educated  in  common 
schools  and  as  teacher;  admitted  to  bar,  1858;  member  of  Kentucky 
State  Legislature,  1859-61 ;  elected  to  State  Senate,  1866  and  1869 ; 
elected  Lieutenant-Governor  of  State,  1871;  elected  to  45th,  46th,  47th, 
48th,  49th,  50th  and  51st  Congresses;  presided  as  Speaker  of  House  in 
48th,  49th  and  50th  Congresses ;  a  dignified  officer  and  skilled  parlia 
mentarian  ;  elected  to  United  States  Senate,  as  Democrat,  to  succeed 
Senator  Beck,  deceased,  May  17,  1890;  member  of  Committees  on  Fi 
nance,  Territories,  Canadian  Relations,  Indian  Depredations  and  Wo 
man's  Suffrage ;  resigned  his  seat  in  the  Senate  to  accept  Secretaryship 
of  Treasuary  in  President  Cleveland's  Cabinet ;  confirmed  March  6, 
1893,  and  entered  upon  duties  of  office  March  9,  1893. 


HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS.  273 

to  win  support  for  it.  Of  course  there  had  been  no  abate 
ment  of  the  anti-protection  sentiment,  but  there  was  re 
luctance  in  surrendering  to  the  terms  of  the  Sugar  Trust. 
However,  the  dilemma  was  to  pass  with  the  passage  of 
the  bill  by  the  Senate,  July  3,  1894,  by  a  vote  of  thirty- 
nine  yeas  to  thirty-four  nays,  the  Populists  voting  with 
the  Democrats. 

It  was  carried  back  to  the  House,  where  an  understand 
ing  already  existed  that  it  should  not  be  opened  to  de 
bate,  but  should  be  referred  at  once  to  a  Committee  of 
Conference.  It  was  also  understood  in  the  House,  by 
this  time,  that  with  the  Sugar  Trust  it  was  to  be  either 
the  Senate  legislation  or  no  legislation,  while  with  the 
party  in  power  it  was  to  be  a  tariff  bill,  no  matter  how 
incongruous,  nor  what  confession  of  inability  to  legislate 
it  contained,  or  else  a  violation  of  all  the  party's  pledges 
and  promises  to  the  country,  and  perhaps  its  ultimate 
ruin. 

The  bill,  metamorphosed  in  form  as  well  as  name,  for  it 
was  now  not  improperly  dubbed  the  Gorman-Brice  bill, 
was  duly  referred  to  a  Conference  Committee,  after  a 
speech  on  a  motion  to  non-concur  with  the  Senate,  by  Mr. 
Wilson,  in  which  he  said  that  the  bill  had  come  back  to 
the  House  with  six  hundred  and  thirty-four  amendments 
to  it,  and  that  it  no  longer  represented  the  principle  that 
revenue  taxes  under  a  tariff  should  be  levied  on  finished 
products  and  not  on  raw  materials.  Only  wool  and  lum 
ber  came  back  undisturbed  by  the  Senate.  The  bill  had 
been  rendered  further  unsatisfactory  by  numerous  changes 
from  ad  valorem  to  specific  or  compound  rates  of  duty. 

The  Democratic  members  of  the  Conference  Committee 
took  hold  of  the  bill  to  the  exclusion  of  the  Republicans. 
In  the  contention  over  the  departure  from  ad  valorem 
16 


274  HISTORY    OF    AMERICAN    TARIFFS. 

rates  the  Senate  members  proved  the  stronger,  for  it  was 
supported  by  the  fact  that  nearly  every  civilized  govern 
ment  had  adopted  the  principle  of  specific  rates.  Aside 
from  the  question  of  general  principles  the  Committee 
found  grounds  for  agreement  in  many  of  the  schedules, 
and  work  progressed  slowly  but  satisfactorily  for  a  time. 
It,  however,  became  manifest  that  a  serious  hitch  was  to 
occur  over  the  sugar  schedule,  and  the  items  of  coal  and 
iron  ore,  all  of  which  were  free  in  the  House  bill,  as  a 
matter  of  party  pledge  and  economic  principle,  but  which 
had  been  made  dutiable  in  the  Senate  bill  on  the  plea  that 
thus  only  could  its  passage  be  secured  in  that  body,  yet 
under  the  general  charge  of  the  Republicans  and  of  the 
ablest  representatives  of  the  Democratic  press  that  the 
changes  had  been  made  in  pursuance  of  campaign  prom 
ises  to  protect  the  interests  of  the  Sugar  Trust. 

The  bill  had  now  reached  one  of  the  most  critical  points 
in  its  history,  and  the  developments  which  marked  its  prog 
ress  from  this  time  on  were  the  most  interesting  in  con 
nection  with  economic  legislation,  even  if  they  did  not  In* 
dicate  a  permanent  schism  of  the  dominant  party.  What 
startled  most  the  moral  sense  of  the  country  was  the  fac> 
that  the  criminations  and  re- criminations  of  the  Democratic 
factions  helped  to  confirm  the  suspicion  that  thfc  till  was 
by  no  means  a  reflex  of  a  majority  sentiment  <>f  the  party, 
but  a  mere  measure  of  expediency,  framed  or  rather 
adopted,  on  the  principle  that  something  must  be  done 
rather  than  nothing;  and  further,  that  the  schedules  over 
which  differences  were  most  irreconcilable  and  bitter  had 
been  dictated  by  the  trusts  and  syndicates  in  pay  for  past 
and  prospective  favors. 

On  July  19,  the  committee  of  conference  reported  a  dis 
agreement  to  both  the  Houses  of  Congress.  In  the  House, 


HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS,  275 

Mr.  Wilson  deprecated  this  disagreement  in  strongs  but 
sad,  terms.  He  said  the  committee  on  the  part  of  the 
House  could  not  accede  to  the  Senate's  demands  without 
further  instruction.  He  pointed  out  the  difference  be 
tween  the  rates  of  duty  as  originally  fixed  in  the  House 
bill  and  as  found  in  the  Senate  bill.  In  the  course  of  his 
speech  he  said : — "  If  it  be  true,  as  stated  by  the  gentle 
man  from  Ohio  (Mr.  Johnson) — of  which  I  have  seen  my 
self  some  confirmation  in  the  press — if  it  be  true  that  the 
great  American  Sugar  Trust  has  grown  so  strong  and  power 
ful  that  it  says  that  no  tariff  bill  can  pass  the  American 
Congress  in  which  its  interests  are  not  adequately  guarded  ; 
if,  I  say,  that  be  true,  I  hope  this  House  will  never  consent 
to  adjournment.  I  hope,  whatever  the  result  of  the  gen 
eral  tariff  bill  is,  that  this  House  will  not  consent  to  an 
adjournment  until  it  has  passed  a  single  bill  putting  re 
fined  sugar  on  the  free  list."  In  conclusion  Mr.  Wilson 
eulogized  President  Cleveland,  and  then,  to  the  astonish 
ment  of  the  House,  read  a  letter  from  him  dated  July  2, 
1894,  and  before  the  passage  of  the  bill  in  the  Senate. 
The  letter  was  addressed  to  Mr.  Wilson  and  had  been  in 
his  private  keeping  ever  since  its  receipt.  Mr.  Wilson 
now  made  it  public  with  President  Cleveland's  consent. 
It  was  such  a  remarkable  letter,  and  led  to  such  serious 
consequences,  that  it  came  to  be  regarded  as  one  of  the 
most  momentous  chapters  in  the  history  of  the  Wilson 
Tariff  bill,  if  not  one  of  the  boldest  of  executive  attempts 
to  influence  legislation.  No  just  and  impartial  history  of 
the  tariff  bill  nor  even  of  the  times  would  be  complete 
without  an  opportunity  to  read  it.  It  ran : 

"  My  Dear  Sir : — The  certainty  that  a  conference  will 
be  ordered  between  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  fer  the 


276  HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS. 

purpose  of  adjusting  differences  on  the  subject  of  tariff 
legislation  makes  it  also  certain  that  you  will  be  again 
called  on  to  do  hard  service  in  the  cause  of  tariff  reform. 

"  My  public  life  has  been  so  closely  related  to  the  sub 
ject,  I  have  so  longed  for  its  accomplishment,  and  I  have 
so  often  promised  its  realization  to  my  fellow  countrymen 
as  a  result  of  their  trust  and  confidence  in  the  Democratic 
party,  that  I  hope  no  excuse  is  necessary  for  my  earnest 
appeal  to  you  that  in  this  crisis  you  strenuously  insist  your 
party  honesty,  good  faith  and  a  sturdy  adherence  to  Demo 
cratic  principles,  I  believe  these  are  absolutely  necessary 
conditions  to  the  continuation  of  Democratic  existence. 

"  I  cannot  rid  myself  of  the  feeling  that  this  conference 
will  present  the  best,  if  not  the  only  hope,  of  true  Democ 
racy.  Indications  point  to  its  action  as  the  reliance  of 
those  who  desire  the  genuine  fruition  of  Democratic  effort, 
the  fulfilment  of  Democratic  pledges  and  the  redemption 
of  Democratic  promises  to  the  people.  To  reconcile  dif 
ferences  in  the  details  comprised  within  the  fixed  and  well 
defined  lines  of  principle,  will  not  be  the  sole  talk  of  the 
conference  ;  but,  as  it  seems  to  me,  its  members  will  also 
have  in  charge  the  question  whether  Democratic  principles 
themselves  are  to  be  saved  or  abandoned. 

"  There  is  no  excuse  for  mistaking  or  misapprehending 
the  feeling  and  the  temper  of  the  rank  and  file  of  the 
Democracy.  They  are  downcast  under  the  assertion  that 
their  party  fails  in  ability  to  manage  the  Government,  and 
they  are  apprehensive  that  efforts  to  bring  about  tariff  re 
form  may  fail ;  but  they  are  much  more  downcast  and 
apprehensive  in  their  fears  that  Democratic  principles 
may  be  surrendered. 

"  In  these  circumstances  they  cannot  do  otherwise  than 
to  look  with  confidence  to  you  and  those  who  with  you 


HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS.  277 

have  patriotically  and  sincerely  championed  the  cause  of 
tariff  reform  within  Democratic  lines  and  guided  by  Dem 
ocratic  principles.  This  action  is  vastly  augmented  by  the 
action,  under  your  leadership,  of  the  House  of  Represen 
tatives  upon  the  bill  now  pending. 

"  Every  true  Democrat  and  every  sincere  tariff  reformer 
knows  that  this  bill  in  its  present  form  and  as  it  will  be 
submitted  to  the  conference  committee  falls  short  of  the 
consummation  for  which  we  havelong  labored,  for  which  we 
have  suffered  defeat  without  discouragement ;  which  in 
its  anticipation  gives  us  a  rallying  cry  in  our  day  of 
triumph,  and  which  in  its  promise  of  accomplishment  is 
so  interwoven  with  Democratic  pledges  and  Democratic 
success  that  our  abandonment  of  the  cause  and  of  the  prin 
ciples  upon  which  it  rests  means  party  perfidy  and  party 
dishonor. 

"One  topic  will  be  submitted  to  the  conference  which 
embodies  Democratic  principle  so  directly  that  it  cannot 
be  compromised.  We  have  in  our  platforms  and  in  every 
way  possible  declared  in  favor  of  free  importation  of 
raw  materials.  We  have  again  and  again  promised  that  this 
should  be  accorded  to  our  people  and  our  manufacturers 
as  soon  as  the  Democratic  party  was  invested  with  power 
to  determine  the  tariff  policy  of  the  country. 

"  The  party  now  has  that  power.  We  are  as  certain  to 
day  as  we  ever  have  been  of  the  great  benefit  that  would 
accrue  to  the  country  from  the  inauguration  of  this 
policy,  and  nothing  has  occurred  to  release  us  from  our 
obligation  to  secure  this  advantage  to  our  people.  It 
must  be  admitted  that  no  tariff  measure  can  accord  with 
Democratic  principles  and  promises  or  bear  a  genuine 
Democratic  badge  that  does  not  provide  for  free  raw 
material. 


278  HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS. 

"  In  these  circumstance  it  may  well  excite  our  wonder 
that  Democrats  are  willing  to  depart  from  this,  the  most 
Democrats  of  all  tariff  principles,  and  that  the  most  in 
consistent  absurdity  of  such  a  proposed  departure  should 
be  emphasized  by  the  suggestion  that  the  wool  of  the 
farmer  be  put  on  the  free  list  and  the  protection  of  tariff 
taxation  be  placed  around  the  iron  ore  and  coal  of  cor 
porations  and  capitalists.  How  can  we  face  the  people 
after  indulging  in  such  outrageous  discrimination  and 
violation  of  principles?  ( 

"It  is  quite  apparent  that  the  question  of  free  raw 
materials  does  not  admit  of  adjustment  on  middle  ground, 
since  their  subjection  to  any  rate  of  tariff  taxation,  great 
or  small,  is  alike  violative  of  Democratic  principle  and 
Democratic  good  faith. 

"  I  hope  that  you  will  not  consider  it  intrusive  if  I  say 
something  in  relation  to  another  subject  which  can  hardly 
fail  to  be  troublesome  to  the  conference.  I  refer  to  the 
adjustment  of  tariff  taxation  on  sugar. 

"  Under*  our  party  platform  and  in  accordance  with  our 
declared  party  purposes,  sugar  is  a  legitimate  and  logical 
article  of  revenue  taxation.  Unfortunately,  however,  in 
cidents  have  accompanied  certain  stages  of  the  legislation 
which  will  be  submitted  to  the  conference,  that  have 
aroused  in  connection  with  this  subject  a  national  Demo 
cratic  animosity  to  the  methods  and  manipulations  of  Trusts 
and  Combinations.  I  confess  to  sharing  in  this  feeling,  and 
yet,  it  seemed  to  me,  we  ought,  if  possible,  to  sufficiently 
free  ourselves  from  prejudice  to  enable  us  coolly  to  weigh 
the  consideration  which,  in  formulating  tariff  legislation, 
ought  to  guide  our  treatment  of  sugar  as  a  taxable  article. 

u  While  no  tenderness  should  be  entertained  for  Trusts, 
and  while  I  am  decidedly  opposed  to  granting  them,  unde* 


OF   AMERICAN  TARIFFS.  279 

the  guise  of  taxation,  any  opportunity  to  further  their 
particular  methods,  I  suggest  that  we  ought  not  to  be 
driven  away  from  the  Democratic  principle  and  policy 
which  lead  to  the  taxation  of  sugar  by  the  fear,  quite 
likely  exaggerated,  that  in  carrying  out  this  principle  and 
policy  we  may  indirectly  and  inordinately  encourage  a 
combination  of  sugar  refining  interests.  I  know  that  in 
present  conditions  this  is  a  delicate  subject,  and  I  appre 
ciate  the  depth  and  strength  of  the  feeling  which  its 
treatment  has  aroused. 

"  I  do  not  believe  we  should  do  evil  that  good  may 
come  ;  but  it  seems  to  me  that  we  should  not  forget  that 
our  aim  is  the  completion  of  a  tariff  bill,  and  that  in  tax 
ing  sugar  for  proper  purposes  and  within  reasonable 
bounds,  whatever  else  may  be  said  of  our  action,  we  are 
in  no  danger  of  running  counter  to  Democratic  principles. 
With  all  there  is  at  stake,  there  must  be  in  the  treatment 
of  this  article  some  ground  upon  which  we  are  all  willing 
to  stand,  where  toleration  and  conciliation  may  be  allowed 
to  solve  the  problem  without  demanding  the  entire  sur 
render  of  fixed  and  conscientious  convictions. 

"In  the  conclusions  of  conference  touching  the  numer 
ous  items  which  will  be  considered,  the  people  are  not 
afraid  that  their  interests  will  be  neglected.  They  know 
that  the  general  result,  so  far  as  they  are  concerned,  will 
be  to  place  home  necessaries  and  comforts  more  easily 
within  their  reach  and  to  insure  better  and  surer  compen 
sation  to  those  who  toil. 

"  We  all  know  that  a  tariff  law  covering  all  the  varied 
interests  and  conditions  of  a  country  as  vast  as  ours  must, 
of  necessity,  be  the  result  of  honorable  adjustment  and 
compromise. 

"  I  expect  very  few  of  us  can  say,  when  our  measure  is 


280  HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS. 

perfected,  that  all  its  features  are  entirely  as  we  would 
prefer.  You  know  how  much  I  deprecated  the  incorpora 
tion  into  the  proposed  bill  of  the  income  feature.  In 
matters  of  this  kind,  however,  which  do  not  violate  a  fixed 
and  recognized  Democratic  doctrine,  we  are  willing  to  de 
fer  to  the  judgment  of  a  majority  of  our  Democratic 
brethren.  I  think  there  is  a  general  agreement  that  this 
is  a  party  duty. 

"  This  is  most  palpably  apparent  when  we  realize  that 
the  business  of  the  country  timidly  stands  and  watches 
for  the  result  of  our  efforts  to  perfect  tariff  legislation, 
''that  a  quick  and  certain  return  of  prosperity  waits  upon  a 
wise  adjustment,  and  that  a  confiding  people  still  trust  in 
our  hands  their  prosperity  and  well  being. 

"  The  Democracy  of  the  land  plead  most  earnestly  for 
the  speedy  completion  of  the  tariff  legislation  which  their 
representatives  have  undertaken ;  but  they  demand  not 
less  earnestly  that  no  stress  of  necessity  shall  tempt  those 
who  trust  to  the  abandonment  of  the  Democratic  princi 
ple.  Yours  very  truly, 

GHOVER  CLEVELAND.'* 

This  letter,  extraordinary  as  to  time  and  sentiment, 
gave  rise  to  a  variety  of  comment,  most  of  which  was  hos 
tile.  It  threw  the  warmest  friends  of  the  Wilson  Bill  into 
panic,  lest  it  would  widen  the  breach  between  the  two 
Houses,  and  thus  defeat  its  object,  or  the  passage  of  any 
tariff  bill  at  all.  The  Republicans,  and  eminent  constitu 
tional  lawyers,  regarded  it  as  effrontery,  or  something 
worse,  on  the  part  of  the  President,  and  it  was  denounced 
as  the  rankest  violation  of  the  privileges  of  the  legislative 
branch  of  the  Government  in  the  history. 

As  the  letter  was  a  blow  aimed  at  the  Democratic  Sena- 


HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS.  281 

tors,  whose  actions  in  imposing  duties  on  articles  which 
had  been  made  free  in  the  House  bill  were  characterized 
as  "alike  violative  of  Democratic  principle  and  Demo 
cratic  good  faith,"  it  was  naturally  they  who  were  most  in 
terested  in  and  incensed  at  its  contents.  They  could  not 
understand  how  the  President  could  prove  so  vindictive, 
and  so  free  to  charge  bad  faith,  when  he  had  been  con 
sulted  relative  to  changes  in  the  Senate  bill  and  had 
given  Senators  of  his  party  to  understand  that  such 
changes  had  his  concurrence.  Some  of  the  Senators,  such 
as  Senator  Gorman  of  Maryland,  looked  upon  the  lettei 
as  a  personal  drive  at  them,  and  they  determined  to  resent 
it.  Senator  Hill  of  New  York,  who  had  all  along  been 
one  of  the  bitterest  opponents  of  the  President,  found 
comfort  in  the  letter  because  it  suited  his  views  as  to  the 
Democratic  doctrine  of  free  raw  materials.  The  Repub 
licans  saw  in  the  letter  a  concession  of  the  President  to 
trusts  of  all  kinds — to  the  Sugar  Trust,  in  his  plea  for  a 
duty  on  sugar ;  to  the  Nova  Scotia  Coal  Syndicate,  in  his 
plea  for  free  coal ;  to  the  Cuban  Iron  Syndicate,  in  his 
plea  for  free  iron  ore.  It  was  evident  to  friend  and  foe  of 
the  bill  that  the  President  had  thrown  his  great  weight 
into  the  House  scale,  and  that  the  future  of  the  tariff  bill 
was  to  be  an  issue  in  the  Senate. 

Under  the  House  rules,  in  cases  of  disagreement,  the 
bill  was  referred  back  to  the  Senate,  where  it  became  the 
subject  of  lengthy  and  acrimonious  debate,  not  between 
political  opponents,  but  between  Democratic  factions. 
The  President  was  excoriated  by  Democratic  Senators  for 
his  violation  of  Democratic  principles  in  daring  to  inter 
fere  with  the  prerogatives  of  the  legislative  branch  of  the 
Government.  Said  Senator  Vest  of  Missouri,  "  Mr.  Cleve 
land  is  a  big  man.  But  the  Democratic  party  is  greater 


282  HISTORY    OF    AMERICAN    TARIFFS. 

than  any  one  man.  It  had  survived  Jefferson,  Madison,, 
Jackson ;  it  would  survive  Grover  Cleveland.  Under 
what  clause  of  the  Constitution  did  Mr.  Cleveland  get  the 
right,  after  a  bill  had  been  sent  to  full  and  free  confer 
ence  between  the  two  Houses,  to  make  any  appeal  to  his 
party  friends  to  stand  by  his  individual  views  ?  " 

But  of  all  the  arraignments  of  the  President  by  Sena 
tors  of  his  own  party,  that  of  Senator  Gorman  of  Maryland 
was  the  severest.  He  said  that  in  "  patriotism  the  Demo 
cratic  Senate  had  gone  to  work  to  save  the  country  and 
keep  their  party  in  power,  when  suddenly  in  the  midst 
of  their  work  came  the  President's  letter.  It  was  most 
uncalled  for,  the  most  extraordinary,  the  most  unwise 
communication  that  ever  came  from  a  President  of  the 
United  States.  It  placed  the  Senate  in  a  position  where 
its  members  must  see  to  it  that  the  dignity  and  honor  of 
the  chamber  must  be  preserved.  It  places  me  in  a  position 
where  I  must  tell  the  story  as  it  occurred.  The  limit  of 
endurance  has  been  reached." 

Senator  Gorman  then  went  on  to  tell  the  history  of  the 
tariff  bill  after  its  introduction  into  the,  Senate.  He 
showed  how  Senators  Jones  and  Vest  had  had  frequent 
conferences  with  the  President  and  Secretary  Carlisle  dur 
ing  the  progress  of  the  work ;  how  Secretary  Carlisle  had 
endorsed  the  completed  Senate  bill ;  how  no  one  who  had 
been  consulted  had  ever  suggested  that  the  bill  was  in 
violation  of  Democratic  principles.  Mr.  Gorman  called 
on  Senators  Vest,  Jones  and  Harris  to  substantiate  the 
truth  of  his  assertions,  and  each  of  them  rose  in  his  place 
and  did  so. 

After  this  dramatic  vindication,  Senator  Gorman  went 
on  to  denounce  the  President  in  unmeasured  terms,  and 
defended  the  position  the  Senate  had  assumed.  His  de- 


HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS.  283 

nunciation  and  defiance  of  the  President  created  the 
greatest  excitement  in  the  Senate  and  made  a  deep  im 
pression  on  the  party  and  the  public.  It  turned  the  in 
dictment  of  the  Senate  contained  in  the  President's  letter 
to  Mr.  Wilson,  into  an  indictment  of  the  President.  If 
there  had  been  deceit  anywhere  it  had  been  with  the 
President  and  not  with  the  Senate.  Of  course  Mr.  Cleve 
land  was  defended  by  his  friends  in  the  Senate,  but  they 
could  not  break  the  force  of  Mr.  Gorman's  arraignment. 
The  gage  of  battle  was  down  and  there  could  be  no  sur 
render  till  time  came  with  her  balm  for  the  wounds  and 
bruises  of  inter-party  conflict. 

The  Democratic  majority  was  now  in  such  a  wrangle  in 
the  Senate  that  a  caucus  was  called  to  smooth  its  future 
pathway.  After  a  two  days'  session  this  caucus  determined 
to  send  the  bill  back  to  a  conference  committee  without 
instructions  to  the  conferees,  the  prevalent  feeling  being 
that  no  greater  calamity  could  befall  the  party  than  failure 
to  pass  any  tariff  bill  at  all.  It  took  several  days  to 
secure  the  sanction  of  the  Senate  to  this  decision  of  the 
caucus  committee.  But  on  July  27th,  the  resolution  of 
reference  passed  by  the  slimmest  of  majorities,  and  the 
Senate  was  happily  rid  of  the  bill  for  a  second  time. 

In  this  second  conference  the  situation  was,  at  first,  the 
same  as  before.  The  Senate  conferees  were  not  prepared 
to  make  concessions.  Mr.  Wilson,  on  the  part  of  the 
House  was  as  emphatic  as  before  in  his  opposition  to  the 
Senate  bill.  Under  these  unfavorable  auspices,  confer 
ences  were  brief  and  uninteresting  for  a  time,  but  the 
impression  daily  grew  that  with  the  help  of  President 
Cleveland,  who  seemed  now  to  have  entire  mastery  of  the 
House  situation,  early  and  important  revelations  might  be 
expected. 


.284  HISTORY  OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS. 

Pending  these  conference  discussions,  the  Senate  com 
mittee,  appointed  to  investigate  the  charges  of  senatorial 
collusion  with  the  Sugar  Trust,  made  a  majority  report 
exonerating  all  Senators  from  the  charges  made.  A 
minority  report  showed  that  the  Sugar  Trust  had  made 
campaign  contributions  for  corrupt  purposes,  and  that  it 
had  secured  the  very  legislation  it  desired.  But  the  in 
vestigation  had  been  partial  and  farcical,  and  the  conclu 
sion  reached  by  the  majority  of  the  committee  was  so  at 
odds  with  the  testimony  as  published  from  time  to  time, 
that  the  report  was  classed  by  friend  and  foe  as  a  bald 
piece  of  "  whitewashing." 

The  conference  committee  on  the  tariff  held  sessions 
with  little  show  of  agreement  till  August  9th,  when  the 
Democratic  members  of  the  House,  in  disappointed  and 
disgruntled  mood,  resolved  to  call  a  party  caucus,  as  the 
Senate  had  previously  done,  to  agree  upon  and  force  a 
line  of  procedure  which  would  end  the  dead  lock  in  the 
conference,  and  bring  about  a  bill  which  could  be  passed 
by  both  Houses.  Though  this  caucus  had  not  the  sym 
pathy  of  Mr.  Wilson  and  Speaker  Crisp,  nevertheless  it 
was  attended  by  one  hundred  and  sixty- six  Democratic 
members,  most  of  whom  were  determined  to  shape  matters 
so  as  to  bring  about  some  decisive  result.  But  by  means 
of  conciliatory  speeches,  and  promises  of  an  early  agree 
ment  by  the  conferees,  they  were  induced  to  withhold 
hasty  and  radical  action,  and  the  resolutions  they  had  pre 
pared  were  not  passed.  Mr.  Crisp  regarded  the  caucus  as 
a  "back  fire  from  its  own  House."  Mr.  Wilson  feared 
that  any  action  the  caucus  might  take  would  cause  the 
Senate  to  withdraw  entirely  from  the  conference.  He 
looked  upon  the  situation  as  a  crucial  one  for  the  fate  of 


HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN    TARIFFS,  285 

the  bill,  and  regarded  time  and  patience  as  the  two  virtues 
which  were  essential  to  further  success. 

The  general  effect  of  the  caucus  was  to  spur  the  con 
ferees  on  the  part  of  the  Senate  to  sharper  action,  for  it 
became  apparent  that  a  motive  existed  on  the  part  of  the 
House  conferees  to  consume  more  time  than  could  be 
spared  if  the  Senate  was  to  hold  the  points  it  had  gained. 
The  s}rmpathy  of  the  President  was  so  decidedly  with  the 
House,  and  the  influence  that  could  be  wielded  was  so 
powerful,  that  dalliance  on  the  part  of  the  Senate  invited 
the  defeat  of  the  measure.  Consequently  the  Senate  con 
ferees  made  an  overture  to  place  iron  ore  on  the  free  list. 
This  was  met  by  a  counter  proposition  on  the  part 
of  the  House  conferees  to  put  coal  on  the  free  list. 
The  Senate  refused  to  accept  this,  and  the  conferees  were 
as  much  at  sea  as  ever.  The  conference  finally  broke  up 
entirely.  On  August  llth,  the  House  conferees  met  and 
endeavored  to  hold  another  joint  session  with  the  Senate 
members,  but  the  latter  did  not  respond. 

There  were,  at  this  critical  juncture,  several  methods  of 
procedure  open  to  the  House  conferees,  and  that  especially 
since  they  were  in  physical  possession  of  the  bill ;  but  the 
one  that  seemed  to  be  most  appropriate  and  forcible  was 
to  make  the  surrender  demanded  by  the  Senate,  agree  to 
pass  the  Senate  bill  as  it  stood,  and  trust  to  the  future  for 
vindication.  This  action  was,  however,  not  deemed  en 
tirely  safe  till  after  an  expression  of  party  opinion  in  a 
caucus  called  for  the  purpose.  Such  caucus  was  called^ 
August  13th,  and  the  sentiment  in  it  was  that  policy  dic 
tated  the  surrender  of  the  House  to  the  Senate.  On  the 
same  day  the  House  passed  the  Senate  bill  without  change 
by  a  vote  of  182  yeas  to  105  nays,  the  vote  being  a  party 
one,  with  the  exception  of  twelve  Democrats  who  voted 


286  HISTORY  OF   AMERICAN  TARIFFS. 

with  the  Republican  minority.  At  the  same  time  and 
under  rules  specially  framed  for  the  purpose,  the  House 
passed  a  series  of  "  pop-gun  "  bills  placing  coal,  iron  ore, 
sugar  and  barbed  wire  on  the  free  list.  This  was  done  as 
a  protest  against  the  position  the  House  had  been  forced 
into  by  the  Senate,  and  with  a  view  to  future  political 
effect,  as  no  serious  thought  existed  anywhere  that  the 
Senate  would  consider  such  bills  favorably,  or  even  coun 
tenance  the  design  embraced  in  their  passage  by  the 
House. 

The  attitude  of  surrender  thus  assumed  by  the  House 
was  regarded  as  humiliating  in  the  extreme.  None  felt  the 
blow  more  keenly  than  Mr.  Wilson,  the  father  of  the  bill, 
and  he  deprecated  the  surrender  in  pathetic  language. 
Speaker  Crisp  looked  more  optimistically  on  the  situation, 
and  favored  the  surrender.  Many  of  the  ablest  ex 
ponents  of  Democratic  faith  denounced  it  bitterly,  as  in 
glorious,  and  as  calculated  to  cause  the  country  to  doubt 
the  sincerity  of  Democratic  convictions  and  the  ability  of 
the  party  to  solve  successfully  the  economic  problems  it  had 
in  hand.  The  Republicans  very  naturally  took  advantage 
of  the  opportunity  afforded  them  to  point  out  Democratic 
inconsistency  and  weakness,  and  they  made  the  pitiable 
situation  the  occasion  for  some  of  their  most  satirical  and 
brilliant  speeches  President  Cleveland  came  in  for  a 
large  share  of  animadversion  as  well  as  satire,  by  those 
who  regarded  the  surrender  as  more  that  of  the  executive 
than  of  the  House,  and  his  share  in  contributing  to  it  by 
means  of  his  unwise  letter  to  Mr.  Wilson  as  larger  than 
that  of  any  other  one  man  or  body  of  men. 

This  very  remarkable  action  of  the  House,  as  well  as 
general  tenor  of  the  bill,  drew  forth  many  opinions  and 
provoked  wide  newspaper  discussion.  Very  few  Democrats 


HISTORY    OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS.  287 

were  satisfied  with  the  result.  Many  expressed  them 
selves  for  publication  in  the  bitterest  and  angriest  terms. 
Their  leading  party  papers  could  not  see  how  such  a  con 
summation  could  have  been  reached  after  the  bold  utter 
ances  and  solemn  pledges  of  the  Chicago  platform  ;  after 
the  very  pronounced  views  and  serious  advice  of  President 
Cleveland  upon  tariff  reform ;  after  the  shameful  exposures  of 
the  operations  of  the  sugar,  iron  and  coal  trusts,  and  their 
dominancy  in  party  affairs  ;  after  the  pointed  letter  of  the 
President  setting  forth  the  Senate  modification  of  the 
original  Wilson  bill  as  an  act  of  "party  perfidy  and  dis 
honor  " ;  after  a  year  of  heated  discussion  and  energetic 
effort. 

What  the  country  needed  most  at  this  juncture,  and 
after  an  agonizing  wait,  was  a  settlement  of  the  tariff 
issue  in  some  form.  This  it  demanded  both  as  relief  from 
suspense  and  as  a  means  of  recuperation  from  a  period  of 
severe  depression.  All  parties  were  a  unit  on  this  point. 
But  the  passage  of  the  Wilson  Tariff  bill,  or  to  be  more 
exact,  the  Gorman-Brice  Senate  bill,  did  not  prove  to  be 
such  a  settlement  as  was  promised  and  expected.  It  was 
a  bill  which  had  been  tortured  out  of  original  shape,  and 
twisted  from  original  intent  by  amendments,  substitutes 
and  counter  influences.  It  had  been  rendered  intricate, 
erroneous,  and  impossible  of  clear  and  speedy  execution. 
It  had  been  emasculated  by  tricky  and  cowardly  compro 
mises.  The  very  best  that  could  be  said  of  it  by  even  its 
warmest  friends  was  that  it  was  a  break  into  the  principle 
of  protection,  an  entering  wedge  of  free  trade,  an  encour 
agement  to  further  agitation,  a  successful  skirmish  pre 
paratory  to  greater  battle,  a  presage  of  larger  victory,  all 
of  which,  while  hopeful  for  a  cause,  was  just  the  opposite 
of  what  the  country  had  been  yearning  for  through  the 


288  HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS. 

earthquake  of  panic  and  the  long,  dark  midnight  of  crisis 
and  depression.  There  was  not  only  no  settlement  of  a 
pervading,  vital  issue,  but,  on  the  contrary,  a  prospect  of 
further  unsettlement. 

The  curiosities  of  legislation  respecting  the  bill  were  not 
yet  ended.  When  the  House  "  pop-gun  "  bills  went  to 
the  Senate,  they  were  met  there  by  advices  from  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  the  effect  that  any  change  in 
the  sugar  schedule  looking  to  the  placing  of  sugar  on  the 
free  list — and  the  same  was  said  of  iron  ore  and  coal, 
though  they  were  not  so  important — would  reduce  the 
revenues  of  the  Government  below  its  expenses.  The 
Senate  was  only  too  glad  too  accept  this  as  a  justification 
of  its  past  actions  and  as  an  excuse  for  paying  no  atten 
tion  to  the  House  bills.  It  passed  the  main  bill  August 
17th,  and  sent  it  to  the  President. 

And  now  much  speculation  arose  as  to  what  the  Presi 
dent  would  do  with  it.  A  spell  of  illness  had  taken  him 
away  from  the  capital  for  a  time.  This  served  to  increase 
speculation  and  anxiety.  After  his  favoritism  toward  the 
original  Wilson  bill,  his  stout  adherence  to  tariff  reform, 
his  hostility  toward  the  Senate  bill  and  his  denunciation 
of  its  adherents  and  advocates,  the  opinion  was  widespread 
that  he  could  do  nothing  to  save  himself  from  stultifica 
tion  and  uphold  his  reputation  for  firmness  but  veto  the 
bill  outright. 

Another  current  of  opinion  viewed  such  action  as  suici 
dal  in  a  party  sense,  and  saw  no  duty  ahead  for  the  Presi 
dent  but  to  approve  the  bill.  A  subdued  branch  of  this 
sentiment  inclined  toward  that  indefinite  and  shirking 
sanction,  found  in  the  permissive  clause  of  the  Constitu 
tion,  making  a  bill  a  law  after  the  lapse  of  ten  days,  both 
Houses  being  in  session.  The  fact  that  the  President 


KNITE  NELSON. 

Born  in  Norway,  Feb.  2,  1843;  migrated  to  U.  S.,  1849;  moved  from 
Chicago  to  Wisconsin,  1850;  thence  to  Minnesota,  1871  ;  served  in  4th 
Wisconsin  Reg.  during  Civil  War;  wounded  and  prisoner  at  Port 
Hudson,  La.,  1863;  admitted  to  bar,  1807;  member  of  Wisconsin 
Legislature,  1868-69;  Dist.  Atty.  of  Douglas  co.,  Minn.,  1872-74; 
State  Senator,  1875-78;  Presidential  Elector,  1880;  member  of  Board 
of  Regents,  1882-93;  elected  Governor  of  Minn.,  1892;  re-elected,  1894  ; 
elected  U.  S.  Senator,  1895  ;  Chairman  of  Committee  on  Mississippi  Im 
provement,  and  member  of  Committees  on  Commerce,  Immigration, 
Railroads  and  U.  S.  University. 


WILLIAM  J.  SEWELL. 

Born  in  Ireland,  1835;  migrated  early;  engaged  in  mercantile 
pursuits;  Captain  of  5th  N.  J.  Vols.  in  Civil  War;  brevetted  Brigadier 
for  service  at  Chancellorsville ;  promoted  to  Major-General ;  Official  in 
N.  J.  branches  of  Pa.  R.  R;  State  Senator,  1872-80;  President  of 
Senate,  1876-1880;  elected  to  U.  S.  Senate,  1881;  Delegate  to  Rep. 
Nat.  Conventions,  1876,  1880,  1884,  1888,  1892;  Nat.  Com.  to  Col. 
Fair;  V.-P.  of  Managers  of  Nat.  Home  for  Disabled  Vols.;  Com. 
mander  of  2d  Brigade  of  N.  J. ;  connected  with  various  banks,  trusts  and 
Philanthropic  societies;  re-elected  to  U.  S.  Senate,  March  3,  1895; 
Chairman  of  Com.  on  Enrolled  Bills;  member  of  other  Committees. 


HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS.  291 

remained  absolutely  non-committal,  added  to  his  absence, 
and  the  further  fact  that  every  day  the  bill  remained  un 
signed  enured  to  the  enrichment  of  the  sugar  and  whiskey 
Trusts,  intensified  the  anxiety  respecting  the  fate  of  the 
bill,  and  multiplied  conjectures. 

Even  after  the  President's  return  to  Washington  in 
better  health,  he  refused  to  relieve  the  tension.  Both 
Houses  agreed  to  adjourn  on  August  28,  at  two  P.  M.  The 
bill  drifted  into  a  law  at  midnight  of  August  27,  1894, 
without  the  President's  sanction  and  signature.  The 
only  sentiment  he  made  public  respecting  its  fate  was  in 
a  letter,  dated  August  27,  addressed  to  Mr.  Catchings  of 
Mississippi  and  Mr.  Clarke  of  Alabama,  in  which  he  said 
that  he  felt  the  utmost  disappointment  at  being  denied 
the  privilege  to  sign  such  a  bill,  as  he  had  hoped  to  see 
passed — one  which  embodied  Democratic  ideas  of  tariff 
reform.  He  did  not  claim  to  be  better  than  his  party, 
nor  intend  to  shirk  any  of  its  responsibilities,  but  the  bill 
contained  provisions  not  in  the  line  of  "  honest  tariff 
reform,"  and  also  "inconsistencies  and  crudities  which 
ought  not  to  appear  in  tariff  laws."  He  would  not  sepa 
rate  himself  from  his  party  by  a  "veto  of  tariff  legislation 
which,  though  disappointing,  wras  chargeable  still  to  Demo 
cratic  effort."  Besides,  there  were  incidents  attending 
the  passage  of  the  bill  in  its  later  stages  which  made  every 
"  sincere  tariff  reformer  unhappy,"  and  which  "  ought  not 
to  be  tolerated  in  Democratic  reform  councils."  Yet  he 
looked  to  the  bill  as  a  "  barrier  against  the  return  of  mad 
protection,"  and  a  "  vantage  ground  for  further  operations 
against  protected  monopoly." 

The  President  grew  warmer  as  his  letter  proceeded.  He 
said  he  took  his  "place  with  the  rank  and  file  of  the 
Democratic  party,  who  believe  in  tariff  reform  and  who 
17 


292  HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS. 

know  what  it  is,  who  refused  to  accept  the  results  em 
bodied  in  this  bill  as  the  close  of  the  war,  who  are  not 
blinded  to  the  fact  that  the  livery  of  Democratic  tariff 
reform  has  been  stolen  and  worn  in  the  service  of  Repub 
lican  protection,  and  who  have  marked  the  places  where 
the  deadly  blight  of  treason  has  blasted  the  counsels  of  the 
brave  in  the  hour  of  their  might.  The  trusts  and  combina 
tions — the  communism  of  pelf — whose  machinations  have 
prevented  us  from  reaching  the  success  we  deserved, 
should  not  be  forgotten  nor  forgiven.  We  shall  recover 
from  our  astonishment  at  their  exhibition  of  power,  and 
then  if  the  question  is  forced  upon  us  whether  they  shall 
submit  to  the  free  legislative  will  of  the  people's  repre 
sentatives  or  shall  dictate  the  laws  which  the  people  must 
obey,  we  will  accept  that  issue  as  one  involving  the  in 
tegrity  and  safety  of  American  institutions." 

This  animated  and  caustic  letter  concluded  with  an 
exhortation  to  Democrats  to  stand  by  the  principle  of  free 
raw  material,  and  censured  those  who  refused  to  put  coal 
and  iron  ore  on  the  free  list.  The  letter  provoked  wide 
discussion  and  received  the  severest  criticism  of  the  Presi 
dent's  party  associates,  some  of  whom  denounced  it  as 
more  fatal  to  Democratic  political  prospects  than  his 
Wilson  letter  had  proven  to  be  the  cause  of  tariff  reform. 
They  refused  to  see  in  it  an  excuse  for  not  signing  the 
tariff  bill,  and  looked  upon  the  entire  party  situation  as 
far  more  complicated  and  serious  than  if  the  President  had 
signed  the  bill  without  comment. 

In  its  practical  workings  the  Wilson  Tariff  Act  proved 
faulty  in  two  important  respects.  First,  its  income  fea 
tures  were  declared  to  be  unconstitutional  by  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States.  Second,  it  failed  to  raise 
sufficient  revenue  to  meet  the  wants  of  the  Treasuiy. 
Whether  in  other  respects  it  is  meeting  the  theories  of  its 


HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS.  293 

authors  and  advocates  is  more  a  matter  of  discussion  than 
histoiy.  Protectionists  have  never  ceased  to  attribute  the 
industrial  and  financial  depression,  extending  from  1893 
to  1896,  to  its  presence.  They  see  in  it,  when  coupled 
with  other  measures  relating  to  finance,  the  source  of 
those  ills  that  characterized  the  entire  period  of  Presi 
dent  Cleveland's  second  administration.  Whether  they 
are  correct  or  not,  is  again  a  matter  of  discussion. 

But  there  are  some  historic  contrasts  that  cannot  be 
avoided  by  anyone.  Says  Mr.  Mulhall,  the  great  English 
statistician,  in  speaking  of  this  country  from  1880  to  1890  ; 

"It  would  be  impossible  to  find  in  history  a  parallel  to 
the  progress  of  the  United  States  in  the  last  ten  years. 
Every  day  that  the  sun  rises  on  the  American  people  it 
sees  the  addition  of  $2,500,000  to  the  accumulation  of 
wealth  in  the  Republic,  which  is  one-third  of  the  daily 
accumulation  of  all  mankind  outside  of  the  United  States." 

In  the  first  year  of  the  operation  of  the  McKinley  Tariff 
Act  the  Goverment  receipts  were  $37,239,763  in  excess 
of  expenditures.  In  1892  the  receipts  were  $9,904,453 
greater  than  expenses,  and  in  1893,  $2,341,674  greater. 

In  the  first  year  of  the  operation  of  the  Wilson  Tariff 
Act,  the  Government  receipts  ran  $42,805,223  behind  ex 
penses,  and  in  the  second  year  about  $30,000,000  behind. 

In  1893,  under  the  McKinley  Act,  the  importation  of 
woolen  goods  amounted  only  to  $36,000,000  in  value,  from 
which  the  Treasury  received  $34,000,000  in  revenue. 
Under  the  new  tariff,  in  1895,  notwithstanding  the  re 
duced  per  capita  consumption  of  such  goods,  the  importa 
tion  aggregated  $60,000,000,  from  which  the  Government 
received  a  revenue  of  only  $27,000,000.  From  wool  and 
woolens  together  the  Government  obtained  a  revenue  of 
nearly  $44,000,000  in  1892  and  only  $27,000,000  in  1895. 

Here  was  a  loss  of  $17,000,000  revenue  in  these  two 


294  HISTORY   OF    AMERICAN   TARIFFS. 

articles.  At  the  same  time  the  manufacture  of  $30,000,- 
000  of  woolen  goods  was  transferred  to  Europe. 

For  the  fiscal  year  of  1894,  the  last  full  year  under  the 
McKinley  law,  the  exports  of  manufactures  amounted  to 
1183,718,484  in  value.  For  the  calendar  year  1895,  the 
first  full  official  year  under  the  Wilson  Law,  the  exports 
of  manufactures  were  $201,152,771,  an  increase  of  $17,- 
434,287.  But  the  exports  of  agricultural  products  in  the 
corresponding  periods  showed  a  net  decline  of  $82,648,663. 

Hence  the  country  gained  in  the  exports  of  manufac 
tures  $17,434,287,  and  it  lost  in  the  exports  of  agricultural 
products  $82,648,663,  or  a  net  loss  of  $65,214,356  in  the 
exports  of  these  two  classes  in  a  single  year.  In  the 
total  exports  there  was  a  net  loss  of  $69,000,000  in  the 
first  calendar  year  of  the  new  tariff  as  compared  with  the 
last  fiscal  year  of  the  old  tariff. 

But  when  the  imports  are  taken  also  into  consideration 
the  difference  is  still  greater.  Under  the  McKinley  tariff 
in  the  period  mentioned,  the  imports  were  $654,994,622. 
Under  the  Wilson  tariff  they  were  $801,663,490,  showing 
a  net  increase  of  imports  of  $146,668,868.  Add  that 
amount  to  the  net  loss  in  exports  and  it  shows  a  change 
in  the  trade  balance  of  the  United  States  of  $215,000,000 
on  the  wrong  side  of  the  balance  sheet. 

The  Wilson  Tariff  Law  had  been  in  force  nineteen 
months  up  to  March  31,  1896.  During  that  period  the 
receipts  from  customs  were  $257,069,000,  and  the  receipts 
from  internal  revenue  were  $201,069,000.  During  the 
first  nineteen  months  of  the  operation  of  the  McKinley 
Law  the  receipts  from  customs  were  $302,884,000,  and  the 
receipts  from  internal  revenue  were  $231,222,000.  The 
revenues  under  the  Wilson  Law  were,  therefore,  about 
$76,000,000  behind  those  of  the  McKinley  tariff  during 
the  fir^t  nineteen  months  of  both  laws. 


HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  TARIFFS.  295 

DRIFT    OF   TARIFF    LEGISLATION    ABROAD. 

The  nations  which  occupy  the  Continent  of  Europe  have, 
without  exception,  introduced  into  their  commercial  and 
industrial  systems,  within  a  very  few  years,  the  principle  of 
protection.  This  has  been  marked  by  economists  of  every 
school.  Great  Britain  alone  has  remained  firm  to  her  doc 
trine  of  free-trade.  On  May  23,  1892,  Lord  Salisbury,  the 
English  Premier,  delivered  a  speech  at  Hastings,  in  which 
he  discussed  the  attitude  of  Great  Britain  as  to  her  external 
trade.  The  speech,  coming  from  so  high  an  authority,  cre 
ated  great  excitement  among  English  Conservatives,  drew  a 
wide  range  of  comment  from  the  newspapers  of  the  world, 
and  seemed  to  presage  a  new  departure  in  the  applied  eco 
nomics  of  the  realm. 

Its  points,  bearing  on  external  trade,  were : — 

"  After  all,  this  little  island  lives  as  a  trading  island.  We 
could  not  produce  in  foodstuffs  enough  to  sustain  the  popu 
lation  that  lives  in  this  island,  and  it  is  only  by  the  great 
industries  which  exist  here,  and  which  find  markets  in  for 
eign  countries,  that  we  are  able  to  maintain  the  vast  popula 
tion  by  which  this  island  is  inhabited. 

"  But  a  danger  is  growing  up.  Forty  or  fifty  years  ago 
everybody  believed  that  free-trade  had  conquered  the  world, 
and  they  prophesied  that  every  nation  would  follow  the  ex 
ample  of  England  and  give  itself  up  to  absolute  free-trade. 

"  The  results  are  not  exactly  what  they  prophesied,  but 
the  more  adverse  the  results  were,  the  more  the  devoted 
prophets  of  free-trade  declared  that  all  would  come  aright  at 
last. 

"  The  worse  the  tariffs  of  foreign  countries  became  the 
more  confident  were  the  prophecies  of  an  early  victory,  but 
we  see  now,  after  many  years  experience  that  explain  it, 


296  HISTORY   OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS. 

how  many  foreign  nations  are  raising,  one  after  another,  a 
wall — a  brazen  wall  of  protection — around  their  shores 
which  excludes  us  from  their  markets,  and,  so  far  as  they 
are  concerned,  do  their  best  to  kill  our  trade,  and  this  state 
of  things  does  not  get  better.  On  the  contrary,  it  con 
stantly  seems  to  get  worse. 

"  Now,  of  course,  if  I  utter  a  word  with  reference  to  free- 
trade,  I  shall  be  accused  of  being  a  protectionist,  of  a  desire 
to  overthrow  free-trade,  and  all  tfie  other  crimes  which  an 
ingenious  imagination  can  attach  to  a  commercial  hetero 
doxy. 

"  But,  nevertheless,  I  ask  you  to  set  yourselves  free  from 
all  that  merely  vituperative  doctrine  and  to  consider  whether 
the  true  doctrine  of  free-trade  carries  you  as  far  as  some  of 
these  gentlemen  would  wish  you  to  go. 

"  Every  true  religion  has  its  counterpart  in  inventions  and 
legends  and  traditions,  which  grow  upon  that  religion.  The 
Old  Testament  had  its  Canonical  books  and  had  also  its 
Talmud  and  its  Mishna,  the  inventions  of  rabbinical  com 
mentators. 

"  There  are  a  Mishna  and  a  Talmud  constantly  growing 
up.  One  of  the  difficulties  we  have  to  contend  with  is  the 
strange  and  unreasonable  doctrine  which  these  rabbis  have 
imposed  upon  us. 

"  If  we  look  abroad  into  the  world  we  will  see  it.  In  the 
office  which  I  have  the  honor  to  hold  I  am  obliged  to  see  a 
great  deal  of  it. 

"  We  live  in  an  age  of  a  war  of  tariffs.  Every  nation  is 
trying  how  it  can,  by  agreement  with  its  neighbor,  get  the 
greatest  possible  protection  for  its  own  industries,  and  at  the 
same  time  the  greatest  possible  access  to  the  markets  of  its 
neighbors. 

"  This  kind  of  negotiation  is  continually  going  on.     It 


HISTORY    OF  AMERICAN  TARIFFS.  297 

has  been  going  on  for  the  last  year  and  a  half  with  great 
activity. 

"  I  want  to  point  out  to  you  that  what  I  observe  is  that 
while  A  is  very  anxious  to  get  a  favor  of  B,  and  B  is  anx 
ious  to  get  a  favor  of  C,  nobody  cares  two  straws  about  get 
ting  the  commercial  favor  of  Great  Britain. 

"  What  is  the  reason  of  that  ?  It  is  that  in  this  great 
battle  Great  Britain  has  deliberately  stripped  herself  of  the 
armor  and  the  weapons  by  which  the  battle  has  to  be 
fought. 

"  You  cannot  do  business  in  this  world  of  evil  and  suffer 
ing  on  those  terms.  If  you  go  to  market,  you  must  bring 
money  with  you.  If  you  fight,  you  must  fight  with  the 
weapons  with  which  those  you  have  to  contend  against  are 
fighting. 

"  The  weapon  with  which  they  all  fight  is  admission  to 
their  own  markets,  that  is  to  say,  A  says  to  B  :  'If  you  will 
make  your  duties  such  that  I  can  sell  in  your  market  I  will 
make  my  duties  such  that  you  can  sell  in  my  market.' 

"  But  we  begin  by  saying  that  we  will  levy  no  duties  on 
anybody,  and  we  declare  that  it  would  be  contrary  and  dis 
loyal  to  the  glorious  and  sacred  doctrine  of  free-trade  to 
levy  any  duty  on  anybody,  for  the  sake  of  what  we  can  get 
by  it. 

"  It  may  be  noble,  but  it  is  not  business. 

"  On  those  terms  you  will  get  nothing,  and  I  am  sorry  to 
have  to  tell  you  that  you  are  practically  getting  nothing. 

"The  opinion  of  this  country,  as  stated  by  its  authorized 
exponents,  has  been  opposed  by  what  is  called  a  retaliatory 
policy. 

"  We,  as  the  government  of  the  country,  have  laid  it 
down  for  ourselves  as  a  strict  rule  from  which  there  is  no 
departure,  and  we  are  bound  not  to  alter  the  traditional 


298  HISTORY  OF   AMERICAN   TARIFFS. 

policy  of  the  country  unless  we  are  convinced  that  a  large 
majority  of  the  country  is  with  us,  because  in  these  foreign 
affairs  consistency  of  policy  is  beyond  all  things  unnecessary. 

"  But,  though  that  is  the  case,  still  if  I  may  aspire  to  fill 
the  office  of  a  councillor  to  the  public  mind,  I  should  ask 
you  to  form  your  own  opinions  without  a  reference  to  tradi 
tions  or  denunciations,  not  to  care  two  straws  whether  you 
are  orthodox  or  not,  but  to  form  your  opinions  according  to 
the  dictates  of  common  sense — I  would  impress  upon  you 
that  if  you  intend  in  this  conflict  of  commercial  treaties  to 
hold  your  own  you  must  be  prepared,  if  need  be,  to  inflict 
upon  the  nations  which  injure  you  the  penalty  which  is  in 
your  hands,  that  of  refusing  them  access  to  your  markets. 

"  The  power  we  have  most  reason  to  complain  of  is  the 
United  States,  and  what  we  want  the  United  States  to  fur 
nish  us  with  mostly  are  articles  of  food  essential  to  the  feed 
ing  of  the  people  and  raw  materials  necessary  to  our  manu 
facturers,  and  we  cannot  exclude  one  or  the  other  without 
serious  injury  to  ourselves. 

"  Now,  I  am  not  in  the  least  prepared,  for  the  sake  of 
wounding  other  nations,  to  inflict  any  dangerous  or  serious 
wound  upon  ourselves. 

"We  must  confine  ourselves,  at  least  for  the  present,  to 
those  subjects  on  which  we  should  not  suffer  very  much, 
whether  the  importation  continued  or  diminished. 

"  But  what  I  complain  about  of  the  rabbis  of  whom  I  have 
just  spoken  is,  that  they  confuse  this  vital  point.  They  say 
that  everything  must  be  given  to  the  consumer.  Well,  if  the 
consumer  is  the  man  who  maintains  the  industries  of  the 
country  or  is  the  people  at  large,  I  agree  with  the  rabbis. 

"  You  cannot  raise  the  price  of  food  or  of  raw  material,  but 
there  is  an  enormous  mass  of  other  articles  of  importation 
from  other  countries  besides  the  United  States  which  are 


HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN   TARIFFS.  299 

mere  matters  of  luxurious  consumption,  and  if  it  is  a  ques 
tion  of  wine  or  silk  or  spirits  or  gloves  or  lace,  I  should  not 
in  the  least  shrink  from  diminishing  the  consumption  and 
interfering  with  the  comfort  of  the  excellent  people  who  con 
sume  these  articles  of  luxury,  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining 
our  rights  in  this  commercial  war,  and  of  insisting  on  our 
right  of  access  to  the  markets  of  our  neighbors. 

"  This  is  very  heterodox  doctrine,  I  know,  and  I  should 
be  excommunicated  for  maintaining  it. 

"  But,  as  one's  whole  duty  is  to  say  what  he  thinks  to  the 
people  of  this  country,  I  am  bound  to  say  that  our  rabbis 
have  carried  the  matter  too  far. 

"  We  must  distinguish  between  consumer  and  consumer, 
and  while  jealously  preserving  the  rights  of  a  consumer  who 
is  co-extensive  with  a  whole  industry,  or  with  the  whole 
people  of  the  country,  we  may  fairly  use  our  power  over  an 
importation  which  merely  ministers  to  luxury  in  order  to 
maintain  our  own  in  this  great  commercial  battle." 


AMERICAN    RECIPROCITY— AN    HISTORIC 
REVIEW. 

GENERAL    VIEW. 

THE  idea,  or  rather  the  doctrine,  of  reciprocal  trade  is  by 
no  means  new.  As  a  principle  it  has  been  long  recognized 
in  this  country.  In  England  it  is  what  is  called  "  Fair 
Trade,"  and  is  upheld  by  a  school  of  economists  and  states 
men  who  oppose  "  Free  Trade,"  or  seek  to  escape  from  the 
effects  of "  Free  Trade,"  by  a  system  which  shall  not  be 
one-sided  only. 

The  doctrine,  pure  and  simple,  is  this,  if  a  nation  does 
not  impose  duties  on  our  goods  entering  its  ports,  we  will 
not  impose  duties  on  its  goods  entering  our  ports ;  and  if 
a  nation  levies  duties  on  our  goods,  we  will  levy  duty  on 
its  goods. 

This,  say  fair-traders,  is  but  the  doctrine  of  lex  talionis, 
tit-for-tat,  as  applied  to  trade.  This,  say  free-traders,  is  the 
folly  of  imposing  a  double  loss  on  ourselves.  Thus,  foreign 
ers  tax  our  products  when  they  enter  their  ports.  This 
imposes  a  loss  on  us.  Then,  in  turn,  we  tax  their  products 
when  entering  our  ports.  This  imposes  a  second  loss  on  us. 
They  say,  that  for  an  injury  done  us  by  others,  we  fine  our 
selves.  When  others  impoverish  us,  we  respond  by  a  system 
of  impoverishment. 

Protectionists  eschew  theories  and  refinements,  and  say 
that  each  country  is  a  law  unto  itself  respecting  trade.  All 
prosperous  countries  have  been  built  on  this  principle.  AH 
recognize  it  in  one  way  or  another,  whatever  their  outward 
professions,  or  present  economic  leanings.  It  is  but  the 
300 


AMERICAN   RECIPROCITY.  30; 

duty  of  caring  for  one's  self.     It  is  but  the  right  to  live, 
and  to  enjoy  advantages,  if  such  exist. 

COMMERCIAL   TREATIES. 

Reciprocity  has  for  ages  been  established  and  determined 
between  nations  by  means  of  commercial  treaties.  The 
usual  process  has  been  for  two  nations,  about  to  treat,  to 
consult  their  respective  tariff  lists,  and  to  grant  reductions 
of  duties  on  the  class  of  goods  which  they  desire  most  to 
receive  from  each  other.  Equally,  each  country  seeks  to 
secure  the  lowest  rate  of  duty  on  the  class  of  goods  whose 
manufacture  constitutes  its  own  industry,  and  whose  sale 
abroad  it  wishes  to  cultivate.  Thus,  England  makes  the 
best  bargain  she  can  for  the  foreign  sale  of  her  hardware  and 
cottons,  France  for  her  silks  and  wines,  Belgium  for  her 
iron  products,  the  United  States  for  her  flour  and  meat. 
The  free-trade  countries  of  the  world  are  the  most  prolific 
of  reciprocity  treaties,  yet  there  never  was  a  reciprocity 
treaty  that  did  not  recognize  the  doctrine  of  protection,  else 
it  would  have  been  of  no  use.  The  essence  of  all  com 
mercial  treaties  is  home-trade  advantage,  home-industry 
advantage,  home-development  advantage,  whether  directly 
by  encouragement  to  labor  and  capital  on  the  spot,  or  in 
directly  by  reason  of  enlarged  markets  abroad. 

Says  Leveleye,  one  of  the  ablest  of  French  Political 
Economists,  and  a  pronounced  free-trader: — "  Commercial 
treaties  are  useful  in  assuring  to  industry  what  is  so  essential 
to  it,  the  fixity  of  foreign  customs  dues  throughout  the  period 
embraced  by  the  treaty.  Nowadays  commercial  treaties  are  of 
more  importance  than  political  treaties,  for  it  is  on  com 
mercial  treaties  that  the  progress  of  industry  in  each  country 
in  a  great  measure  depends,  and  also  what  is  no  less  im- 


302  AMERICAN   RECIPROCITY. 

portant,  the   development  of  commercial  relations  and  com 
munity  of  interest  between  different  lands." 

"  MOST    FAVORED    NATION  "    CLAUSE. 

Very  often  the  parties  to  commercial  treaties  stipulate  that 
each  of  them  shall  enjoy  all  the  advantages  that  may  come 
to,  or  be  secured  by,  the  other  through  a  reduction  of  duties 
between  it  and  still  other  countries.  This  has  come  to  be 
known  in  diplomacy  as  "  the  most  favored  nation  clause"  a 
term  which  grows  more  familiar  each  year.  It  stands  thus  : 
— England  agrees  to  abolish,  or  reduce  to  a  minimum,  her 
duties  on  French  silks,  as  a  concession  to  France  for  so  re 
ducing,  or  abolishing,  her  duties  on  English  cottons.  But 
at  the  same  time  England  says  to  France,  and  it  is  agreed, 
that  if  you  succeed  in  getting  similar  terms  with  any  other 
country  by  reason  of  a  desire  for  your  silks,  we  expect  our 
cottons  to  follow  in  the  wake  of  your  silks.  The  favors 
your  silks  secure  for  you  must  extend  to  our  cottons.  So 
France  says  to  England,  and  it  is  agreed,  that  if  you  succeed 
in  getting  similar  terms  with  any  other  country  by  reason 
of  a  desire  for  your  cottons,  we  expect  our  silks  to  follow 
in  the  wake  of  your  cottons.  The  favors  your  cottons 
secure  for  you  must  extend  to  our  silks.  Thus  "  the  most 
favored  nation  claiise  "  may  suffice  to  carry  the  favorite  pro 
duct  of  a  highly  industrial  and  ingenious  nation,  with  com 
mercial  facilities,  into  every  mart  of  the  world. 

This  extension  of,  and  refinement  on,  the  principle  of 
reciprocity  as  established  by  commercial  treaties,  is  only  an 
enlargement  of  the  spirit  of  advantage  between  nations. 
Clearly,  nothing  is  given  without  something,  and  the  like, 
is  expected.  As  nations  do  not  trade  for  pure  love  of  the 
thing,  something  more  is  expected  than  is  given,  if  not 
directly,  at  least  indirectly.  But  this  is  protection,  says 


AMERICAN  RECIPROCITY.  303 

the  protectionist,  for  each  nation  seeks  to  advantage  itself, 
and  it  matters  not  whether  it  proceeds  on  the  principle  of 
denial  or  concession.  Not  so,  says  the  free-trader;  it  is 
free-trade,  for  the  moment  you  concede  the  principle  of 
concession  you  repudiate  that  of  denial,  or,  in  other  words, 
discrimination  by  duties.  And  so  economists  bandy  theories, 
and  prove  to  the  world  that  their  science  is  weightier  in 
words  than  worth. 

But  while  commercial  treaties  have  been  the  usual,  almost 
the  sole,  means  of  establishing  reciprocity,  or  reciprocal 
trade,  between  commercial  nations,  they  have  been  slow  and 
cumbrous  of  formation  and  operation,  and  always  costly  of 
negotiation.  They  have  proved  of  doubtful  construction 
and  uncertain  worth,  except  where  the  inducement  to  make 
them  was  very  great,  and  the  power  to  enforce  them  reposed 
in  the  contracting  parties.  New  and  weak  countries  were 
placed  at  a  disadvantage  by  them,  even  if  the  inducement  to 
make  them  existed,  and,  indeed,  no  such  inducement  could 
exist  till  a  country  was  sufficiently  advanced  to  have  some 
thing  substantial  to  offer  for  what  it  desired  to  receive. 

POSITION   OF   THE   UNITED   STATES. 

As  long  as  the  United  States  was  going  through  its  early 
experiments  with  free-trade  and  protection,  there  was  hardly 
a  thought  of  reciprocity  or  reciprocal  trade  as  we  have  come 
to  understand  it.  In  all  the  early  arguments  respecting  the 
advantages  of  protection  by  means  of  duties  on  foreign  im 
ports,  the  central  thought  was  that  protection  was  necessary 
in  order  to  foster  infant  industries.  There  was  hardly  any 
diversity  of  opinion  about  this.  Statesmen  of  all  parties  and 
economic  schools  joined  in  the  thought  and  sought  by 
speech  and  vote  to  establish  the  principle.  Politics  did  not 
seriously  tinge  a  tariff  debate  as  long  as  the  idea  was 


304  AMERICAN  RECIPROCITY. 

dominant  that  the  infancy  of  industry  required  the  protective 
hand  of  the  Government.  In  this  the  most  pronounced 
free-traders  had  the  sanction  and  support  of  the  English 
economic  writers,  who,  almost  without  exception,  admitted 
the  doctrine  that  in  order  to  establish  and  foster  infant  in 
dustries,  protection  was  right  in  law  and  morals.  England 
had  universally  and  persistently  applied  the  principle,  till 
she  had  grown  rich,  powerful  and  independent  by  means 
of  it. 

It  was  not  until  1824,  when  the  old  arguments  respecting 
the  uses  of  protection  began  to  be  tinged  by  party  ism,  that 
attention  began  to  be  turned  seriously  to  the  advantages  of 
reciprocal  trade.  The  country  was  then  sufficiently  ad 
vanced  to  make  it  a  question  in  the  minds  of  statesmen. 
Free-traders,  the  very  ones  who  had  all  along  favored  pro 
tection  as  a  means  of  fostering  infant  industries,  now  turned 
their  arguments  against  protection  in  general.  The  peculiar 
condition  of  the  country,  divided  into  a  strictly  planting 
class,  with  unpaid  labor  at  its  command,  and  a  manufactur 
ing,  commercial  and  more  diversified  industrial  class,  with 
only  paid  labor  at  its  command,  contributed  to  the  change 
of  sentiment  and  the  tone  of  argument.  The  planting  class, 
with  its  unpaid  labor,  saw  a  menace  in  the  growth  of  manu 
factures  and  commerce,  with  their  paid  labor.  The  system 
of  free,  paid  labor  was  a  harsh  contrast  with,  and  a  standing 
threat  upon,  the  system  of  slave,  unpaid  labor.  Established 
manufactories  and  profitable  commerce  were  proving  a 
source  of  wealth,  population,  importance  and  comfort,  which 
might  in  the  end  overshadow  the  planting  class  and  its 
geographic  section,  even  if  it  did  not  endanger  the  slave 
institution. 

Therefore  the  free-traders  injected  into  their  opposition  to 
protection  the  argument  that  protection  had  already  done 


AMERICAN   RECIPROCITY.  305 

its  legitimate  work  in  grounding  and  fostering  the  young 
industries  of  the  country,  and  was  no  longer  necessary. 
They  said  it  was  a  stretch  of  power  any  how  on  the  part  of 
the  government,  and  was  no  longer  justified.  They  said 
that  inasmuch  as  it  could  be  of  no  earthly  use  to  the  plant 
ing  sections,  it  was  unfair  for  the  nation  to  legislate  in  the 
interest  of  the  manufacturing  and  commercial  sections. 
They  attacked  the  constitutionality  of  tariff  legislation.  As 
time  went  on,  and  the  issue  of  slavery  became  more  a  mat 
ter  of  question,  the  tariff  debates  brought  out  in  stronger 
lines  the  above  arguments.  The  doctrine  of  free-trade  took 
passionate  and  almost  sectional  turn.  It  came  nearer  than 
ever  to  cleaving  and  dividing  politics.  Calhoun  did  not 
hesitate  to  declare  that  the  further  fostering  of  industries  by 
means  of  protection  would  destroy  the  planting  class  and 
the  institution  of  slavery ;  that  the  object  of  free-trade,  as  he 
advocated  it,  was  to  strike  a  blow  at  paid  labor  and  the 
prosperity  of  the  manufacturing  classes ;  that  the  tariff  sys 
tem  was  so  unfair,  so  unconstitutional,  such  an  infliction  on 
the  States  of  his  section,  as  to  warrant  nullification  of  tariff 
laws,  and  if  this  did  not  provide  an  escape  from  their  opera 
tion,  then  secession  would  be  justified. 

THE   NEW   PROTECTIVE   IDEA. 

These  arguments  were  so  ably  maintained,  and  the  situa 
tion  became  so  serious,  as  to  force  the  protectionists  on  to 
new  ground.  It  is  no  disparagement  to  their  numbers  or 
ability  to  say  that  they  could  no  longer  maintain  themselves 
on  the  plea  of  protection  to  infant  industries — the  common 
ground  of  all  statesmen  in  the  beginning.  They  were  com 
pelled,  or  perhaps  the  time  had  arrived  for  it,  to  broaden 
their  ground,  and  to  make  it  more  secure  by  a  new  declara 
tion  of  protective  principles  by,  one  may  say,  a  new  depar- 


306  AMERICAN   RECIPROCITY. 

ture  in  political  economy.  This  became  the  dawn  of  those 
doctrines  which,  elaborated  by  time  and  modified  by  cir 
cumstances,  comprise  American  protection  as  enunciated  by 
modern  statesmen,  and  as  they  seek  to  embody  them  in 
protective  legislation. 

The  gist  of  these  doctrines  is,  that  as  labor  constitutes  a 
very  large  per  cent,  of  the  cost  of  an  article,  the  true  meas 
ure  of  protection  is  a  duty  which  will  cover  that  element  of 
cost,  and  thus  save  our  labor  from  competition  with  the  low- 
priced  labor  of  foreign  countries.  Along  with  this  goes  the 
doctrine  that  the  free-list  may  safely  embrace  only  those 
articles  which  are  impossible  of  production  with  us  by  rea 
son  of  our  soil,  climate  and  natural  advantages. 

POLICY    OF   SUBSIDY. 

Abreast  of  this  doctrine  is  another,  daily  growing  more 
momentous,  and  one  which  has  been  enforced  by  the  fact 
that  our  genius  and  facilities  tend  to  overcrowding  in  our 
own  markets ;  it  is,  that  the  very  best  protection  that  can  be 
afforded  in  such  case  is  the  establishment  of  steamship  lines 
to  carry  our  surplus  products  to  those  who  need  them  most, 
or  to  those  of  whom  we  buy  most  and  to  whom  we  have  to 
pay  most.  This  has  been  a  favorite  and  universal  means  of 
protection  with  all  commercial  countries,  and  it  has  been 
employed  at  great  outlay  on  the  part  of  those  countries  in 
the  way  of  pay,  or  subsidy,  to  said  lines,  first  in  order  to 
start  them,  and  second  in  order  to  maintain  them.  But  this 
means  of  protection  has  not  yet  been  reached  in  this  coun 
try.  Subsidy  is  a  word  our  people  cannot  yet  abide.  No 
theory  of  protection  that  embodies  the  word  directly  has 
ever  yet  been  framed  in  this  country  that  could  withstand 
the  assaults  of  its  opponents.  The  reason  is  that  it  appeals 
too  directly  to  the  capitalistic  or  monopolistic  spirit  and 


HON.  WILLIAM  F.  VILAS. 

Born  at  Chelsea,  Vt.,  July  9,  1840;  moved  to  Madison,  Wis.,  1851  > 
graduated  at  State  University,  1858 ;  studied  law  at  University  of  Al« 
bany,  N.  Y.,  1860,  and  admitted  to  bars  of  New  York  and  Wisconsin  ; 
Began  practice  at  Madison,  July  9,  1860;  entered  Union  army,  and 
mustered  out  as  Lieutenant-Colonel  of  23d  Reg.  Wis.  Vols. ;  a  Professor 
in  Law  Department  of  State  University  since  1868 ;  Regent  of  same, 
1880-85;  member  Board  of  Revision  of  Statutes,  1878  ;  elected  to  Wis 
consin  Legislature,  1885  ;  delegate  to  Democratic  National  Conventions, 
1876-80-84;  appointed  Postmaster-General  by  President  Cleveland, 
March  7,  1885 ;  appointed  Secretary  of  Interior,  January  16,  1888 ; 
elected  to  United  States  Senate,  January  28,  1891 ;  member  of  Com 
mittees  on  Civil  Sc-wice,  Pensions,  Judiciary,  Post  Offices  and  Roads 
and  Public  Lands. 


1 


HON.  ADLAI  E.  STEVENSON. 

Born  in  Christian  co.,  Ky.,  October  23, 1835;  moved  to  Bloomington, 
111.,  1852;  educated  at  Wesleyan  University  and  Centre  College,  Ky. ; 
began  praclice  of  law  in  Metamora,  111.,  December,  1858;  Chancery 
Master  of  Woodford  co.,  1861-65;  State's  Attorney,  1865-69;  Demo 
cratic  Presidential  Elector,  1864;  moved  to  Bloomington,  1869;  elected 
to  44th  and  46th  Congresses ;  member  of  Board  of  Visitors  to  West 
Point,  1877;  First  Assistant  Postmaster-General,  1885-89;  elected  Vice- 
President  on  Democratic  ticket,  1892;  took  his  seat  March  4,  1893. 


AMERICAN   RECIPROCITY.  309 

class.  On  the  part  of  the  government  it  is  too  direct  a  kind 
of  paternalism.  As  to  the  recipients,  it  is  too  special  a  gift. 
It  is  no  answer  to  all  this,  as  yet,  to  say  that  as  no  other 
commercial  country  ever  succeeded  in  protecting  itself 
through  the  establishment  of  steamship  lines,  except  by 
starting  and  fostering  them  by  subsidies,  so  this  country  has 
not  done,  and  can  never  be  expected  to  do,  the  same  with 
out  the  employment  of  similar  agencies.  Nor  is  it,  as  yet, 
a  sufficient  answer  to  say  that  the  word  subsidy  in  this  con 
nection  can  only  be  rendered  offensive  when  narrowed  to 
its  apparent  recipients,  who  really  ought  not  to  be  consid 
ered  at  all,  or,  if  considered,  ought  to  find  their  true  infini 
tesimal  place  in  comparison  with  the  tens  of  thousands  of 
manufactories,  the  hundreds  of  thousands  of  laborers  and 
farmers,  and  the  millions  of  capital,  which  an  exit  for  our 
over  products  would  keep  employed. 

POLICY   OF   RECIPROCITY. 

Still  further,  abreast  of  this  doctrine  is  the  policy  of 
reciprocity;  or,  as  we  had  better  say,  the  principle  of 
practical,  or  applied,  reciprocity,  rendered  conspicuous,  as 
formulated  in  the  Tariff  Act  of  1890,  and  adopted  as  a 
measure  of  the  Harrison  Administration.  This  policy  pre 
sumes  that  we  ought  to  have  better  outlet  for  our  manufac 
tures.  It  presumes  that  direct  trade  with  those  from  whom 
we  buy  most  and  to  whom  we  sell  least,  would  be  a  most 
desirable  and  advantageous  trade  to  establish,  as  serving  to 
balance  accounts  without  draining  us  of  gold  cash.  It 
presumes  that,  as  to  certain  countries  at  least,  notably 
those  nearest  to  us,  and  especially  those  whose  products 
we  take  largely  and  which  we  cannot  duplicate  at  home, 
we  are  in  a  position  to  offer  what  they  require,  of  as  good 
Duality  and  on  as  fair  terms,  as  they  can  secure  elsewhere. 


3io  AMERICAN  RECIPROCITY. 

It  presumes  that  inasmuch  as  we  are  sufficiently  advanced 
and  sufficiently  well  off  to  remit  entirely  duties  on  their  pro 
ducts, — most  of  which  are  necessaries  of  life,  and  hitherto 
subjected  to  duty  for  sheer  purposes  of  revenue, — and  ac 
tually  do  remit  such  duties,  that  they  ought  to  reciprocate 
by  either  abolishing  or  lowering  their  duties  on  articles  we 
send  to  them.  Not  to  do  so  would  be  unreciprocal.  It 
would  be  for  us  to  enlarge  our  inducements  for  their  trade, 
by  removing  duties  upon  it,  and  for  them  to  reject  these 
inducements  by  refusing  to  modify  or  abolish  duties  on  our 
trade. 

COUNTRIES    MOST    INTERESTED. 

It  is  clear  to  every  one  that  the  countries  most  directly 
affected  by  what  may  now  be  called  the  American  policy 
of  reciprocity,  are  those  countries  to  the  south  of  us,  which 
comprise  Mexico,  Central  America  and  South  America. 
To  these  may  be  added  other  countries  whose,  or  any  part 
of  whose,  products  are  as  theirs  are.  This  being  so,  even 
the  casual  student  of  history  will  be  struck  by  a  comparison 
of  two  American  continental  epochs  or  eras,  the  one  political, 
the  other  commercial. 

Let  us  take  the  political  one  and  consider  it.  It  began 
in  1787,  the  date  on  which  our  Republican  experiment  was 
launched,  the  date  of  our  Federal  Constitution.  Add  thirty 
years  to  it,  so  as  to  make  it  embrace  a  period  up  to  the  date 
of  what  may  be  called  general  and  successful  revolt  against 
Spanish  supremacy  in  South  America,  and  the  establishment 
of  the  South  American  Republics.  Fix  this  date  at  say 
about  the  year  1824.  These  thirty  years,  or  thereabouts, 
saw  the  United  States  engaged  in  finding  a  permanent  place 
for  her  political  institutions.  She  was  manfully  meeting  the 
trials  to  which  young  countries  are  subjected,  and  especially 


AMERICAN   RECIPROCITY.  311 

those  countries  that  have  been  compelled  to  conquer  their 
independence  by  means  of  war,  and  have  been  bold  enough 
to  dare  a  political  experiment  at  odds  with  the  systems,  tra 
ditions  and  instincts  of  the  mother  countries.  She  was 
heroically  and  successfully  passing  through  the  stages — 
many  of  them  severe,  even  to  the  point  of  a  second  war — 
which  led  up  to  full  independence,  to  universal  recognition 
of  her  right  to  exist  as  a  government  and  nation,  and  to  that 
conspicuous  place  in  the  firmament  of  Western  Republics, 
which  made  her  a  cynosure  in  the  eyes  of  all. 

At  the  beginning  of  this  period  what  did  she  find  ?  The 
entire  continent  to  the  south  of  her  was  Spanish.  Spanish 
political  domination  was  complete  as  it  could  be,  all  things 
considered.  Then  came  the  gradual  breaking  away  from 
foreign  and  monarchical  moorings,  under  the  lead  of  brave 
generals,  like  Bolivar,  under  the  influence  of  enlarged  ideas 
of  freedom,  under  the  inspiration  furnished  by  the  success 
of  the  northern  experiment. 

So  busy  had  the  United  States  been  with  her  own  exper 
iment,  that  she  had  not  had  time  to  more  than  note  what 
was  going  on  to  the  south  of  her.  Her  own  expanse  was 
so  ample,  her  resources  so  sufficient,  her  thought  so  dis 
tinctive,  as  that  political  confederacy  on  the  continent  had 
not  occurred  to  her,  or  at  least  had  taken  no  definite  shape. 
Neither  had  political  co-operation,  or,  in  other  words,  polit 
ical  reciprocity,  taken  even  vague  shape.  Sympathy  existed 
for  every  effort  looking  to  the  breaking  of  the  Spanish  yoke. 
Indirect  encouragement  was  offered  to  the  erection  of  every 
republican  temple  founded  on  the  ashes  of  European  mon 
archy.  But  that  was  all,  until  the  time  should  come  when, 
her  own  political  destiny  being  assured,  and  a  new  order  of 
statesmen  having  arisen,  the  Republic  of  the  North  could 
afford  to  recognize  in  a  more  direct  manner  those  of  the  South. 


3i2  AMERICAN  RECIPROCITY. 

POLITICAL  INTEREST  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  IN  SOUTH  AMER 
ICAN  REPUBLICS. 

It  was  in  1808  that  the  interference  of  Napoleon  with  the 
affairs  of  Spain  enabled  the  South  American  republics  to 
rejoice  in  the  assurance  of  their  own  autonomy.  But  a  long 
struggle  was  necessary  in  order  to  establish  the  independ 
ence  they  hoped  for.  For  twenty  years  they  looked  vainly 
for  succor  or  approval  from  European  monarchies.  They 
had  been  all  along  looking  to  the  Republic  of  the  North, 
and  copying  her  splendid  example.  They  now  began  to 
look  for  substantial  recognition,  and  they  found  in  Henry 
Clay  their  earliest  and  ablest  champion.  In  1818  Mr.  Clay 
made  a  passionate  appeal  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
for  their  recognition,  and  in  the  same  year  the  condition  of 
the  South  American  provinces  became  a  subject  of  consid 
eration  at  a  cabinet  meeting,  James  Monroe  being  President. 
Four  years  afterwards,  the  recognition  they  sought  from  the 
United  States  came,  and  it  was  soon  followed  by  recognition 
on  the  part  of  Great  Britain.  In  the  next  year,  1823,  Pres 
ident  Monroe,  in  his  message  to  Congress,  and  in  discussing 
the  relation  of  foreign  powers  toward  those  on  the  Ameri 
can  Continent,  said  : 

"  In  wars  of  European  powers,  in  matters  relating  to 
themselves,  we  have  never  taken  any  part,  nor  does  it  com 
port  with  our  policy  to  do  so.  It  is  only  when  our  rights 
are  invaded  or  seriously  menaced  that  we  resent  injuries  or 
make  preparation  for  our  defence.  With  the  movements  in 
this  hemisphere  we  are  of  necessity  more  immediately  con 
nected,  and  by  causes  which  must  be  obvious  to  all  enlight 
ened  and  impartial  observers.  The  political  system  of  the 
allied  powers  (of  Europe)  is  essentially  different  in  this 
respect  from  that  of  America.  This  difference  proceeds 
from  that  which  exists  in  their  respective  governments. 


AMERICAN  RECIPROCITY.  313 

And  to  the  defence  of  our  own  which  has  been  achieved  by 
the  loss  of  so  much  blood  and  treasure,  and  matured  by  the 
wisdom  of  our  most  enlightened  citizens,  and  under  which 
we  have  enjoyed  unexampled  felicity,  this  whole  nation  is 
devoted.  We  owe  it,  therefore,  to  candor,  and  to  the  ami 
cable  relations  subsisting  between  the  United  States  and 
those  powers,  to  declare  that  we  should  consider  any  attempt 
on  their  part  to  extend  their  system  to  any  portion  of  this  hem 
isphere  as  dangerous  to  our  peace  and  safety.  With  the  ex 
isting  colonies  or  dependencies  of  any  European  power  we 
have  not  interfered,  and  shall  not  interfere.  But  with  the 
governments  who  have  declared  their  independence  and 
maintained  it,  and  whose  independence  we  have,  on  great 
consideration  and  on  just  principles,  acknowledged,  we  could 
not  view  any  interposition,  for  the  purpose  of  oppressing  them, 
or  controlling  in  any  other  manner  their  destiny,  by  any  Eu 
ropean  power,  in  any  other  light  than  as  the  manifestation  of 
an  unfriendly  disposition  toivard  the  United  States." 

This  was  the  "  Monroe  Doctrine; "  this  the  note  of  warn 
ing,  to  monarchical  Europe  to  keep  hands  off  the  political 
destiny  of  a  Continent.  It  was  of  this  doctrine  that  Daniel 
Webster,  in  a  speech  in  the  House,  April,  1826,  upon  the 
subject  of  an  appropriation  to  send  a  mission  from  the 
United  States  to  the  South  American  Congress  at  Panama, 
said : 

"  I  look  on  the  message  of  December,  1823,  as  forming  a 
bright  page  in  our  history.  I  will  neither  help  to  erase  it 
or  tear  it  out,  nor  shall  it  by  any  act  of  mine  be  blurred  or 
blotted.  It  did  honor  to  the  sagacity  of  the  government, 
and  I  will  not  diminish  that  honor.  It  elevated  the  hopes 
and  gratified  the  patriotism  of  the  people.  Over  those  hopes 
I  will  not  bring  a  mildew,  nor  will  I  put  that  gratified  patri 
otism  to  shame." 


3T4  AMERICAN  RECIPROCITY. 

CONGRESS    OF   REPUBLICS. 

In  1821  the  Republic  of  Colombia  suggested  the  idea  of 
a  closer  connection  between  the  Spanish  colonies  in  Central 
and  South  America.  In  July,  1822,  and  before  their  inde 
pendence  had  been  recognized  by  the  United  States,  Colom 
bia  and  Chili  negotiated  a  treaty  looking  to  a  Congress  of 
the  new  Republics,  resembling  the  one  already  constructed 
in  Europe  (The  Holy  Alliance,  which  was  an  attempt  to 
fetter  all  Europe  with  absolute  monarchy),  and  having  for 
its  object  "The  construction  of  a  continental  system  for 
America." 

The  idea  ripened  slowly,  though  it  was  sedulously  cher 
ished  by  Bolivar  and  other  leaders,  Bolivar  being  then  at 
the  head  of  the  Republic  of  Peru.  It  was  not  until  De 
cember  7,  1824,  that  he  issued  his  invitation  to  the  Repub 
lics  south  of  us,  to  meet  in  conference  at  Panama.  Most 
of  them  accepted,  and  the  "  General  Assembly  of  the  Amer 
ican  Republics  "  met  at  Panama,  June  22,  1826. 

What  was  singular  about  this  Congress  or  General  As 
sembly  was  that  it  was  no  part  of  Bolivar's  design  to  invite 
the  United  States  to  participate.  The  Republics  of  South 
America  had  abolished  African  slavery  in  1813.  Doubtless 
Bolivar  felt  that  the  interest  which  the  United  States  had  at 
that  time  in  preserving  and  extending  slavery  would  tend  to 
embarrass  her  acceptance  of  an  invitation,  or  make  her  an 
unwelcome,  if  not  dangerous,  participant.  The  invitation  to 
the  United  States  came  from  Colombia  and  Mexico,  after  an 
inquiry  through  Mr.  Clay  as  to  whether  it  would  be  accep 
table  to  President  Adams.  Mr.  Adams  was  so  far  satisfied 
as  that  he  appointed  two  representatives  to  the  Congress  or 
Conference,  subject  to  the  "advice  and  consent  of  the 
Senate." 

In  his  message  to  the  Senate,  Mr.  Adams  gave  among 


AMERICAN  RECIPROCITY.  315 

other  reasons  for  his  action  the  following,  which  is  valuable 
in  this  connection  as  showing  the  dawn  of  the  idea  that 
mutual  commercial  intercourse  with  the  South  American 
States  might  well  become  a  subject  of  consideration  in  such 
a  conference  as  that  proposed.  He  said  : 

"  But  the  South  American  nations,  in  the  infancy  of  their 
independence,  often  find  themselves  in  positions  with  refer 
ence  to  other  countries,  with  principles  applicable  to  which, 
derivable  from  the  state  of  independence  itself,  they  have 
not  been  familiarized  by  experience.  The  result  of  this  has 
been  that  sometimes  in  their  intercourse  with  the  United 
States  they  have  manifested  dispositions  to  reserve  a  right 
of  granting  special  favors  and  privileges  to  the  Spanish  na 
tion  as  the  price  of  their  recognition ;  at  others,  they  have 
actually  established  duties  and  impositions  operating  unfavor 
ably  to  the  United  States ',  to  the  advantage  of  European  pozv- 
crs ;  and  sometimes  they  have  appeared  to  consider  that 
they  might  interchange  among  themselves  mutual  conces 
sions  of  exclusive  favor,  to  which  neither  European  powers 
nor  the  United  States  should  be  admitted.  In  most  of  these 
cases  their  regulations  unfavorable  to  us  have  yielded  to 
friendly  expostulation  and  remonstrance;  but  it  is  believed 
to  be  of  infinite  moment  that  the  principles  of  a  liberal  com 
mercial  intercourse  should  be  exhibited  to  them  and  urged 
with  interested  and  friendly  persuasion  upon  them,  when 
all  are  assembled  for  the  avowed  purpose  of  consulting 
together  upon  the  establishment  of  such  principles 
as  may  have  an  important  bearing  upon  their  future  wel 
fare." 

The  debate  in  the  Senate  upon  the  proposed  mission  was 
exceedingly  acrimonious.  Serious  charges  were  brought 
against  President  Adams,  and  the  policy  and  purposes  of 
his  administration  were  denounced  as  dangerous.  It  was 


3*6  AMERICAN  RECIPROCITY. 

declared  that  the  mission  would  lead  to  international  com 
plications.  The  slave-holding  members  affirmed  that  in 
reference  to  the  rest  of  America,  as  well  as  to  Europe, 
slavery  must  be  and  remain  the  prime  motive  of  the  foreign 
policy  of  the  United  States,  and  they  said  that  they  saw  in 
the  conference  peril  to  their  "peculiar  institutions,"  for  the 
history  of  these  Southern  Republics  as  to  slavery  furnished 
an  example  "scarcely  less  fatal  than  the  independence  of 
Hayti  to  the  repose  of  the  slave  States  of  the  Union." 
They  had  not  only  copied  from  the  revolutionary  records  of 
the  United  States  the  words  "  freedom,"  "  equality "  and 
"  universal  emancipation,"  but  had  actually  broken  the 
chains  of  all  slaves. 

THE   COMMERCIAL  THOUGHT   UPPERMOST. 

The  defenders  of  the  proposed  mission  and  of  the  Presi 
dent's  action  made  many  elaborate  arguments  for  their  side, 
all  of  which  embraced  in  some  form  the  idea  of  more  ex 
tended  and  intimate  commercial  intercourse,  upon  the  basis 
of  mutual  or  reciprocal  trade.  When  Mr.  Adams  was  asked 
by  the  House  for  further  information  respecting  his  view 
and  his  action  he  responded  in  a  lengthy  message,  in  which 
he  said :  — 

"  The  first  and  paramount  principle  upon  which  it  was 
deemed  wise  and  just  to  lay  the  corner-stone  of  all  our 
future  relations  with  them  was  disinterestedness ;  the  next 
was  cordial  good  will  to  them  ;  the  third  was  a  claim  of  fair 
and  equal  reciprocity" 

Then  in  further  allusion  to  the  commercial  idea  he  said  :  — 

"  It  will  be  within  the  recollection  of  the  House  that  im 
mediately  after  our  War  of  Independence  a  measure  closely 
analogous  to  this  Congress  of  Panama  was  adopted  by  the 
Congress  of  our  Confederation  and  for  purposes  of  precisely 


AMERICAN  RECIPROCITY.  317 

the  same  character.  Three  commissioners  with  plenipoten 
tiary  powers  were  appointed  to  negotiate  treaties  of  amity, 
navigation  and  commerce  with  all  the  principal  powers  of 
Europe.  They  met  and  resided  at  Paris  for  one  year,  for 
that  purpose,  and  the  only  result  of  their  negotiations  was 
our  first  treaty  between  the  United  States  and  Prussia, 
memorable  in  the  diplomatic  annals  of  the  world  and  pre 
cious  as  a  monument  of  principles  in  relation  to  commerce 
and  maritime  warfare,  with  which  our  country  entered  upon 
her  career  as  a  member  of  the  great  family  of  independent 
nations." 

In  the  Senate,  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs  reported 
against  the  expediency  of  sending  ministers  to  the  Panama 
Congress,  but  afterwards,  and  very  grudgingly,  approved  the 
President's  selection.  The  House,  after  long  delay,  agreed 
to  appropriate  the  necessary  funds.  The  ministers  were 
sent,  but  delay  had  done  its  designed  work.  They  were  too 
late  for  the  Conference,  which  had  adjourned  previous  to 
their  arrival.  Mr.  Clay,  then  Secretary  of  State,  was  much 
mortified  at  the  failure,  and  the  President,  in  1829,  in  allud 
ing  to  the  failure  said  to  the  Senate  :  — "  While  there  is  no 
probability  of  the  renewal  of  the  negotiations,  the  purposes 
for  which  they  were  intended  are  still  of  the  deepest  inter 
est  to  our  country  and  to  the  ivorld,  and  may,  hereafter,  call 
again  for  the  active  energies  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States." 

It  might  be  interesting  in  this  connection  to  know  that 
the  South  and  Central  American  Republics  continued  to 
hold  conferences  for  consideration  and  adjustment  of  their 
affairs  and  the  unification  of  their  interests.  One  was  held 
at  Lima  in  1847,  another  in  1864,  another  was  proposed  at 
Panama  in  1881,  which  was  prevented  by  the  South  Amer 
ican  wars,  and  another  was  held  at  Montevideo  in  1888-89. 


3i8  AMERICAN   RECIPROCITY. 

The  United  States  was  not  represented  in  any  of  them. 
The  era  of  our  political  influence  upon  these  Republics, 
whether  by  example,  or  by  the  encouragement  extended  in 
the  "  Monroe  Doctrine,"  or  by  the  comity  intended  by  Mr. 
Adams,  had  ended  with  their  freedom  from  monarchical 
yoke  and  the  assurance  that  they  were  forever  committed 
to  the  Republican  spirit. 

COMMERCIAL   BONDAGE    OF   THE   REPUBLICS. 

But  singular  as  it  may  seem  that  political  freedom  was 
followed  by  commercial  bondage.  Commercial  Europe  set 
her  head  for  conquest,  and  with  her  immense  facilities  over 
ran  the  marts  from  which  the  Spanish  warships  had  been 
driven.  This  invasion  has  become  well  nigh  complete. 

We  now  come  to  the  second  era  above  mentioned — the 
commercial.  We  have  seen  how  the  end  of  the  political 
era  witnessed  the  dawn  of  the  idea  of  commercial  reciproc 
ity  with  the  Southern  Republics.  The  idea  lay  dormant, 
so  far  as  the  United  States  was  concerned,  through  the 
period  devoted  to  working  out  its  own  industrial  and  com 
mercial  independence.  The  industrial  and  commercial  pe 
riod  from  1824  to  1860  may  be  likened  to  the  political 
period  prior  to  the  Revolution.  The  industrial  and  com 
mercial  period  from  1861  to  the  present  may  be  likened 
to  the  political  period  from  1787  to  1824,  each  of  these  pe 
riods  being  considered  with  reference  to  our  relations  to  the 
Southern  Republics.  Strange  to  say,  the  above  period  from 
1 86 1  to  the  present  corresponds  in  length  with  the  period 
from  1787  to  1824,  at  whose  end  we  took  political  cogniz 
ance  of  these  Republics  and  witnessed  their  freedom  from 
European  monarchy. 

The  settlement  of  our  sectional  differences  by  civil  war, 
the  establishment  of  a  system  of  finance  which  gives  us 


AMERICAN  RECIPROCITY.  319 

rank  among  the  nations,  the  practice  of  protection  which 
made  us  industrially  and  commercially  independent,  brings 
us  to  a  point  of  time  when  our  example  and  influence  must 
affect  the  countries  of  our  continent  to  the  south  of  us  in  a 
commercial  sense,  just  as  they  were  affected  in  a  political 
sense.  If  their  commercial  subjugation  by  Europe  is  as 
complete  as  was  their  political  subjugation  by  Spain,  and 
their  independence  as  desirable,  they  may  well  look  once 
more  to  us  for  something  which  in  commerce  shall  be  the 
equivalent  of  the  "  Monroe  Doctrine  "  in  politics.  We  are 
in  a  position  to  extend  it,  at  least  that  is  the  significance  of 
practical  reciprocity. 

A   PEACE  CONGRESS. 

What  President  Adams  called  "  the  deepest  interests 
of  our  country,"  and  what  he  prophesied  might  "  hereafter 
call  again  for  the  active  energies  of  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,"  began  its  culmination  with  the  invitation  of 
President  Garfield  for  all  the  independent  governments  of 
North  and  South  America  to  meet  in  a  Peace  Congress  at 
Washington.  It  has  been  given  out  that  he  aimed  at  some 
thing  more  than  a  mere  code  of  arbitration  in  case  of  dis 
putes  which  might  lead  to  war  among  American  states, 
and  that  he  contemplated  making  commercial  reciprocity  a 
leading  feature  of  his  administration.  His  death  frustrated 
his  design. 

A    MORE   COMMERCIAL   THOUGHT. 

President  Garfield's  invitation  was  recalled  by  President 
Arthur  in  order  that  the  Congress  might  be  given  opportu 
nity  to  consider  the  advisability  of  the  step.  Just  as  soon 
as  the  Congress  began  to  deliberate  upon  the  matter,  the 
subject  took  wider  and  wider  range,  and  the  idea  of  recip 
rocal  commerce  became  a  conspicuous  feature.  On  Jan- 


320  AMERICAN  RECIPROCITY. 

uary  21,  1880,  Senator  Davis  of  Illinois  first  threw  his 
suggestion  of  an  "  International  American  Conference"  into 
a  Senate  Bill  in  which  occurred  the  following  words :  — 

"  Whereas  from  the  southern  boundary  of  the  United 
States  to  the  Argentine  Republic,  and  also  the  Republic  of 
Chile,  a  distance  of  about  4,500  miles,  including  Mexico, 
Central  America,  Colombia,  Venezuela,  Pe/Ti,  Ecuador, 
Brazil,  Bolivia,  Paraguay  and  Uruguay,  containing  a  popu 
lation  of,  in  all,  about  40,000,000  industrious  *.nd  progressive 
people,  with  whom  *:he  United  States  hc>d,  and  d?cire  to 
maintain,  the  most  fr'endly  relations,  and  with  whom  a 
closer  and  reciprocal  interest  in  trade  and  commerce  ought 
to  be  encouraged/'  etc. 

The  Davis  proposition  looked  to  this  "  closer  and  recip 
rocal  interest  in  trade  and  commerce  "  by  means  of  a  great 
southern  railroad  connecting  the  three  Americas. 

On  April  24,  1882,  Senator  Cockrell,  of  Missouri,  intro 
duced  into  the  Senate  a  bill  similar  to  the  above,  whose 
object  was  the  "  appointment  of  a  special  commissioner  for 
promoting  intercourse  with  such  countries  of  Central  and 
South  America  as  may  be  found  to  possess  natural  facilities 
for  railway  communication  with  each  other  and  with  the 
United  States." 

On  the  same  date,  April  24,  1882,  Senator  Morgan,  of 
Alabama,  introduced  a  kindred  bill,  "  for  the  encouragement 
of  closer  commercial  relations  between  the  United  States 
and  the  Republic  of  Mexico,  Central  America,  the  Empire 
of  Brazil  and  the  several  Republics  of  South  America." 

Similar  bills  were  introduced  into  the  House,  all  looking 
to  "  the  promotion  of  commercial  intercourse  "  with  the 
countries  to  the  south  of  us,  all  of  which  were  reported 
adversely  by  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs. 

In  1883  Senator  Sherman  reintroduced  into  the  Senate 


AMERICAN   RECIPROCITY.  321 

the  Morgan  Bill  of  1882.  In  the  first  session  of  the  Forty- 
eighth  Congress,  Mr.  Tovvnsend,  of  Illinois,  introduced  a 
Joint  resolution,  "  inviting  the  co-operation  of  the  Govern 
ments  of  American  nations  in  securing  the  establishment  of 
Iree  commercial  intercourse  among  those  nations  and  an 
American  Customs'  Union." 

On  March  3,  1884,  Senator  Cockrell  introduced  a  Senate 
bill  authorizing  a  commission  to  Central  and  South  Amer 
ica  "  for  the  purpose  of  collecting  information  looking  to 
the  extension  of  American  trade  and  commerce,"  etc.  This 
bill  was  reported  favorably  by  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Affairs. 

Before  taking  action  on  this  bill,  the  Committee  on  For 
eign  Affairs  of  the  Senate  requested  the  views  of  Mr.  Fre- 
linghuysen,  Secretary  of  State,  as  to  the  proposed  legisla 
tion.  He  reviewed  the  entire  question  very  fully  in  his 
reply  of  March  26,  1884,  and  fully  set  forth  the  advantages 
of  reciprocity  with  these  countries.  His  arguments  pointed 
directly  to  reciprocity  as  a  necessity,  in  case  duties  were 
greatly  lowered,  or  entirely  removed,  on  the  products  of 
these  countries. 

"  I  am,"  said  he,  "  thoroughly  convinced  of  the  advisa 
bility  of  knitting  closely  our  relations  with  the  States  of 
this  Continent,  and  no  effort  on  my  part  shall  be  wanting  to 
accomplish  a  result  so  consonant  with  the  constant  policy 
of  this  country  and  in  the  spirit  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine, 
which,  in  excluding  foreign  political  interference,  recognizes 
the  common  interest  of  the  States  of  North  and  South 
America.  It  is  the  history  of  all  diplomacy  that  close  po 
litical  relations  and  friendship  spring  from  unity  of  com 
mercial  interests 

The  true  plan,  it  seems  to  me,  is  to  make  a  series  of  reci 
procity  treaties   with   the    States   of   Central   and    South 


322  AMERICAN   RECIPROCITY. 

America,  taking  care  that  those  manufactures,  and  as  far  as 
is  practicable  those  products,  which  would  come  into  com 
petition  with  our  own  manufactures  and  products  should 
not  be  admitted  to  the  free  list.  By  these  treaties  we  might 
secure  for  valuable  consideration  so  as  not  to  violate  the 
most-favored-nation  clause  of  other  treaties,  further  substan 
tial  advantages.  Such,  for  example,  as  the  free  navigation 
of  their  coasts,  rivers  and  lakes. 

"  Indiscriminate  reduction  of  duties  on  materials  pecu 
liarly  the  production  of  Central  and  South  America  would 
take  from  us  the  ability  to  offer  reciprocity,  and  we  would 
thus  lose  the  opportunity  to  secure  valuable  trade.  Re 
moval  of  duties  from  coffee,  without  greatly  cheapening  its 
price,  deprived  us  of  the  power  to  negotiate  with  the  coffee- 
growing  countries  of  Spanish-America  highly  advantageous 
reciprocity  treaties,  and  indiscriminate  reduction  of  duties 
on  sugar  would  complete  our  inability  to  establish  favorable 
commercial  relations  with  those  countries  which  form  our 
natural  market,  and  from  which  we  are  now  almost  entitely 
excluded.  If  we  confine  the  reduction  of  duties  on  such 
articles  as  sugar  and  coffee  to  those  Spanish-American  coun 
tries  which  are  willing  to  negotiate  with  us  treaties  of  reci 
procity,  we  cheapen  these  products  for  our  own  people  and 
at  the  same  time  gain  the  control  of  those  markets  for  the 
products  of  our  fields  and  factories." 

STARTLING   REVELATIONS. 

The  report  of  the  House  Committee,  to  which  two  of  the 
above  bills  had  been  referred,  was  most  elaborate  and  con 
tained  some  startling  revelations  as  to  trade  with  these 
countries.  It  showed  their  total  commerce  in  1883  to  be 
$752,918,000,  in  which  the  United  States  participated  only 
to  the  extent  of  $142,282,000.  It  showed  that  their  imports 


AMERICAN   RECIPROCITY.  323 

to  the  United  States  amounted  for  that  year  to  $93,319,000, 
whereas  we  sent  in  turn  to  them  only  $48,963,000.  It 
quoted  from  the  work  of  a  recent  commercial  traveller 
through  those  States,  to  this  effect: 

"  It  always  grieved  me  exceedingly,  and  was  particularly 
offensive  to  my  sense  of  the  fitness  of  things,  to  find  almost 
everything  in  the  way  of  foreign  merchandise,  throughout  the 
length  and  breadth  of  my  routes,  of  European  manufacture. 
At  different  points  along  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  coasts,  in 
many  cities  of  the  plains,  in  various  towns  on  the  mountain 
slopes,  on  the  apex  of  Potosi  and  on  the  tops  of  other  An 
dean  peaks  higher  than  Mount  Hood,  I  have  gone  into 
stores  and  warehouses  and  looked  in  vain — utterly  in  vain — 
for  one  single  article  of  American  manufacture.  From  the 
little  pin  with  which  the  lady  fastens  her  beau-catching 
ribbons  to  the  grand  piano  with  which  she  enlivens  and 
enchants  the  hearts  of  all  her  household ;  from  the  tiniest 
thread  and  tack  and  tool  needed  in  the  mechanic  arts  to  the 
largest  plows  and  harrows  and  other  agricultural  implements 
and  machines  required  for  use  on  the  farm — all  these  and 
other  things,  the  wares  and  fabrics  and  light  groceries  and 
delicacies  in  common  demand;  the  drugs  and  chemicals  sold 
by  the  apothecary ;  the  fermented,  malt  and  spirituous  liq 
uors  in  the  wine  saloon ;  the  stationery  and  fancy  goods  in 
the  book-store ;  the  furniture  in  the  parlor  and  the  utensils 
in  the  kitchen,  are,  with  rare  exceptions,  of  English,  German, 
Spanish,  or  Italian  manufacture.  And  what  makes  the 
matter  still  more  unsatisfactory  and  vexatious  to  the  North 
American  and  more  expensive  and  otherwise  disadvantageous 
to  the  South  American,  is  that  these  articles  are,  as  a  gen 
eral  rule,  inferior  both  in  material  and  make  to  the  corre 
sponding  article  of  American  manufacture." 

The  report  favored  the  appointment  of  a  commission  to 


324  AMERICAN  RECIPROCITY. 

these  countries.  A  bill  authorizing  such  commission  was 
passed,  and  George  H.  Sharpe,  New  York,  Solon  O.  Thacher, 
Kansas,  and  Thomas  C.  Reynolds,  Missouri,  were  appointed 
Commissioners,  with  Mr.  W.  E.  Curtis  as  Secretary.  They 
sat  in  our  principal  cities,  visited  the  countries  of  Central 
and  South  America,  and  made  valuable  reports  from  time  to 
time. 

On  December  21,  1885,  Mr.  Townsend,  of  Illinois,  rein- 
troduced  his  resolution  into  the  House,  looking  to  an  Amer 
ican  Customs'  Union.  It  was  reported  adversely,  as  was  a 
bill  providing  for  international  arbitration.  The  same  fatal 
ity  befell  similar  bills  in  the  Senate. 

GROWTH    OF   THE   COMMERCIAL   THOUGHT. 

On  February  22,  1886,  Senator  Frye,  of  Maine,  intro 
duced  an  elaborate  bill  into  the  Senate  "  to  promote  the 
political  progress  and  commercial  prosperity  of  the  United 
States."  It  provided  for  an  American  International  Con 
gress  at  Washington  on  October  i,  1887,  and  suggested  a 
list  of  subjects  to  be  considered,  which  list  embraced  : 

1.  Measures  of  peace  and  prosperity. 

2.  An  American  Customs'  Union. 

3.  Regular  and  frequent  steamship  lines. 

4.  Uniform  system  of  customs  regulations. 

5.  Uniform  weights  and  measures. 

6.  A  common  silver  coin. 

7.  A  definite  plan  of  arbitration. 

On  March  29,  1886,  Mr.  McCreary,  of  Kentucky,  intro 
duced  in  the  House  a  bill  "  authorizing  the  President  to 
arrange  a  conference  for  the  purpose  of  encouraging  peace 
ful  and  reciprocal  commercial  relations  between  the  United 
Slates  and  Mexico,  the  Central  American  and  South  Amer- 


HON.  JOHN  M.  PALMER. 

Born  in  Scott  co.,  Ky.,  September  18,  1817  ;  moved  to  Illinois,  1831  , 
studied  at  Alton  College;  admitted  to  bar,  1839;  elected  Probate  Judge 
of  Macoupin  co.,  1843;  member  of  Constitutional  Convention,  1847; 
elected  County  Judge,  1848  ;  elected  to  State  Senate,  1852;  elected  to 
State  Senate,  1855,  as  Anti-Nebraska  Democrat ;  Delegate  to  Republican 
National  Convention,  1856 ;  candidate  for  Congress,  1859,  on  Republican 
ticket  and  defeated ;  member  of  Peace  Conference,  1861 ;  entered  Union 
army  (1861)  as  Colonel  of  14th  Illinois  Regiment ;  promoted  to  Brigadier 
General,  1861;  promoted  to  Major  General,  1863;  commanded  14th 
Army  Corps,  1863;  operated  on  Mississippi,  with  army  of  Cumberland 
and  with  Sherman  to  Atlanta;  elected  Governor  of  Illinois,  1868; 
nominated  for  Governor  on  Democratic  ticket,  1888,  and  defeated; 
elected  U.  S.  Senator,  as  Democrat,  1891. 


STEPHEN  M.  WHITE. 

Born  in  San  Francisco,  Cal.,  Jan.  19, 1853  ;  graduated  from  Santa  Clara 
College,  1871 ;  admitted  to  practice  of  law,  1874;  practiced  and  resided 
in  Los  Angeles  co.  ;  District  Atty.  of  his  co.,  1882  ;  Chairman  of  Dem. 
State  Convention,  18S4  and  1886;  elected  to  State  Senate,  1886;  acting 
Lieut. -Governor,  1888;  temporary  President  of  Dem.  Nat.  Con.  at  St. 
Louis,  1888;  Del.  at  Large  to  Dem.  Nat.  Con.,  1892;  elected  to  U.  S. 
Senate,  1893 ;  member  of  Committees  on  Census,  Coast  Defences,  Com 
merce,  Finance,  Irrigation  and  Territories. 


AMERICAN   RECIPROCITY.  327 

ican  States."     On  the  same  day  Mr.  McKinley,  of  Ohio, 
introduced  a  bill  favoring  an  Arbitration  Conference. 

On  April  15,  1886,  Mr.  McCreary,  of  Kentucky,  reported 
his  bill  from  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  with  a  com 
plete  text  and  favorable  report.  It  provided  for  an  Inter 
national  Conference  at  Washington,  and  for  "considering 
questions  relating  to  the  improvement  of  business  inter 
course  between  said  countries,  and  to  encourage  such  recip 
rocal  commercial  relations  as  will  be  beneficial  to  all  and 
secure  more  extensive  markets  for  the  products  of  each  of 
said  countries." 

NECESSITY   FOR   RECIPROCAL   TRADE. 

The  report  of  the  majority  of  the  committee  accompa 
nying  this  bill  was  a  very  able  one,  and  particularly  valuable 
as  a  matter  of  economic  and  commercial  history,  and  as 
coming  from  a  committee  not  regarded  as  favorable  to  the 
reciprocity  idea. 

The  report  set  forth  among  other  things  : 

"  The  subject  of  establishing  closer  international  relations 
between  all  the  Republics  of  the  American  continent  and 
also  the  Empire  of  Brazil,  containing  in  the  aggregate  one 
hundred  millions  of  people,  for  the  purpose  of  improving 
the  business  intercourse  between  those  countries  and  secur 
ing  more  extensive  markets  for  the  products  of  each,  is  both 
interesting  and  important.  Sixty  years  ago  this  subject 
was  discussed  and  a  conference  was  suggested  between  rep 
resentatives  of  our  Government  and  the  other  Governments, 
and  President  John  Quincy  Adams  appointed  representa 
tives  to  the  Congress  held  at  Panama  to  consider  measures 
for  promoting  peace  and  reciprocal  commercial  relations 
between  said  countries.  This  Conference  was  beneficial, 
but  at  that  time  our  people  were  looking  more  to  Europe 


328  AMERICAN   RECIPROCITY. 

for  business  and  commerce  than  to  the  countries  south  of 
us,  and  no  action  was  taken  by  our  Congress.  Now  the 
United  States  is  at  peace  with  all  the  world  and  our  popu 
lation  and  wealth  make  this  the  foremost  Republic  of  the 
world,  and  our  Government  should  inaugurate  the  move 
ment  in  favor  of  an  American  Conference. 

"  The  present  depression  of  business  and  low  price  of 
farm  products  are  caused,  to  a  considerable  extent,  by  a 
limited  market  for  our  surplus  products.  Some  of  the  best 
markets  we  can  look  to  are  not  far  beyond  our  southern 
border.  They  are  nearer  to  us  than  to  any  other  commer 
cial  nation.  The  people  of  Mexico  and  of  Central  and 
South  America  produce  much  that  we  need,  and  our  abun 
dant  agricultural,  manufactured,  and  mineral  productions 
are  greatly  needed  by  them.  These  countries  cover  an  area 
of  8,118,844  square  miles,  and  have  a  population  of  42,- 
770,374.  Their  people  recognize  the  superiority  of  our 
products,  and  desire  more  intimate  business  intercourse 
with  our  people,  but  the  great  bulk  of  their  commerce  and 
trade  is  with  Europe.  The  Argentine  Republic  has  from 
forty-five  to  sixty  steamships  running  regularly  between 
Buenos  Ayres  and  European  ports,  and  no  regular  line  be 
tween  that  country  and  the  United  States,  and  our  commer 
cial  facilities  with  the  other  republics  of  Central  and  South 
America  are  about  the  same. 

"  In  1884  our  exports  were  valued  at  $733,768,764. 

"  Of  this  amount  we  exported  but  $64,719,000  to  Mexico 
and  South  and  Central  America. 

"Our  annual  mechanical  and  agricultural  products  are 
valued  at  $15,000,000,000,  while  we  seldom  have  sold  more 
than  $75,000,000  worth  of  these  products  to  our  nearest 
neighbors,  who  buy  in  Europe  at  least  five  times  as  much 
as  they  get  here. 


AMERICAN   RECIPROCITY.  329 

"The  total  commerce  of  the  countries  named  in  1883 
was  as  follows :  Imports,  #331,100,599;  exports,  #391,294,- 
781. 

"Of  the  #331,100,599  of  merchandise  sold  to  those  coun 
tries,  the  share  of  the  United  States  was  only  #42,598,469; 
yet  we  are  their  closest  neighbor. 

"  The  disparity  of  our  trade  with  Peru,  Chili,  Argentine 
Republic  and  Brazil  is  both  amazing  and  humiliating. 

To  From  Great  From  United 

Britain.  States. 


Peru #6,235,685 

Chili 11,060,880  2,211,007 

Argentine  Republic 29,692,295  4,317,293 

Brazil 33>946,2i5  7>3I7,293 

"  The  consumption  of  cotton  goods  in  Central  and  South 
America  and  in  Mexico  amounts  to  nearly  #100,000,000  an 
nually,  and  although  they  are  so  near  our  cotton-fields, 
England  furnishes  about  95  per  cent,  of  these  goods. 

"  Cotton  fabrics  constitute  the  wearing  apparel  of  nearly 
three-fourths  of  those  people,  and  they  have  to  import  all 
they  use. 

"  England  monopolizes  this  trade  because  of  her  cheap 
transportation  facilities,  and  because  her  mills  furnish  goods 
especially  adapted  to  the  wants  and  tastes  of  the  consumers, 
which  our  mills  have  never  attempted  to  produce. 

"  It  is  very  important  that  transportation  facilities  between 
the  United  States  and  her  southern  neighbors  should  be  im 
proved  ;  for  as  long  as  the  freight  from  Liverpool,  Hamburg 
and  Bordeaux  is  #15  a  ton,  they  cannot  be  induced  to  pay 
#40  a  ton  to  bring  merchandise  from  the  United  States. 

"  There  is  not  a  commercial  city  in  these  countries  where 
the  manufacturers  of  the  United  States  cannot  compete  with 


330  AMERICAN  RECIPROCITY. 

their  European  rivals  in  every  article  we  produce  for  ex 
port. 

"  The  report  of  the  South  American  Commission  shows, 
by  the  testimony  of  the  importing  merchants  of  those  coun 
tries,  that  aside  from  the  difference  in  cost  and  convenience 
in  transporting,  it  is  to  their  advantage  to  buy  in  the  United 
States,  because  the  quality  of  our  products  is  superior,  and 
our  prices  are  usually  as  low  as  those  of  Europe." 

AN   OPPOSING   VIEW. 

Mr.  Belmont  presented  a  minority,  and  opposing,  report 
to  the  above  bill.  In  discussing  it  from  a  commercial  stand 
point,  he  made  quite  prominent  a  fact,  if  not  a  principle, 
though  unintended  on  his  part,  that  was  fully  recognized 
when  reciprocity  was  introduced  into  the  Tariff  Act  of  1890. 
He  said : 

"  Nothing  is  now  so  desirable  for  our  own  people  as  a  free 
and  reciprocal  interchange  of  products  between  ourselves  and 
the  people  of  other  nations  on  this  continent.  But  what  now 
hinders  such  free  interchange  so  mu&h  as  our  tariff  laws? 
If  this  Government  shall  invite  Brazil,  Mexico  and  the  Re 
publics  of  Central  America  and  South  America  to  join  us  in 
a  conference  to  promote  such  free  and  reciprocal  interchange 
of  products,  what  concessions  in  our  tariff  schedules  is  the 
President  to  be  authorized  to  instruct  our  commissioners  to 
propose  on  our  part?  The  question  of  our  own  tariff  will 
naturally  and  immediately  come  up  for  discussion  and  con 
sideration.  Shall,  for  example,  our  commissioners  be  au 
thorized  to  offer  to  the  Argentine  Republic  to  admit  its  wool 
into  our  ports  free  of  duty  ? 

"  No  one  can  be  more  sensible  than  I  am  of  the  great  ad 
vantages  which  in  our  country  flow  from  that  free  commer 
cial  intercourse,  unvexed  by  tariffs  or  custom-houses,  which 


AMERICAN  RECIPROCITY.  33* 

the  Federal  Constitution  secures.  I  wish  by  some  possible 
and  wise  contrivance  those  advantages  now  enjoyed  by  and 
between  Maine  and  California,  Florida  and  Alaska,  could  be 
realized  by  and  between  every  nation  and  every  producer  on 
this  hemisphere  from  Baffin's  Bay  to  Cape  Horn.  But  is 
this  Government  now  in  condition  to  successfully  ask  in  a 
diplomatic  way  the  accomplishment  of  such  a  result  ?  To 
use  Mr.  Gladstone's  language,  should  we  not  first  of  all 
begin  to  govern  ourselves  in  tariff  matters  with  'justice  and 
moderation  ? '  And  then,  too,  does  opinion  in  this  House 
tend  to  tolerate  a  reform  or  protective  system  by  treaties  ? 

"  One  of  the  difficulties  with  which  we  in  the  United 
States  have  now  to  contend  is  that,  by  reason  of  our  present 
tariff  laws,  we  cannot  in  our  own  workshops  compete  with 
European  manufacturers,  notwithstanding  the  great  advan 
tage  we  have  from  the  efficiency  of  better  paid  and  better 
educated  labor.  So  long  as  such  tariff  laws  shall  be  main- 
ained  it  is  not  believed  that  any  diplomatic  negotiations  will 
mable  the  United  States  to  do  in  the  Dominion  of  Canada, 
or  in  Mexico,  or  in  Central  America,  or  in  South  America 
what  we  cannot  do  at  home — which  is  to  compete  with 
European  manufacturers.  Freedom  to  buy  in  these  com 
munities  we  now  have,  and  we  can  enlarge  its  use  to  any 
degree,  but  freedom  to  sell  to  those  communities  we  can 
only  enlarge  by  producing  equally  good  articles  which  we 
will  sell  at  least  as  cheaply  as  our  European  competitors. 
All  schemes  whatever  for  retaining  a  protective  system  and 
gaining  foreign  markets  are  impossible  of  success,  no  matter 
how  many  railways  we  may  build  or  steamships  we  may 
subsidize.  It  will  be  seen  from  the  statistics  already  given 
that  a  large  part  of  the  products  of  our  neighbors  to  the 
south  of  us  are  now  admitted  at  our  custom-houses  free  of 
duty,  but  the  difficulty  of  increasing  the  exports  of  our 


332  AMERICAN   RECIPROCITY. 

manufactured  products  to  those  countries  remains,  because 
our  protective  tariff  inflicts  what,  owing  to  the  increased 
cost  of  manufacture,  is  in  effect  an  export  tax  upon  our  prod 
ucts,  which  frustrates  the  efforts  of  our  enterprising  and 
inventive  people  to  have  more  complete  possession  of  the 
neighboring  markets  upon  this  continent." 

ARGUMENTS    FOR    RECIPROCITY. 

It  was  not  until  May  6,  1886,  that  Senator  Frye's  bill,  be 
fore  alluded  to,  was  reported  to  the  Senate  by  the  Commit 
tee  on  Foreign  Relations.  Its  provisions  were  very  like 
those  of  the  McCreary  bill.  It  was  accompanied  by  a  still 
more  elaborate  report  than  that  in  the  House,  which  report 
included  the  reports  made  from  time  to  time  by  the  com 
missioners  who  had  visited  the  Central  and  South  American 
countries.  This  report,  or,  rather,  these  reports,  left  little 
to  be  added  upon  the  propriety  of  an  international  confer 
ence,  and  the  necessity  for  reciprocity  in  trade  and  com 
merce.  We  first  use  the  language  of  Commissioner 
Thacher  :— 

"  The  peculiarities  of  the  Latin  race  in  America  lead  it 
away  from  manufacturing  pursuits.  Valencia  centuries  ago 
imported  wool  from  England  and  returned  it  in  cloths,  but 
the  process  is  now  reversed. 

"  Great  Britain  manufactures  for  the  world,  and  Spain, 
with  all  the  colonies  she  planted,  contributes  to  her  com 
mercial  supremacy. 

"  In  Spain  there  is  cheap  fuel  and  plenty  of  water-power. 
In  Spanish  America,  from  Mexico  to  Magellan,  there  are 
few  coal-fields,  but  almost  everywhere  flowing  streams, 
furnishing  the  cheapest  and  most  abundant  power. 

"  Guatemala,  Costa  Rica,  the  western  slopes  of  the  Andes, 
Uruguay,  and  portions  of  the  Argentine  Republic  have  un- 


AMERICAN    RECIPROCITY.  33;, 

failing  and  enormous  stores  of  this  easily-used  motor.  Yet 
in  Costa  Rica  I  saw  only  two  water-driven  mills ;  in  Guate 
mala  there  were  a  few  more ;  yet  not  one-thousandth  part 
of  the  water-power  was  utilized.  The  Rimac  for  nearly  70 
miles  is  a  dashing  cascade,  with  only  a  tannery,  a  brewery, 
and  possibly  a  few  other  industries  at  Lima  holding  in  check 
for  a  few  minutes  its  rushing  flood. 

"  Chili  in  the  Mopocho  and  the  Maipo  has  powerful 
streams,  and  hundreds  of  smaller  water-courses  find  their 
way  to  the  ocean. 

"  The  report  from  Uruguay  calls  attention  to  its  internal 
water-power,  and  the  statements  submitted  with  the  report 
from  the  Argentine  Republic  show  how  immense  is  the 
water-power  in  the  Gran  Chaco  region. 

"  We  must  conclude,  then,  that  the  want  of  manufactured 
products  in  these  countries  grows  out  of  either  or  both  of  two 
causes ;  the  one  a  disinclination  to  take  up  the  patient, 
steady  routine  of  daily  toil  necessary  to  successful  manu 
facturing,  and  the  other  a  greater  profitableness  in  other 
more  congenial  pursuits. 

"  Without  dwelling  on  the  point,  I  may  say  that  it  is  safe 
to  aver  that  these  countries  will  for  years  be  great  consumers 
of  foreign  manufactured  goods. 

"  In  Chili  the  war  with  Peru  demoralized  the  soldiers, 
many  of  whom  were  taken  from  the  ordinary  pursuits,  and, 
returning  from  their  conquest,  failed  to  take  up  the  peaceful 
avocations  they  left ;  and  yet  Chili  is  beyond  doubt  in  manu 
factories  the  New  England  of  South  America.  The  special 
report  on  this  country  fully  covers  this  question. 

"  In  any  trade  relations  we  may  establish  with  those  coun 
tries  we  may  reasonably  count  on  the  permanence  of  the 
demand  for  our  goods. 

"The  larger  portion  of  the  commerce  we  are  seeking  has 


334  AMERICAN   RECIPROCITY. 

been  in  the  hands  of  Great  Britain,  but  of  recent  years 
another,  and  what  promises  to  be  a  more  formidable  rival, 
has  come  to  the  front. 

"  The  German  manufacturers,  intrenched  behind  encour 
aging  and  protecting  legislative  walls,  have  pushed^  their 
products  far  beyond  the  home  demand.  Always  sure  of 
their  own  market  without  competition,  they  have  turned 
their  unflagging  energies  to  secure  centers  of  trade  in  the 
Western  Hemisphere.  They  are  clever  imitators  of  every 
new  invention,  of  every  improved  machine,  and  of  many  of 
the  most  useful  and  popular  goods  produced  in  the  United 
States.  They  send  out  counterfeits  of  the  famous  '  Collins ' 
wares,  even  to  the  very  brand ;  they  make  mowers  and 
agricultural  implements  as  nearly  like  ours  as  possible.  Our 
sewing-machines  are  copied  by  these  people,  and  the  imita 
tions  are  palmed  off  on  the  South  American  trade  as  com 
ing  from  the  United  States.  The  character  and  ways  of 
these  new  rivals  for  the  trade  of  our  neighbors  is  thus  graph 
ically  portrayed  by  our  former  consul-general  in  Mexico, 
Mr.  Strother,  and  I  may  add  that  what  the  German  is  in 
Mexico  he  is  in  all  the  other  Central  and  South  American 
nations. 

"  General  Strother  says  : 

"  '  For  the  rest  it  will  still  remain  with  American  manu 
facturers  and  merchants  to  solve  the  question  of  successful 
competition  with  their  European  rivals,  the  most  formidable 
of  whom  at  present  are  the  Germans,  whose  commercial 
establishments  are  more  substantially  planted  and  more 
widely  extended  than  those  of  any  other  foreign  nation. 
And  it  may  be  well  here  to  note  their  methods  and  the 
causes  of  their  success.  The  German  who  comes  to  Mexico 
to  establish  himself  in  business  is  carefully  educated  for  the 
purpose,  not  only  in  the  special  branch  which  he  proposes 


AMERICAN   RECIPROCITY.  335 

to  follow;  but  he  is  also  an  accomplished  linguist,  being 
generally  able  to  converse  and  correspond  in  the  four  great 
commercial  languages — German,  English,  French,  and  Span 
ish.  His  enterprise  is  usually  backed  by  large  capital  in  the 
mother  country.  He  does  not  come  to  speculate,  or  inflated 
with  the  hope  of  acquiring  sudden  fortune,  but  expecting  to 
succeed  in  time  by  close  attention,  patient  labor  and  economy, 
looking  forward  twenty,  thirty,  or  even  forty  years  for  the 
realization  of  his  hopes.  He  builds  up  his  business  as  one 
builds  a  house,  brick  by  brick,  and  with  a  solid  foundation. 
He  can  brook  delays,  give  long  credits,  sustain  reverses,  and 
tide  over  dull  times.  He  never  meddles  with  the  politics  of 
the  country ;  keeps  on  good  terms  with  its  governors,  who 
ever  they  may  be.  He  rarely  makes  complaints  through 
his  minister  or  consul,  but  if  caught  evading  the  revenue 
laws,  or  in  other  illegal  practices,  he  pays  his  fine  and  goes 
on  with  his  business.  With  these  methods  and  character 
istics,  the  German  merchant  generally  succeeds  in  securing 
wealth  and  the  respect  of  any  community  in  which  he  may 
have  established  himself.' 

"  In  a  conversation  with  the  British  minister,  Sir  Spencer 
St.  John,  in  Mexico,  he  observed  to  me  that  the  success  of 
the  Germans  in  dealing-  with  the  revenue  officials  and  in 
pushing  their  trade  had  driven  out  of  Mexico  every  whole 
sale  English  house,  whereas  the  foreign  commerce  was  once 
largely  in  the  hands  of  his  countrymen. 

"  In  passing  from  this  point  we  must  not  forget  that  not 
withstanding  all  this  copying  of  our  productions  by  the 
German  manufacturer,  yet  the  deception  deceives  few,  and 
that  were  the  markets  open  to  our  dealers  the  superior 
material,  workmanship,  and  fidelity  of  our  goods  would  defy 
all  competition. 

"  The  French,  equally  protected  by  home  legislation  and 


336  AMERICAN   RECIPROCITY. 

alive  to  the  wants  of  the  South  American  markets,  are  in 
creasing  their  trade  there. 

"  Indeed  we  must  meet  in  the  ports  of  our  neighbors  the 
wares  of  many  of  the  European  countries,  all  of  which  are 
borne  to  their  destination  in  vessels  flying  their  own 
national  ensign." 

FURTHER  ARGUMENTS. 

Mr.  Reynolds,  another  of  the  Commissioners,  discussed  the 
reciprocal  trade  idea  still  more  ably  and  exhaustively,  and 
in  fact  left  the  matter  in  such  shape  as  that  the  system  of 
practical  reciprocity  incorporated  into  the  Act  of  1890  was 
the  inevitable  outcome  of  his  logic.  He  says  : 

"  Among  the  means  to  secure  more  intimate  commer 
cial  relations  between  the  United  States  and  the  several 
countries  of  Central  and  South  America,  suggested  in  the 
first  report  of  the  Commission  to  those  States  (transmitted 
by  the  President  to  Congress  on  February  13,  1885,  and 
printed  as  Ex.  Doc.  No.  226),  were  the  following  (p.  4) : 
'  Commercial  treaties  with  actual  and  equivalent  reciprocal 
concessions  in  tariff  duties.'  As  the  words  '  actual  and  equiv 
alent,  were  adopted  at  my  suggestion,  an  explanation  of 
their  full  force  may  not  be  superfluous.  A  stipulation  in  a 
treaty  that  certain  products  of  one  country  shall  be  admitted 
free,  or  at  a  reduced  duty,  into  another  country,  may,  on 
paper,  appear  to  offer  a  reciprocal  concession  for  a  like  ad 
mission  of  certain  other  products  of  the  latter  country  into 
the  former.  But  the  seeming  effect  of  it  may  be  neutralized 
in  various  ways,  so  that  it  will  be,  to  the  one  country  or  the 
other,  not  an  actual  concession.  Chief  among  those  ways 
are,  the  existence  of  treaties  with  other  nations,  placing 
them  on  the  footing  of  the  '  most  favored  nation/  export 
duties,  home  bounties,  drawbacks,  monopolies,  and  muni- 


AMERICAN    RECIPROCITY.  337 

cipal  or  other  local  taxation.  The  skill  of  the  diplomatist, 
aided  by  information  from  consuls,  merchants,  shippers,  and 
other  experts  in  the  question,  should  be  exerted  to  frame 
the  treaty  so  as  to  prevent  the  defeat  of  its  real  object  by 
such  collateral  disadvantages  and  burdens.  To  explain  them, 
or  point  out  modes  of  removing  them,  severally,  would 
unduly  extend  the  length  of  this  letter. 

"  But  one  of  them,  the  '  most  favored  nation  clause/  de 
serves  special  consideration.  It  is  understood  that  Great 
Britain,  Germany,  and  probably  other  countries,  claim  that 
a  reciprocity  treaty  with  the  United  States  by  a  Spanish 
American  country  applies  to  them,  under  that  clause  in  their 
treaties  with  the  last-mentioned  country,  with  the  same 
effect  as  if  their  names  had  been  in  the  treaty  instead  of  or 
along  with  that  of  the  United  States.  For  example,  should 
the  United  States,  resuming  import  duties  on  coffee,  grant 
to  Brazil  freedom  from  them,  on  the  '  reciprocal  concession  ' 
that  flour  and  certain  American  manufactures  should  be 
admitted  free  into  that  Empire,  Great  Britain,  which  con 
sumes  very  little  coffee  of  any  kind,  and  probably  none  from 
Brazil,  would  claim  the  same  freedom  for  her  like  manufact 
ures.  Thus,  in  return  for  our  being  customers  of  Brazil, 
in  coffee  to  the  amount  of  about  $5 0,000,000  annually,  Great 
Britain,  offering  no  '  equivalent '  concession  in  fact,  would 
still  be  able  to  drive  (or  rather,  keep)  us  out  of  the  Brazil 
ian  market  for  those  manufactures  which  she  can  supply 
more  cheaply  or  with  greater  facility  through  her  lines  of 
steamers. 

"  After  much  thought  on  the  subject,  I  have  found  no 
surer  mode  of  making  reciprocity  '  equivalent '  than  by  ex 
pressing  in  the  treaty  itself,  and  as  a  condition  of  it,  the  real 
object  of  every  reciprocity  treaty,  the  actual  and  equivalent 
increase  of  the  commerce  between  the  parties  to  it.  For 


338  AMERICAN   RECIPROCITY. 

illustration,  should  the  United  States  make  a  reciprocity  treaty 
with  Spain  for  certain  concessions  designed  to  increase  our 
exports  to  Cuba,  in  consideration  of  a  reduction  of  our  du 
ties  on  Cuban  sugars,  the  treaty  should  provide,  that  that 
reduction  should  exist  only  as  long  as  Cuba  imported  from 
the  United  States  at  least  a  certain  fixed  amount  in  value 
annually,  and  Spain  might  justly  require  a  like  condition  as 
to  the  annual  amount  of  our  imports  of  Cuban  sugars.  The 
custom-house  returns  of  the  two  countries  would  readily  fix 
the  respective  amounts,  and  the  reciprocity  of  the  treaty, 
whenever  it  ceased  to  be  actual  and  equivalent,  could  be 
suspended  by  a  proclamation  of  the  President,  on  due  notice 
to  be  provided  for  in  the  treaty. 

"  As  it  is  undeniable,  and  even  generally  admitted,  that 
the  '  most  favored  nation  clause '  entitles  a  country  having 
the  privilege  of  it  to  be  merely  '  on  all  fours  '  with  any  other 
nation,  and  share  the  ad\*antages  of  it  only  on  the  identical 
conditions  accompanying  them,  such  a  proviso  as  that  above 
mentioned  would  effectually  block  the  diplomatic  game 
which  Germany  is  understood  to  have  played  upon  us  in 
Mexico,  by  claiming  for  herself  the  benefits  of  our  recent 
reciprocity  treaty  with  that  Republic.  Taking,  in  fact,  no 
sugar  and  little  tobacco  or  anything  else  from  Mexico,  she 
sagaciously  offers  to  remit  her  duties  on  them,  and  claims 
for  her  exports  to  that  Republic,  mainly  in  manufactures, 
the  same  concessions  it  made  to  the  United  States  in  order 
to  increase  the  exports  of  its  own  products  to  our  country. 
With  such  a  proviso  as  that  above  suggested,  Germany  would 
be  beaten  on  her  own  diplomatic  ground.  Mexico  would 
be  obligated  by  the  '  most  favored  nation  clause '  only  to 
offer  to  Germany  the  same  treaty,  mutatis  mutandis,  her 
name  taking  the  place  of  that  of  the  United  States.  As  her 
imports  from  Mexico  would  not  compare  with  ours,  such  a 


AMERICAN   RECIPROCITY.  339 

treaty  would  give  her  no  actual  advantage  over  us.  So, 
also,  with  Cuba  in  her  commerce  with  Germany,  and  prob 
ably,  also,  with  Great  Britain  and  France.  No  one  of 
those  countries  (France  and  Germany  making  their  own  beet 
root  sugar,  and  Great  Britain  being  supplied  principally  by 
her  own  colonies)  would  be  able  to  take  from  Cuba  the 
amount  of  sugars  which  would  be  the  treaty  '  equivalent  * 
for  the  concessions  made  to  the  United  States. 

"Another  important  consideration  in  deciding  what  kind 
of  a  reciprocity  treaty  to  make,  or  whether  to  make  it  at  all, 
is  the  effect  it  would  have  on  some  equally  advantageous 
indirect  trade.  By  driving  out  of  some  South  American 
market  some  other  country  which  trades  with  us,  we  may 
diminish  the  purchasing  power  of  that  country  in  our  own 
markets,  and  increased  indirect  trade  with  the  former  may 
not  compensate  us  for  a  loss  of  trade  with  the  latter.  In 
this  connection,  the  effect  of  several  misused  terms  is  to  be 
deprecated.  Generally  when  our  imports  from  and  exports 
to  any  particular  country  do  not  ba-lance  at  all,  the  very  bad 
English  is  common  of  speaking  of  a  '  balance  of  trade  '  for 
or  against  us.  It  is  refreshing  to  notice  that  in  the  reports 
of  our  Bureau  of  Statistics  that  improper  phrase  is  discarded, 
and  the  difference  between  exports  and  imports  is  described 
as  an  excess  of  one  over  the  other.  An  excess  of  imports 
over  exports  in  a  particular  venture  may  represent  a  gain, 
and  not  a  loss.  A  familiar  illustration  is  that  of  a  Boston 
ship  which,  in  former  times,  would  take  a  cargo  belonging 
to  the  ship's  owner,  worth,  say,  $100,000,  to  China,  and  re 
turn  with  one,  also  belonging  to  the  same  owner,  worth 
twice  the  amount.  The  difference,  being  the  returns  for  the 
expenses  of  the  voyage,  the  profit  in  China  on  the  original 
venture,  and  that  in  Boston  on  the  return  cargo,  would  be 
all  gain.  The  same  may  be  the  case  with  the  entire  com- 


340  AMERICAN   RECIPROCITY. 

merce  of  one  country  with  another,  as  could  be  amply  shown 
from  the  statistics  of  British  trade  with  Asia,  given  in  Mr. 
Frelinghuysen's  letter  on  the  '  Commerce  of  the  world.' 
Of  course,  in  some  other  special  case  it  might  be  otherwise. 

"Another  very  general  error  is  to  treat  an  excess  of  im 
ports  over  exports  in  our  trade  with  a  particular  country  as 
a  difference  which  we  pay  in  cash.  This  is  rarely,  if  ever, 
the  case.  It  is  usually  paid  in  exchange  on  some  other 
country,  obtained  by  selling  to  it  our  own  products.  Brazil 
affords  a  very  fair  illustration.  We  take  from  that  Empire 
directly  products  many  millions  in  value  in  excess  of  what  we 
send  directly  to  it.  That  excess  is  paid  for  by  exchange  on 
London,  based  on  our  exports  of  provisions,  cotton,  etc.,  and 
with  that  exchange  the  Brazilian  pays  for  English  manufac 
tures  to  be  sent  to  Rio.  The  indirect  trade  may  be  differ 
ent.  The  Englishman  may  sell  his  manufactures  in  Brazil, 
convert  the  proceeds  directly,  or  indirectly  by  purchase  of 
exchange,  into  coffee,  with  the  proceeds  of  which  in  New 
York  he  purchases  provisions  to  be  sent  to  England.  In 
either  case  the  result  is  the  same.  England  gains  some 
profit  in  exchange,  as  London  is  the  world's  money  centre, 
and  in  freights  which  her  ships  carry.  But  to  the  extent  to 
which  England  is  crippled  in  h:r  sales  to  Brazil,  her  pur 
chasing  power  in  our  provision  markets  may  be  diminished. 

"  Therefore,  before  making  a  reciprocity  treaty,  we  should 
carefully  consider,  in  each  particular  case,  whether,  even 
with  the  profits  in  exchange  and  shipping  in  a  direct  trade, 
we  may  not  be  losing  a  more  profitable  commerce  in  a  dif 
ferent  direction,  by  diminishing  the  power  of  others  of  our 
regular  customers  to  purchase  products  from  us." 

A   STILL   FURTHER   VIEW. 

Mr.  Curtis,  Secretary  of  the  Commission  and  afterwards  a 


AMERICAN   RECIPROCITY.  341 

Commissioner,  added  a  very  interesting  report,  which  still 
further  elaborated  the  necessity  for  reciprocal  trade.  He 
said : — 

"  During  the  last  twenty  years  the  value  of  the  exports 
from  the  United  States  to  the  Spanish  Americans  was 
$442,048,975,  and  during  that  time  we  purchased  of  them 
raw  products  to  the  amount  of  $1,185,828,579,  showing  an 
excess  of  imports  during  the  twenty  years  amounting  to 
$765,992,219,  which  was  paid  in  cash.  It  will  thus  be  seen 
that  our  commerce  with  Central  and  South  America  has  left 
a  very  large  balance  on  the  wrong  side  of  the  ledger,  while 
those  countries  have  all  the  time  been  buying  in  Europe  the 
very  merchandise  we  have  for  sale.  Being  the  very  reverse 
of  the  United  States  in  climate  and  resources,  they  constitute 
our  natural  commercial  allies,  and  the  exchange  should  at 
least  be  even  ;  but  they  sell  their  raw  products  here  and  buy 
their  manufactured  articles  in  Europe.  The  principal  reason 
for  this  is  that  the  carrying  trade  is  in  the  hands  of  English 
men.  The  statistics  show,  that,  of  the  total  imports  into 
the  United  States  from  Spanish  America,  which,  in  1884, 
amounted  to  $159,000,000,  three-fourths  were  carried  in 
foreign  vessels.  Of  our  exports  to  those  countries,  amount 
ing  last  year  to  $64,000,000,  $46,000,000  were  carried  in 
American  vessels,  while  only  $18,000,000  were  carried  by 
foreign  vessels.  It  will  thus  be  seen  that  nearly  everything 
we  buy  is  brought  to  us  from  Spanish  America  by  English 
men,  while  nearly  everything  we  sell  we  have  to  carry  there 
ourselves.  The  logic  of  these  facts  is  irresistible. 

"  The  most  absurd  spectacle  in  the  commercial  world  is 
the  trade  we  carry  on  with  Brazil.  We  buy  nearly  all  her 
raw  products,  while  she  spends  the  money  we  pay  for  them 
in  England  and  France. 

"  In   1884,  of  the  exports  of  Brazil  $50,266,000  went  to 


342  AMERICAN   RECIPROCITY. 

the  United  States,  $29,000,000  to  England,  and  $24,000,000 
to  France.  Of  the  imports  of  Brazil  in  1884,  $35,000,000 
came  from  England,  $i  5,000,000  from  France,  and  $8,000,000 
from  the  United  States. 

"  Another  peculiar  feature  of  this  commerce  was  that  of 
the  exports  of  Brazil  to  the  United  States  $32,000,000  were 
carried  in  English  vessels  and  $9,000,000  in  American 
vessels,  while  of  her  imports  from  the  United  States 
$6,000,000  were  carried  in  American  vessels  and  only 
$2,000,000  in  English  vessels.  The  trade  is  carried  on  by 
triangular  voyages.  Two  lines  of  steamships  sailing  under 
the  British  flag  load  every  week  at  Rio  for  New  York. 
Arriving  at  the  latter  port  they  place  their  cargoes  of  coffee 
and  hides  in  the  hands  of  commission  merchants,  and  sail 
for  Europe,  where  they  draw  against  these  consignments, 
and  buy  Manchester  cotton,  Birmingham  hardware,  and 
other  goods  which  they  carry  to  Brazil.  During  the  last 
twenty  years  this  absurd  spectacle  has  cost  the  United 
States  $600,000,000,  every  cent  of  which  has  gone  into  the 
pockets  of  English  and  French  manufacturers.  We  have 
not  only  paid  for  the  goods  that  England  has  sold  Brazil, 
but  as  we  have  had  no  banking  connections  with  that  coun 
try  and  no  ships  on  the  sea,  nearly  every  ton  of  this  com 
merce  has  paid  a  tax  to  English  bankers  and  vessel-owners. 

"  Several  years  ago,  when  we  removed  the  import  tax  on 
coffee,  Brazil  put  an  export  duty  on,  so  that  the  attempt  of 
Congress  to  secure  a  cheap  breakfast  for  the  workingman 
simply  resulted  in  diverting  several  million  dollars  from  the 
treasury  of  the  United  States  into  the  treasury  of  Brazil, 
without  changing  the  price  of  the  article.  Mexico  and  the 
countries  washed  by  the  Caribbean  Sea  produce  a  better 
quality  of  coffee  than  is  grown  in  Brazil,  and  if  the  United 
5tat.es  Government  would  consent  to  discriminate  against 


HON.  SHELBY  M.   CULLOM. 

BOK;  in  Wayne  Co.,  Ky.,  November  22,  1829;  next  year  parents 
moved  to  Tazewell  co.,  111. ;  educated  at  academy  and  university;  ad 
mitted  to  bar  in  Springfield  and  practiced  there  ;  elected  to  State  Legis 
lature,  1856,  1860,  1872, 1874;  was  Speaker  in  1861  and  1873;  elected 
a  Representative  to  39th,  40th  and  41st  Congresses;  elected  Governor 
of  Illinois  in  1876,  and  re-elected  in  1880;  resigned,  February  5,  1883, 
to  accept  seat  in  United  States  Senate,  as  a  Republican,  and  successor 
to  Hon.  David  Davis;  re-elected  in  1888  and  again  in  1894;  father  of 
the  Inter-State  Commerce  Law  ;  Chairman  of  Committee  on  Inter-State 
Commerce,  and  member  of  Committees  on  Census,  Foreign  Relations,  etc. 


HON.  ISHAM  G.  HARRIS. 

Born  in  Franklin  Co.,  Tenn.  ;  educated  at  Winchester  Academy;  ad 
mitted  to  bar  at  Paris,  Tenn.,  1841  ;  elected  as  Democrat  to  State  Legis 
lature,  1847  ;  elected  to  Congress  as  Democrat  to  represent  Ninth  Con 
gressional  District,  1849 ;  re-elected  in  1851;  moved  to  Memphis  and 
continued  law  practice  ;  elected  Governor  of  State  in  1857,  1859  and 
1861  ;  served  during  war  as  Aid  to  Commanding  General  of  Confederate 
Army  of  Tennessee;  resumed  law  practice  at  Memphis,  1867,  elected 
the  United  States  Senate  in  1876;  re-elected  1883,1889,  and  1895-, 
an  able  debater,  earnest  statesman  of  the  strict-construction  school,  and 
popular  with  his  constituents. 


AMERICAN  RECIPROCITY.  345 

Brazilian  coffee,  raised  by  slave  labor,  the  nations  of  Central 
America  and  the  Spanish  Main  would  reciprocate  by  ad 
mitting  free  to  their  ports  our  flour,  lumber,  provisions, 
lard,  dairy  products,  kerosene,  and  other  articles  which  are 
now  kept  from  the  common  people  by  an  almost  prohibitory 
tariff. 

"  Brazil  is  in  such  a  critical  condition,  financially  and  com 
mercially,  that  if  we  did  not  buy  her  coffee  it  would  rot  on 
the  trees,  and  the  Englishmen  who  control  her  foreign  com 
merce  would  have  to  close  their  warehouses  and  throw  all 
the  Brazilian  planters  into  the  bankrupt  court.  These  Eng 
lishmen  have  secured  mortgages  upon  the  plantations  of 
Brazil  by  supplying  the  planters  with  merchandise  on  credit 
and  taking  the  crop  at  the  end  of  the  season  in  payment ; 
but  as  the  crop  seldom  pays  the  advances,  the  mortgages 
have  been  lapping  over  upon  the  plantations,  until  now  the 
Englishmen  have  the  Brazilians  by  the  throat,  making  their 
own  terms,  charging  one  profit  on  the  merchandise  sold, 
another  as  interest  on  the  advances,  a  third  on  the  coffee 
purchased,  and  a  fourth  as  interest  on  payments  deferred, 
while  they  make  three  profits  out  of  us  :  first,  on  coffee  they 
sell  us ;  second,  on  transportation  charges ;  third,  in  dis 
counting  our  bills  on  London. 

"  The  greater  part  of  our  exports  to  Spanish  America  go 
to  Mexico  and  the  West  Indies.  Deducting  these  from  the 
total,  it  will  be  found  that  we  buy  over  30  per  cent,  of  what 
the  South  American  countries  have  for  sale,  and  furnish 
them  only  6  per  cent,  of  their  imports.  The  balance  of 
trade  goes  on  piling  up  at  the  rate  of  nearly  $100,000,000  a 
year.  This  was  not  always  so.  Twenty  years  ago  more 
than  half  the  commerce  of  this  hemisphere  was  controlled 
by  the  merchants  of  New  York,  Boston,  and  Baltimore,  and 
more  than  half  the  ships  in  its  harbors  sailed  from  those 


346  AMERICAN  RECIPROCITY. 

ports.  Now  only  a  small  percentage  of  the  carrying  trade 
is  done  in  American  bottoms,  while  English  ship-owners 
who  control  the  transportation  facilities  permit  the  Spanish- 
American  merchants  to  buy  in  this  country  only  such  goods 
is  they  cannot  obtain  elsewhere. 

"  The  cause  of  this  astonishing  phenomenon  is  our  neglect 
k>  furnish  the  ways  and  means  of  commerce.  We  can  no 
more  prevent  trade  following  facilities  for  communication 
than  we  can  repeal  the  law  of  gravity.  While  we  have  been 
pointing  with  pride  at  our  internal  development,  England 
and  France  have  been  stealing  our  markets  away  from  us. 
The  problem  of  recovering  them  is  easy  of  solution.  The 
States  of  Central  and  South  America  will  buy  what  we  have 
to  sell  if  intelligent  measures  are  used  to  cultivate  the  mar 
kets  and  means  are  provided  for  the  delivery  of  the  goods. 

"The  Spanish-American  nations  seek  political  intimacy 
with  the  United  States,  and  look  to  this,  the  mother  of  re 
publics,  for  example  and  encouragement  They  recognize 
and  assert  the  superiority  of  our  products.  They  offer  and 
pay  subsidies  to  our  ships.  Brazil  now  pays  $100,000  a 
year  as  a  subsidy  to  an  American  steamship  line,  while  the 
United  States  Government  paid  only  $4,000  last  year  to 
the  same  line  for  carrying  our  mails.  The  Argentine  Re 
public  had  a  law  upon  its  statute-books  representing  a  stand 
ing  offer  of  a  subsidy  of  96,000  silver  dollars  a  year  to  any 
company  that  will  establish  a  steamship  line  between 
Buenos  Ayres  and  New  York,  under  the  American  flag, 
and  at  the  same  time  has  twenty-one  lines  of  steamships, 
sailing  from  forty-five  to  sixty  vessels  a  month,  between 
Buenos  Ayres  and  the  ports  of  Europe,  to  which  it  pays 
nothing.  We  have  no  steamship  communication  with  the 
Argentine  Republic  whatever.  During  the  last  year,  out 
of  the  millions  of  tons  of  shipping  represented  in  the  harbor 


AMERICAN  RECIPROCITY.  347 

of  that  metropolis,  there  were  no  steamers  from  the  United 
States,  and  our  flag  was  seen  upon  but  2  per  cent,  of  the 
sailing  vessels.  Here  is  a"  nation  purchasing  in  Europe 
$70,000,000  worth  of  merchandise  every  year,  and  only 
spending  about  $4,000,000  in  the  United  States,  and  these 
$4,000,000  represent  articles,  such  as  petroleum,  lumber, 
lard  and  other  pork  products,  which  could  not  elsewhere  be 
obtained." 

THE  INTERNATIONAL  CONFERENCE. 

The  Senate  passed  the  Frye  bill  on  June  17,  1886,  but  it 
did  not  become  a  law  until  May  24,  1888,  when  the 
INTERNATIONAL  AMERICAN  CONFERENCE  became  a  possi 
bility. 

It  was  for  this  Conference  to  give  wider,  fuller,  more 
learned  and  disinterested  consideration  to  the  question  of 
trade  relations  and  reciprocal  commerce  between  the 
American  nations  than  ever  before.  It  was  called  by  the 
President  to  meet  in  Washington,  October  2,  1889.  Invita 
tions  were  duly  issued,  and  the  Conference  met  with  dele 
gates  present  from  Argentine,  Bolivia,  Brazil,  Chili, 
Colombia,  Costa  Rica,  Ecuador,  Guatemala,  Hayti,  Hon 
duras,  Mexico,  Nicaragua,  Paraguay,  Peru,  Salvador,  United 
States,  Uruguay,  Venezuela. 

Hon.  James  G.  Blaine  was  elected  President  of  the  Con 
ference.  It  remained  in  session  until  April,  1890,  and  dis 
cussed  and  reported  upon  all  the  subjects  prescribed  in  the 
Act  authorizing  the  call,  to  wit : — 

Plan  of  Arbitration  ;  Reciprocity  Treaties ;  Inter-Conti 
nental  Railway;  Steamship  Communication;  Sanitary 
Regulations  ;  Customs  Regulations ;  Common  Silver  Coin  ; 
Patents  and  Trade  Marks;  Weights  and  Measures;  Port 
Dues ;  International  Laws ;  Extradition  Treaties ;  Inter 
national  Bank. 


34S  AMERICAN  RECIPROCITY. 

In  the  discussions  upon  "  Reciprocity  Treaties,"  all  of 
which  were  very  able  and  interesting,  two  lines  of  thought 
appeared.  That  which  represented  all  of  the  countries  ex 
cept  Argentine  and  Chili,  was  in  the  direction  of  reci 
procity,  whose  advantages  were  conceded,  and  whose 
practical  operation  needed  but  the  encouragement  of  some 
acceptable  concession  on  the  part  of  the  United  States. 
The  thought  of  Argentine  and  Chili  seemed  to  be  that  reci 
procity  was  impracticable,  unless  enlarged  to  suit  the 
world,  and  that  the  United  States  was  not  yet  so  commer 
cially  strong,  or  was  too  hampered  with  her  tariff  system  to 
offer  the  necessary  concessions  to  all  the  nations.  The 
attitude  and  the  logic  of  these  two  States  were  fully  met  by 
the  delegates  of  the  United  States  in  the  Conference,  show 
ing  in  detail  that  the  first  stage  of  national  growth  is  agri 
cultural,  the  second  is  manufacturing,  and  the  third  is  com 
mercial.  The  first  two  stages  with  us  have  been  reached, 
and  we  now  enter  upon  the  third.  The  same  restless 
energy,  the  same  enterprise,  and  the  same  inventive  genius 
which  gave  success  to  agriculture  and  manufactures  will 
mark  the  development  of  commerce. 

"  The  spirit  of  enterprise  begins  to  spread  like  contagion 
into  Central  America.  Imagination  already  paints  on  her 
canals  the  commerce  of  the  world.  The  locomotive  is 
there  a  messenger  of  peace,  the  steel  rail  a  bond  of  friend 
ship. 

"  Colombia  and  Venezuela  and  Brazil  and  Ecuador  and 
Peru  already  feel  the  irresistible  impulse  which  impels  to  a 
closer  union.  The  Argentine  and  Chili  may  hesitate  for  a 
time,  but  finally  they  too  will  join  hands  with  their  sister 
Republics,  and  joyfully  assist  to  fulfil  the  bright  destiny 
that  awaits  us  all." 


AMERICAN   RECIPROCITY.  349 

CONFERENCE   REPORT   AND   ELAINE'S   REVIEW. 

The  Conference  adopted  a  Report  which  recognized  the 
policy  of  reciprocity  and  the  "  need  of  closer  and  more  re 
ciprocal  commercial  relations  among  American  States." 
Secretary  Elaine  submitted  this  Report  to  the  President, 
June  19,  1890,  with  an  exhaustive  review  of  its  contents. 
This  review  was  so  exhaustive,  and  is,  moreover,  such  an 
important  part  of  the  literature  of  reciprocity,  that  inability  to 
publish  it  here  in  full,  for  lack  of  space,  is  greatly  regretted. 
But  its  gist  was  that  out  of  a  total  of  $233,000,000  imports 
furnished  to  Chili  and  Argentine  alone  in  1888,  England 
contributed  $90,000,000,  Germany  $43,000,000,  France 
$34,000,000,  the  United  States  only  $13,000,000,  and  this, 
notwithstanding  the  facts  that  our  ports  were  nearest,  and 
the  bulk  of  those  imports  were  of  articles  we  were  actually 
manufacturing  better  and  as  cheaply  as  foreign  nations. 

That  in  1868  our  total  exports  were  $375,737,000,  of 
which  $53,197,000,  or  14  per  cent.,  went  to  Spanish  America, 
while  in  1888  our  total  exports  were  $742,368,000,  of  which 
$69,273,000,  or  only  9  per  cent.,  went  to  Spanish  America. 

That  it  was  the  unanimous  judgment  of  the  delegates 
that  our  exports  to  these  countries  and  the  other  Republics 
could  be  increased  to  a  great  extent  by  the  negotiations  of 
proper  reciprocity  treaties. 

That  lack  of  means  for  reaching  their  markets  was  the 
chief  obstacle  in  the  way  of  increased  exports.  The  carry 
ing  trade  has  been  controlled  by  European  merchants  who 
have  forbidden  an  exchange  of  commodities.  Under  liberal 
encouragement  from  the  government  and  the  establishment 
of  regular  steamship  lines,  France  increased  her  exports  to 
South  America  from  $8,292,000  in  1880  to  $22,996,000  in 
1888.  By  the  same  means  Germany  increased  her  exports 


350  AMERICAN  RECIPROCITY. 

to  South  America  from  $2,365,000  in  1880  to  $13,310,000 
in  1888. 

That  the  Conference  believes  that  while  great  profit  would 
come  to  all  countries  under  reciprocity  treaties,  the  United 
States  would  be  far  the  greatest  gainer,  and  that  especially 
since  87  per  cent,  of  our  imports  from  those  countries  came 
in  duty  free,  while  nearly  all  our  exports  to  them  were 
heavily  dutiable  at  their  ports,  in  some  cases  to  the  extent 
of  prohibition. 

That  increased  exports  would  draw  alike  from  our  farms, 
factories  and  forests,  such  being  the  character  of  the  articles 
required  by  those  countries.  A  steamer  load  from  New 
York  to  Rio  Janeiro,  which  was  traced  to  its  origin,  as  to 
the  articles  which  comprised  it,  showed  that  thirty-six  of 
our  States  and  Territories  had  contributed  to  the  cargo. 

That,  excepting  raw  cotton,  our  four  largest  exports  are 
breadstuffs,  provisions,  petroleum  and  lumber.  In  1889 
our  export  of  these  articles  was  : — Breadstuffs,  $123, 876,- 
423,  of  which  only  $5,123,528  went  to  Latin  America;  Pro 
visions,  $104,122,328,  of  which  only  $2,507,375  went 
thither;  Petroleum,  $44,830,424,  of  which  $2,948,149  went 
thither;  Lumber,  $26,907,000,  of  which  $5,039,886  went 
thither.  Since  the  United  States  is  almost  the  only  source 
of  supply  for  these  articles,  which  rank  as  necessaries  of 
life,  and  there  are  50,000,000  of  population  in  Latin 
America,  the  advantages  of  a  direct  and  larger  trade  are 
apparent. 

That  fifteen  of  the  seventeen  Republics  in  the  Conference 
indicated  their  desire  to  enter  upon  reciprocal  commercial 
relations  with  the  United  States;  the  remaining  two  ex 
pressed  equal  willingness,  could  they  be  assured  that  their 
advances  would  be  favorably  considered. 

That  to  "  escape  the  delay  and  uncertainty  of  treaties  it 


AMERICAN  RECIPROCITY.  351 

has  been  suggested  that  a  practicable  and  prompt  mode  of 
testing  the  question  was  to  submit  an  amendment  to  the 
pending  tariff  bill,  authorizing  the  President  to  declare  the 
ports  of  the  United  States  free  to  all  the  products  of  any 
nation  of  the  American  hemisphere  upon  which  no  export 
duties  are  imposed,  whenever  and  so  long  as  such  nation 
shall  admit  to  its  ports  free  of  all  national,  provincial  (state), 
municipal,  and  other  taxes,  our  flour,  corn-meal,  and  other 
breadstuffs,  preserved  meats,  fish,  vegetables  and  fruits,  cot 
ton-seed  oil,  rice  and  other  provisions,  including  all  articles 
of  food,  lumber,  furniture  and  other  articles  of  wood,  agri 
cultural  implements  and  machinery,  mining  and  mechanical 
machinery,  structural  steel  and  iron,  steel  rails,  locomotives, 
railway  cars  and  supplies,  street  cars,  and  refined  petroleum. 
These  particular  articles  are  mentioned  because  they  have 
been  most  frequently  referred  to  as  those  with  which  a  val 
uable  exchange  could  be  readily  effected.  The  list  could 
no  doubt  be  profitably  enlarged  by  a  careful  investigation 
of  the  needs  and  advantages  of  both  the  home  and  foreign 
markets. 

"  The  opinion  was  general  among  the  foreign  delegates 
that  the  legislation  herein  referred  to  would  lead  to  the 
opening  of  new  and  profitable  markets  for  the  products  of 
which  we  have  so  large  a  surplus,  and  thus  invigorate  every 
branch  of  agricultural  and  mechanical  industry.  Of  course 
the  exchanges  involved  in  these  propositions  would  be  ren 
dered  impossible  if  Congress  in  its  wisdom  should  repeal 
the  duty  on  sugar  by  direct  legislation,  instead  of  allowing 
the  same  object  to  be  attained  by  the  reciprocal  arrangement 
suggested." 

RECIPROCITY  AND  THE  ACT  OF  1890. 

We  have  now  reached  a  period  in  the  history  of  reci 
procity  when  it  was  to  be  given  practical  application,  out- 


352  AMERICAN  RECIPROCITY. 

side  of  the  usual  form  of  prolix  and  uncertain  treaty,  and 
in  the  form  of  a  specific  enactment  or  declaration.  The 
proposition,  just  above  noted,  to  incorporate  it  as  a  policy 
in  our  Tariff  laws,  was  at  first  received  with  misgivings  by 
the  most  ardent  friends  of  protection.  They  doubted  the 
propriety  of  introducing  it  into  strictly  tariff  legislation, 
lest  it  might  endanger  the  success  of  such  legislation,  or  at 
least  subtract  from  the  strength  and  efficacy  of  some  of 
the  protective  doctrines. 

But  the  matter  was  persistently  urged  upon  the  attention 
of  those  who  had  the  Tariff  Act  of  1890  in  charge.  The 
more  it  was  studied  the  more  it  grew  in  favor.  The  litera 
ture  bearing  upon  it,  the  facts  it  embraced,  the  theories  and 
promises  involved,  proved  startling  and  convincing.  The 
administration  saw  that  it  could  well  afford  to  accept  it  as  a 
measure  and  abide  by  its  consequences.  Political  lines  be 
gan  to  harden  respecting  it,  and  the  one  party  shrank  not 
from  its  advocacy  nor  the  other  from  attack  upon  it.  Thus 
it  ripened,  and  the  Tariff  Act  of  1890  became  its  opportu 
nity,  not  only  as  to  time,  but  as  to  the  fact  that  the  contem 
plated  enlargement  of  the  free  list,  by  the  removal  of  millions 
of  duties  from  sugars  and  other  articles,  would  provide  the 
concessions  to  other  nations  necessary  for  a  fair  and  perhaps 
successful  trial  of  it,  in  the  proposed  way. 

At  last  it  found  its  place  in  the  pending  Tariff  Act — the 
Tariff  Act  of  1890 — -as  Section  3  of  the  Free  List.  It 
reads : — 

"  That  with  a  view  to  secure  reciprocal  trade  with  coun 
tries  producing  the  following  articles,  and  for  this  purpose, 
on  and  after  the  first  day  of  January,  1892,  whenever  and  so 
often  as  the  President  shall  be  satisfied  that  the  government 
of  any  country  producing  and  exporting  sugars,  molasses, 
coffee,  tea,  and  hides  raw  and  uncured,  or  any  of  such 


AMERICAN  ^RECIPROCITY.  353 

articles,  imposes  duties  or  other  exactions  upon  the  agri 
cultural  or  other  products  of  the  United  States,  which  in 
view  of  the  free  introduction  of  such  sugar,  molasses,  coffee, 
tea  and  hides  >nto  the  United  States  he  may  deem  to  be  re 
ciprocally  unequal  and  unreasonable,  he  shall  have  the 
power,  and  it  shall  be  his  duty  to  suspend,  by  proclamation 
to  that  effect,  the  provisions  of  this  Act  relating  to  the  free 
introduction  of  such  sugar,  molasses,  coffee,  tea  and  hides, 
the  production  of  such  country,  for  such  time  as  he  shall 
deem  just,  and  in  such  case  and  during  such  suspension 
duties  shall  be  levied,  collected  and  paid  upon  sugar, 
molasses,  coffee,  tea  and  hides,  the  product  of  or  exported 
from  such  designated  country,  as  follows : — " 

Here  follow  the  rates  in  detail,  the  rate  on  sugar  being 
from  /-loth  of  a  cent  per  pound  to  2  cents  per  pound  ac 
cording  to  test ;  on  molasses  4  cents  a  gallon ;  on  coffee  3 
cents  per  pound ;  on  tea  10  cents  per  pound ;  and  on  hides 
I  y2  cents  per  pound. 

APPLIED   RECIPROCITY. 

By  the  middle  of  March,  1892  (March  15),  all  the  coun 
tries  of  the  American  Continent  south  of  the  United  States 
had  either  assented  to  the  doctrine  of  reciprocal  trade  as  in 
corporated  in  the  McKinley  Act  of  1890,  or  had  entered 
into  negotiations  which  looked  to  a  speedy  acceptance  of 
the  doctrine,  with  the  exceptions  of  Venezuela,  Hayti  and 
Colombia.  The  refusal  of  these  three  to  join  in  reciprocity 
as  offered  by  the  Act  of  1 890  led  to  an  event  which  marked 
the  second  stage  of  the  reciprocity  policy.  Their  refusal 
being  complete,  for  the  time  being  at  least,  President  Harri 
son,  under  the  powers  conferred  upon  him  by  the  Act,  issued 
his  proclamation  to  them,  imposing  on  their  sugars,  mo 
lasses,  coffees,  teas  and  raw  hides,  exported  to  the  United 


354  AMERICAN  RECIPROCITY. 

States  and  entered  at  its  ports,  the  duties  provided  for  in  the' 
Act,  which  duties  were,  as  to  sugars  and  molasses,  less  than 
under  the  Act  of  1883,  or  the  Mills  Bill,  and  amounted  to 
three  cents  a  pound  on  coffee,  ten  cents  a  pound  on  tea,  and 
one  and  one  half  cents  per  pound  on  hides. 

These  duties,  therefore,  as  to  coffee,  tea  and  hides,  be 
came  really  discriminative,  for  these  articles  were,  and  had 
been  for  a  long  time,  upon  the  free  list  of  the  United  States. 
They  were  ratably  discriminative  as  to  sugar  and  molasses, 
which  articles  had  just  gone  upon  our  free  list;  but  then, 
these  three  countries  did  not  export  sugar  to  the  United 
States. 

In  order  to  meet  this  stage  of  the  reciprocity  policy,  those 
who  opposed  it  with  the  objection  that  the  Act  of  1890  was 
unconstitutional,  as  conferring  upon  the  Executive  powers 
which  belonged  wholly  to  the  Legislative  branch  of  the 
government,  carried  a  test  case  into  the  United  States 
Supreme  Court.  That  tribunal  decided  that  the  power  con 
ferred  upon  the  President  by  the  Act  was  not  unconstitu 
tional,  that  the  Congress  had  legislated  as  clearly  respecting 
the  duties  to  be  imposed  upon  the  products  of  dissenting 
countries  as  it  had  in  the  regular  schedules  of  the  Act,  and 
that  the  only  exceptional  feature  of  the  legislation,  which 
was  that  the  President  should  be  left  to  ascertain  the  date 
when  a  country  refused  to  accept  reciprocity,  was  not  fatal 
to  the  Act,  since  it  was  a  fact  only  which  had  to  be  ascer 
tained,  and  a  fact  which  would  have  to  be  ascertained  out 
»f  the  State  Department  in  any  event. 

At  this  stage,  too,  reciprocity  met  renewed  and  active 
opposition  in  the  form  of  arguments  as  to  its  cost  to  the 
people  of  this  country.  The  exports  to  the  United  States 
of  the  three  dissenting  countries  were,  in  1890,  as  follows:— 


AMERICAN   RECIPROCITY.  355 

Coffee.  Hides. 

Venezuela #9,662,207  #812,347 

Colombia 1 ,849,441  630,099 

Hayti 1,270,247  3°>39l 

#12,781,895  #1,472,837 


Taking  the  above  item  of  coffee,  which  represented  an  ex 
port  of  about  76,000,000  pounds,  these  opponents  argued 
that  this  quantity  of  coffee,  which  was  about  fifteen  per 
cent,  of  our  entire  annual  supply — 500,000,000  pounds — 
would,  at  three  cents  a  pound,  subject  our  people  to  a  tax 
of  $2,280,000  per  annum. 

To  this  the  friends  of  reciprocity  answered : — that  if  this 
duty  of  three  cents  a  pound  were  levied  upon  these  coffees 
it  would  prove  not  only  discriminating  but  prohibitory,  for 
these  countries  could  not  afford  to  compete  with  other  coffee- 
growing  countries  in  a  market  which  was  free  to  them. 
Therefore,  in  as  much  as  no  coffee  could  come  to  us  from 
these  dissenting  countries,  our  people  would  have  no  duties 
to  pay.  But,  said  the  opposition,  in  that  event  our  annual 
supply  of  coffee  will  be  reduced,  and  we  will  have  to  pay 
more  for  what  does  come.  To  this  the  answer  was,  that 
tru-re  is  no  market  for  those  coffees  except  in  the  United 
States,  and  that  as  they  would  have  to  come  here  ulti 
mately,  the  only  condition  upon  which  they  could  be 
marketed  was  by  the  payment  of  the  duty  by  the  pro 
ducers  ;  that  is  to  say,  they  would  have  to  throw  off  the 
duty  in  order  to  enter  the  market  on  the  same  footing  as 
other  countries.  And  the  further  answer  was  given,  that 
even  if  these  coffees  never  reached  our  market,  the  vacuum 
occasion^  J  thereby  would  be  only  temporary,  and  would  be 
speedily  filled  by  Mexico  Central  America  and  Brazil.  As 
an  assignee  of  this,  it  was  pointed  out  that  all  the  coffee- 


356  AMERICAN  RECIPROCITY. 

growing  countries,  notably  Brazil,  that  had  accepted  reci 
procity,  were  already  experiencing  improvement  in  their 
industrial  interests,  and  feeling  the  impetus  of  enlarged 
trade  with  the  United  States. 

ACCEPTANCE   OF    RECIPROCITY. 

This  stage  of  the  reciprocity  policy  had  been  anticipated 
by  all  the  important  sugar-producing  countries,  or  a  suffi 
cient  number  of  them  to  place  ninety-five  per  cent,  of  our 
raw  sugar  supply  under  the  regulation  of  reciprocity  con 
ventions.  The  Spanish  West  Indies,  whence  forty-two  per 
cent,  of  our  supply  is  derived,  German^,  the  British  West 
Indies,  Hawaii,  the  Philippines,  San  Domingo,  Brazil, 
Austria-Hungary,  France  and  colonies,  Central  America, 
Mexico,  had  either  accepted  reciprocity  or  called  conven 
tions  for  that  purpose.  Many  of  these  countries  had  main 
tained  high  rates  of  duty  against  exports  from  the  United 
States,  some  had  imposed  prohibitive  rates,  a  few  had  for 
bidden  altogether  the  entry  of  our  products,  American  pork 
for  instance,  into  their  ports. 

The  concessions  granted  by  these  countries  in  their  reci^ 
procity  conventions  have  resulted  in  opening  their  ports  to 
a  large  class  of  the  products  of  the  United  States,  either  by 
removing  duties  on  them  entirely,  or  by  reducing  said  duties 
to  a  minimum.  Germany,  by  her  reciprocity  agreement, 
admitted  free,  or  at  reduced  rates  of  duty,  American  meats, 
fruits,  cereals,  furniture  and  farming  utensils.  France  did 
the  same  thing,  and  so  of  the  various  countries  whose  com 
mercial  interests  were  touched  by  the  enlargement  of  the 
free  list  of  imports  into  the  United  States  under  the  Act  of 
1890,  and  the  introduction  of  the  reciprocity  policy  as  a 
provision  of  said  Act 

Of    course    it    would    require    time    to    demonstrate  by 


AMERICAN    KECLP110CITY.  357 

actual  figures  the  effects  of  reciprocity  on  the  commerce 
of  the  nations  interested.  Yet  very  soon  figures  were  ob 
tainable  showing  an  increase  of  exports  to  and  imports 
from  such  countries.  Brazil  accepted  the  policy  of  reci 
procity,  April  1,  1891,  In  nine  months  her  imports  to  the 
United  States  showed  a  total  of  $79,183,238,  as  against  a 
total  of  f52,861,398  for  the  corresponding  nine  months  of 
1890.  The  exports  from  this  country  showed  §11,555,447 
as  against  $  10, 081, 871,  in  the  months  above  mentioned. 

The  reciprocity  treaty  with  Spain  which  took  effect 
September  1,  1891,  was  followed  in  four  months  by  an 
importation  of  $14,950,868,  as  against  $11,782,023,  for 
the  corresponding  four  months  of  1890.  In  the  same 
four  months  the  exports  were  $7,063,222,  as  against 
$4,816,029,  in  the  corresponding  months  of  1890. 

These  indications  continued  to  be  supported  by  statis 
tics,  and  in  cumulative  form,  till  the  principle  of  reciproc 
ity  was  swept  out  of  our  economic  system  by  the  passage 
of  the  Wilson  Tariff  Bill  of  1894.  That  act  rendered 
nugatory  all  the  reciprocity  treaties  with  other  nations, 
and  instead  of  what  was  known  as  reciprocal  relations, 
came  a  system  of  retaliations,  especially  on  the  part  of 
Germany,  France,  Austria,  Belgium,  Holland,  Denmark 
and  Spain  which  worked  great  injury  to  the  agricultural 
interests  of  this  country.  They  excluded  our  flour,  meats, 
live  animals  and  agricultural  implements  to  an  extent  that 
amounted  almost  to  prohibition,  so  that  what  bade  fair 
under  reciprocity,  to  become  an  even  balance  of  trade  was 
turned  into  the  old  channels  against  us.  Thus  in  1895, 
the  Republics  to  the  south  of  us  sold  us  products,  admit 
ted  practically  free  of  duty,  to  the  extent  of  $246,000,000 
while  in  the  same  year  we  only  exported  to  them  goods  to 
the  value  of  $143,000,000,  every  ounce  of  which  was 


358  AMERICAN    RECIPROCITY. 

taxed  from  five  to  one  hundred  per  cent,  on  its  value  in 
their  custom  houses.  The  balance  of  trade  against  us, 
$103,000,000,  was  paid  for  in  gold. 

The  gain  from  the  incorporation  of  reciprocity  into  our 
economy  under  the  tariff  act  of  1890  was  sufficiently 
manifest  to  furnish  the  basis  of  intelligent  argument, 
when  it  was  swept  away  by  the  Wilson  Tariff  Act  of  1894 
It  is  sad  to  contemplate  that  a  doctrine  which  promised 
so  much  should  have  been  so  summarily  expelled.  And 
the  regret  over  its  expulsion  is  all  the  deeper  from  the 
fact  that  those  who  ejected  it  charged  its  advocates  with 
taking  a  step  toward  free  trade,  the  very  doctrine  they 
themselves  sought  to  apply  as  fully  as  they  could  in  the 
Wilson  Tariff  Bill  of  1894. 

Aside  from  partyism  and  all  narrow  theory  the  doctrine 
of  reciprocity  is  one  which  deserves  the  broadest  study 
and,  as  this  country  is  situated,  the  fairest  of  trials.  It 
is  a  policy  really  far  removed  from  mere  parties  and  poli 
tics,  and  is  a  matter  of  truly  national  and  international 
import,  all  of  whose  features  are  economic  and  commer 
cial. 

It  was  thought  that  its  incorporation  into  our  commer 
cial  polity  was  a  declaration  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States  that  it  had  reached  a  place  among  commercial  na 
tions  where  it  was  no  longer  a  law  into  itself,  but  that  in 
order  to  compete  with  the  older  nations  in  the  markets  of 
the  world,  it  would  have  to  strive  as  they  were  doing  for 
legitimate  supremacy.  Happily  for  our  civilization,  the  in 
corporation  of  reciprocity  into  our  statutes  proposed  only 
a  peaceful  solution  of  social  and  economic  problems  and 
an  amicable  assertion  of  our  industrial  supremacy  and 
independence. 


AMERICAN  RECIPROCITY.  359 

WHAT  EUROPE  SAW  AND  DID. 

One  must  contrast  this  American  purpose  with  that  of 
the  nations  of  Europe,  who  would  not  willingly  lose  their 
trade  with  the  Republics  to  the  south  of  us,  but  would 
maintain  it  with  every  art  known  to  their  diplomacy,  all 
the  ingenuity  and  force  born  of  superiority,  all  the 
finesse  bred  by  ages  of  shrewdness  and  self-assertion. 
England,  especially  seems  to  have  been  deeply  impressed 
with  the  magnitude  of  the  new  commercial  departure  on 
the  part  of  the  United  States,  and  with  her  usual  astute 
ness  earliest  foresaw  its  effects  on  her  markets  in  Central 
and  South  America  Countries.  Her  press  became  bitter 
in  its  denunciations  of  the  new  policy,  and  when  the 
difficulty  with  Chile  arose,  the  same  press  made  it  all  too 
plain  that  there  was  concerted  effort  on  the  part  of  Eng 
lish  diplomats  to  crush  out  intercourse,  commercial  and 
social,  with  our  continental  neighbor.  The  United  States 
could  not  have  gone  to  war  with  Chile,  except  by  fighting 
England  either  openly,  or  under  cover  of  deeply  disguised 
diplomacy.  The  English  idea  of  reciprocity  being  that  it 
involves  the  principle  of  lex  talioms,  or  law  of  revenge, 
"  an  eye  for  an  eye  and  a  tooth  for  a  tooth,"  it  would 
have  been  easy  for  her  to  find  arguments  or  excuses  for 
frustrating  all  our  efforts  toward  more  intimate  trade  rela 
tions  with  all  South  American  Countries.  Our  imbroglio 
with  Chile  made  the  fact  almost  patent  that  foreign  na 
tions  stood  ready  to  challenge  our  right  to  entrench  on 
their  commercial  domains  by  means  of  reciprocity,  and 
their  anxiety  and  attitude  showed  that  they  were  more 
fully  aware  of  the  effects  of  reciprocity  on  their  trade  in 
these  countries  than  even  our  wisest  statesmen  and  shrewd 
est  merchants  had  been.  This  attitude  of  foreign  nations 


360  AMERICAN   RECIPROCITY. 

was  the  greatest  compliment  that  could  have  been  paid  to 
reciprocity  as  an  economic  principle  and  commercial  force. 

England,  France,  Germany  and  Italy  had  for  generations 
been  engaged  in  a  neck  and  neck  race  for  the  markets  of 
Mexico,  Central  America  and  South  America.  They  had 
used  every  art  of  diplomacy  and  all  the  genius  of  com 
merce  to  head  off  rivalry  and  establish  supremacy.  They 
manufactured  and  priced  and  labelled  with  specific  intent 
to  occupy  these  markets.  They  established  lines  of 
steamers,  whose  guage  and  velocity  were  best  adapted  for 
intercourse.  They  subsidized  ocean  transit  to  secure  dis 
patch.  They  loaned  credit  on  most  dangerous  securities. 
They  sent  drummers,  agents  and  other  interested  parties 
to  prospect,  represent  and  persuade.  They  formed  huge 
syndicates  which  took  possession  of  immense  inland  inter 
ests,  like  the  Peruvian  nitre  beds,  and  worked  them  with 
untold  profit.  The  result  was  that  they  came  to  own  and 
control  the  markets  of  South  America.  The  productions 
of  these  countries,  destined  for  the  United  States,  came 
to  us  in  the  ships  of  Europe,  and  by  way  of  European 
ports,  where  they  paid  the  rich  bounty  of  ocean  freight 
and  the  inevitable  commissions  for  handling,  that  the 
European  merchant  has  ever  been  privileged  to  suck  from 
the  world's  goods  in  transit.  Two  or  three  steamers  a 
month  sufficed  to  carry  to  South  American  countries  all 
the}r  cared  to  take  from  us  in  the  shape  of  our  products. 
The  bulk  of  what  they  sold  to  us — many  times  over  and 
over  again  in  value  what  we  sold  to  them — was  paid  for 
in  gold,  through  European  houses,  with  another  commission 
for  negotiation. 

Europe  saw  that  every  bill  of  goods  we  could  place  to 
our  credit  in  a  South  American  port  would  be  deducted 
from  her  account.  Hence  her  nervousness,  her  hostility 


,  HON.  JAMES  Z.  GEORGE. 

Born  in  Monroe  co.,  Ga.,  October  20,1826;  moved  to  Mississippi 
when  young ;  participated  in  Mexican  war ;  studied  law  and  admitted 
to  practice  in  Carroll  co. ;  elected  Reporter  of  Appellate  Court,  1854 
and  1860 ;  reported  ten  volumes  of  reports  and  published  a  digest  of 
decisions;  member  of  Secession  Convention,  1861;  Brigadier-General 
in  Confederate  army;  Chairman  of  Democratic  State  Executive  Com 
mittee,  1875-76;  appointed  a  Judge  of  State  Supreme  Court,  1879  ; 
elected  Chief- Justice ;  elected  to  United  States  Senate,  1881 ;  re-elected 
1886  and  1892 ;  member  ef  the  Mississippi  Constitutional  Convention, 
1890;  member  of  Committees  on  Agriculture,  Education  and  Labor, 
Judiciary,  Transportation,  etc. 


HON.  JOSEPH  B.  FORAKER. 

Born  near  Rainsborough,  Ohio,  July  5,  1846 ;  enlisted  from  farm  in 
89th  Ohio  Regiment;  served  in  army  of  Cumberland  till  close  of  war; 
Sergeant  in  1862;  First  Lieutenant  in  1864;  Captain  in  1865;  Aide  to 
General  Slocum  ;  after  war  entered  Wesleyan  University  ;  graduated  at 
Cornell,  1869;  studied  law  and  admitted  to  bar;  Judge  of  Cincinnati 
Superior  Court,  1879-82  ;  nominated  as  Republican  candidate  for  Gov' 
ernor  in  1883,  and  defeated ;  re-nominated  in  1885  and  elected ;  re- 
nominated,  but  defeated  by  Governor  Campbell  in  1889;  noted  for  fiery 
eloquence  and  dovotion  to  cause  of  soldiers ;  elected  to  U.  S.  Senate, 
1896,  to  succeed  Hon.  Calvin  S.  Brice,  whose  term  expires  March  3, 
1897. 


AMERICAN   RECIPROCITY,,  363 

to  American  reciprocity.  She  could  not,  she  would  not, 
sit  idly  by  and  witness  this  threatened  inroad  into  her 
trade,  this  disturbance  of  the  commercial  nests  she  had 
built  and  snugly  feathered  in  Central  and  South  America. 
In  affairs  of  this  kind,  and  amid  such  conditions,  affairs 
and  conditions  which  concern  only  national  pocketbooks 
and  national  prestige,  there  is  absolutely  no  sentiment, 
nothing  to  be  hoped  for  from  real  or  imaginary  national 
condescension  or  sympathy.  We  must  have  expected  just 
what  came,  unless  all  history  belied  itself,  to  wit,  the 
criticism,  the  antagonism,  the  counter  efforts  of  the 
nations  whose  interests  were  touched  and  whose  trade 
was  threatened.  We  must  have  expected  even  more,  and 
that  was  preparation  on  our  part  to  hold  what  we  could 
gain,  on  the  principle  that  our  right  to  obtain  was  equal 
with  the  right  of  any  other  nation,  and  in  a  geographic 
sense  more  natural  than  with  any  nation  across  the  sea. 
What  we  could  not  have  anticipated  was  that  this  coun 
try  itself  should  be  the  first  to  strike  the  blow  looked  for 
only  from  other  countries,  and  that  at  a  time  when  the 
experiment  of  reciprocity  gave  every  guarantee  of  repeat 
ing  commercially  the  history  which  led  to  the  Monroe 
Doctrine  in  diplomacy  and  politics. 

When  the  Monroe  Doctrine  was  announced,  and  on 
every  occasion  that  has  required  its  re-assertion,  it  was 
notice  to  Europe  that  the  American  republics  constituted 
a  political  system  so  continental,  unique  and  independent, 
that  monarchical  interference  with  it  would  not  be  toler 
ated.  The  introduction  of  reciprocity  into  American 
commerce  in  1890,  was  regarded  as  a  departure  of  equal 
moment  with  that  political  departure  of  Monroe  in  1823. 
It  was  looked  upon  as  the  beginning  of  a  continental  era 
looking  to  commercial  freedom  and  independence,  and  as 
21 


864  AMERICAN   RECIPKOCITF. 

Jikely  to  result  in  the  commercial  emancipation  and 
solidarity  of  American  countries,  as  that  of  Monroe  did 
politically. 

REPEAL  OF  RECIPROCITY. 

The  life  of  the  reciprocity  experiment  was  unhappily 
short.  What  was  most  unfortunate  about  it  was  that  it 
was  forced  to  bow  to  the  behests  of  party.  As  has  been 
seen,  it  was  in  no  sense  a  party  problem,  but  one  of  plain 
business.  Its  workings  were  of  the  purely  economic 
order.  To  sustain  it  helped  no  party.  To  sacrifice  it 
helped  no  party.  No  time  had  been  given  to  ascertain  its 
real  worth,  nor  to  assert  as  a  fact  that  it  had  proven  harm 
ful.  What  time  was  given  it,  pointed  to  an  outcome 
highly  beneficial  to  the  country,  and  which  should  have 
been  the  delight  of  all  parties. 

The  passage  of  the  Wilson  Tariff  Bill  of  1894  left  reci 
procity  without  the  sanction  of  law,  left  it  to  fall  after  an 
experimental  life  of  four  years.  There  had  grown  up 
about  it,  and  by  means  of  it,  treaties  with  nearly  every 
country  to  the  south  of  us,  and  with  many  in  Europe, 
establishing  commerce  on  a  reciprocal  basis.  These  trea 
ties  were  in  operation  when  the  Reciprocity  Act  was  re 
peated  by  the  Wilson  Tariff  Bill.  They  fell  to  the  ground 
with  that  repeal,  much  to  the  regret  of  all  the  treaty 
countries,  and  to  the  anger  and  contempt  of  not  a  few  of 
them.  The  milling  interests,  live  stock  industries,  and 
manufactures  of  furniture  and  farming  implements,  in  this 
country  felt  the  loss  of  reciprocity  to  a  lamentable  extent. 
The  largely  increased  export  trade,  especially  to  Cuba, 
Brazil  and  other  important  countries,  which  had  come 
about  under  reciprocity,  fell  off  and  the  old  trade  balance 
against  us  was  reestablished.  How  heavy  and  ruinous 


AMERICAN   RECIPROCITY.  365 

this  balance  was  in  1895,  has   already  been  seen  in  this 
article. 

As  has  already  been  intimated,  the  countries  of  Europe 
with  whom  reciprocity  treaties  had  been  made,  entered  their 
protests  in  our  State  Department  against  their  repeal.  These 
protests  passed  unheeded.  They,  therefore,  began  a  system 
of  retaliation  by  excluding  our  products  from  their  ports, 
much  to  our  commercial  detriment,  and  especially  to  the 
injury  ot  our  agricultural  interests.  This  humiliating  and 
injurious  warfare  they  could  not  carry  on  under  the  reciproc 
ity  treties  which  pledged  mutual  consideration  of  interna 
tional  products  entering  into  commerce. 


THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE,    AND   VENE 
ZUELA  DISPUTE. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  DISPUTE. 

THE  dispute  between  Great  Britain  and  Venezuela  re 
specting  the  western  boundary  of  British  Guiana  began 
with  the  cession  of  the  Colony  of  British  Guiana  to  Great 
Britain  by  Holland,  under  the  Netherland  treaty  of  1814. 
Venezuela,  in  all  her  constitutions,  declared  her  territorial 
limits  to  be  that  of  the  Captaincy-General  of  Venezuela, 
in  1810,  but  for  prudential  reasons  was  content  with  the 
general  line  of  the  Essequibo  river  as  boundary  between 
herself  and  British  Guiana. 

Great  Britain  never  laid  claim  to  a  definite  western 
boundary  for  her  possessions  till  1840,  when  she  com 
missioned  Sir  Robert  Schomburgk  to  lay  down  boundaries, 
which  he  did  by  means  of  landmarks  and  maps.  Vene 
zuela  protested  so  vehemently  against  the  Schomburgk 
boundary,  that  Great  Britain  was  forced  to  explain  that 
she  regarded  the  line  as  only  tentative,  and  as  part  of  her 
plan  to  arrive  at  boundary  conclusions  between  herself 
and  Brazil  as  well  as  Venezuela.  The  monuments  of  the 
line  were  removed  by  the  express  orders  of  Lord  Aber 
deen,  who  in  1844,  proposed  another  line,  beginning  at 
the  river  Moroco. 

After  1840,  Great  Britain  drew  several  lines,  all  more 
or  less  imaginary,  but  each  one  infringing  more  and  more 
on  Venezuela  territory,  and  correspondingly  enlarging 
(366) 


THE    MONROE    DOCTRINE,  367 

her  own.  None  of  these  lines  were  predicated  on  legal 
right,  and  to  all  the  assent  of  Venezuela  was  asked  and 
denied.  Each  new  claim  to  extended  boundary  brought 
up  the  question  of  arbitration  in  futile  form,  and  each  at 
tracted  the  attention  of  the  United  States,  sometimes  as 
an  invited  arbiter,  always  as  a  party  jealous  of  monar 
chical  encroachment  on  western  soil.  The  Granville  line 
of  1881  started  twenty-nine  miles  west  of  the  Moroco 
river.  The  Rosebery  line  of  1886  increased  the  area  of 
British  Guiana  from  seventy-six  thousand  to  one  hundred 
thousand  square  miles.  The  Salisbury  line  of  1890,  and 
the  second  Rosebery  line  of  1893,  showed  similar  ag 
gressiveness  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain.  These  later 
claims  were  followed  by  attempts  at  occupation  and  the 
exercise  of  jurisdiction,  despite  a  solemn  agreement 
made  between  the  two  countries,  in  1850,  that  neither 
country  should  attempt  permanent  occupation  pending 
the  settlement  of  the  dispute. 

Throughout  the  entire  dispute,  Venezuela,  as  her  only 
hope  against  a  powerful  adversary,  repeatedly  sought  an 
understanding  through  arbitration.  Her  efforts  were 
baffled,  for  various  reasons,  till  in  1886  a  treaty  was  drafted 
between  her  and  Great  Britain,  which  provided  for  a 
settlement  of  all  boundary  disputes  by  arbitration.  This 
treaty  was  not  ratified  owing  to  the  fall  of  the  Gladstone 
ministry.  Lord  Salisbury,  Gladstone's  successor,  refused 
to  accede  to  the  arbitration  clause.  To  every  subsequent 
appeal  for  arbitration,  the  answer  of  Great  Britain  was 
that  arbitration  could  be  had  but  only  respecting  such 
disputed  territory  as  lay  west  of  a  line  designated  by  her. 
self. 

Of  course  such  an  arbitrary  condition  was  inadmissible 
by  Venezuela,  and  owing  to  new  appropriations  of 


CG8  THE    MONROE    DOCTRINE. 

territory  by  Great  Britain,  Venezuela,  in  1887,  suspended 
diplomatic  relations,  and  protested  before  the  British  Gov 
ernment  and  the  world  "  against  the  acts  of  spoliation 
committed  to  her  detriment  by  the  government  of  Great 
Britain,  which  she  at  no  time  and  on  no  account  will 
recognize  as  capable  of  altering  in  the  least  the  rights 
which  she  has  inherited  from  Spain,  and  respecting  which 
she  will  ever  be  willing  to  submit  to  the  decision  of  a  third 
power." 

Diplomatic  relations  were  not  afterward  renewed  be 
tween  the  two  countries,  but  owing  to  further  aggressions 
on  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  Venezuela  was  forced  to  re 
sume  negotiations  respecting  the  boundary  question.  But 
her  efforts  of  1890  and  1893  failed,  for  the  reason  that 
Great  Britain  again  refused  to  arbitrate,  except  as  to  tei 
ritory  west  of  an  arbitrary  line  drawn  by  herself. 

In  1893,  further  negotiations  were  broken  off  b} 
another  protest,  and  appeal  of  Venezuela  to  the  world,  in 
which  it  was  stated  that  there  was  seemingly  nothing  left 
for  her  to  do  but  to  accept  the  painful  and  peremptory 
duty  of  providing  for  her  own  legitimate  defence  against 
the  encroachments  of  Great  Britain. 

To  put  the  entire  British-Venezuela  question  into  a  few 
words,  it  then  appears  : 

(1)  The  dispute  between  Great  Britian  and  Venezuela 
is  as   to  territory  of  indefinite  but  confessedly  large  ex 
tent. 

(2)  On  account  of  the  great  strength  of  Great  Britain, 
Venezuela  can  only  hope  to  establish  her  claim  through  a 
direct  agreement  with  her  adversary,  or  by  means  of  ar 
bitration. 

(3)  The  controversy  has  extended  over  half  a  century, 
with   constantly   varying   claims   on   the   part  of    Great 


THE    MONROE    DOCTRINE,  360 

Britain,  and  persistent  efforts  on  the  part  of  Venezuela  to 
establish  a  permanent  boundary  by  agreement. 

(4)  The  futility  of  seeking  direct  agreement  induced 
Venezuela  to  ask  and  strive  for  arbitration  for  at  least  a 
quarter  of  a  century. 

(5)  Great  Britian  has  always  and  continuously  refused 
to  arbitrate  except  on  condition  that  Venezuela  would  re 
nounce  a  large  part  of  her  claim,  and  concede  in  advance 
a  large  share  of  the  territory  in  controversy. 

THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  THE  DISPUTE. 

There  has  never  been  a  time  when  the  United  States, 
or  for  that  matter,  any  American  republic,  could  be  in 
different  to  the.  controversy,  in  view  of  their  traditional 
policy  as  to  monarchism  on  the  western  continent.  But 
the  United  States  on  account  of  her  great  strength  and 
prestige,  and  because  she  had  an  earlier  and  more  clearly 
defined  policy  than  the  other  Republics,  was  looked  to  by 
Venezuela  as  the  Republic  most  likely  to  see  that  she  was 
not  finally  wronged  by  Great  Britain,  in  case  of  abitration 
or  warlike  clash.  In  general  Venezuela  kept  the  United 
States  informed  of  her  efforts  to  end  the  controversy,  and 
very  often  sought  to  supplement  her  efforts  by  the  good 
offices  of  this  country.  Thus  in  1876,  when  Venezuela 
sought  to  open  negotiations  with  Great  Britain,  the  fact, 
and  even  the  note  to  Great  Britain  were  communicated 
to  this  government. 

In  1881,  when  the  fact  that  Great  Britain  was  making 
a  naval  demonstration  off  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco  was 
communicated  to  this  government  by  the  Venezuela  min 
ister,  Secretary  of  State,  Evarts,  replied  that  "  in  view 
of  the  deep  interest  which  the  government  of  the  United 
States  takes  in  all  transactions  tending  to  attempted  en- 


370  THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE. 

croachments  of  foreign  powers  upon  the  territory  of  any 
of  the  Republics  of  this  continent,  this  government  could 
not  look  with  indifference  to  the  forcible  acquisition  of 
such  territory  by  England  if  the  mission  of  the  vessels  now 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco  should  be  found  to  be  for 
that  end." 

In  November,  1882,  Venezuela  sought  the  advice  and 
support  of  the  United  States  respecting  another  effort  at 
I  arbitration  with  Great  Britain.  In  response,  Secretary 
of  State,  Frelinghuysen,  replied  in  substance  that  the 
United  States  stood  willing,  at  the  desire  of  Venezuela,  to 
propose  arbitration  to  Great  Britain  as  a  means  of  settling 
the  boundary  disputes,  and  that  the  best  tender  of  the 
good  offices  of  this  country  to  Venezuela  would  be  in  the 
direction  of  arbitration.  Further,  that  the  United  States, 
while  not  seeking  to  become,  would  not  refuse  to  be,  an 
arbiter  between  the  two  countries. 

In  1884  the  Venezuela  minister  to  England,  appointed 
with  a  view  of  negotiating  a  treaty  respecting  the 
boundary  dispute,  came  to  Washington  first,  and  after 
many  interviews  with  our  Secretary  of  State,  went  to 
England  with  commendations  to  the  good  offices  of  Mr. 
Lowell,  the  American  Minister  in  London,  and  with 
authority  to  represent  to  the  British  Government  that 
this  country  viewed  with  concern  whatever  might  affect 
the  interests  of  a  sister  republic  of  the  American  continent 
and  its  position  in  the  family  of  nations.  When,  in  1886, 
it  became  apparent  that  this  Venezuela  Minister  was 
about  to  fail  in  his  negotiations,  and  that  diplomatic  rela 
tions  were  again  about  to  be  broken  off,  our  Secretary  of 
State,  Mr.  Bayard,  with  a  view  to  preventing  such  rupture 
between  Venezuela  and  Great  Britain,  authorized  our  Min 
ister  to  Great  Britain  to  tender  the  good  offices  of  the 


THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE.  371 

United  States  to  promote  an  amicable  settlement  of  tlie 
boundary  differences,  and  even  to  extend  an  offer  to  the 
two  countries  to  act  as  arbiter  if  agreeable  to  both. 
This  tender  was  accompanied  by  the  following  clear  state 
ment  of  the  relation  of  the  United  States  to  the  contro 
versy  : 

"  Her  Majesty's  Government  will  readily  understand 
that  this  attitude  of  friendly  neutrality  and  entire  impar 
tiality  touching  the  merits  of  the  controversy,  consisting 
wholly  in  a  difference  of  facts  between  our  friends  and 
neighbors,  is  entirely  consistent  and  compatible  with 
the  sense  of  responsibility  that  rests  upon  the  United  States 
in  relation  to  the  South  American  Republics.  The  doc 
trines  we  announced  two  generations  ago,  at  the  instance 
and  with  the  moral  support  and  approval  of  the  British 
Government,  have  lost  none  of  their  force  or  importance 
in  the  progress  of  time,  and  the  Governments  of  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  are  equally  interested  in 
conserving  a  status,  the  wisdom  of  which  has  been  demon 
strated  by  the  experience  of  more  than  half  a  century." 

Great  Britain  declined  this  offer.  Again  in  1888,  British 
Guiana  widened  her  boundary  pretensions  by  proposing  to 
build  a  railroad  on  soil  claimed  by  Venezuela.  This  inten 
sification  of  the  dispute  attracted  the  notice  of  the  United 
States,  and  once  more  this  country  offered  to  assist  in  end 
ing  the  controversy,  at  the  same  time  calling  the  attention 
of  Great  Britain  to  the  fact  that  her  repeated  change  of 
boundaries,  her  frequent  enlargements  of  them,  her  refusals 
to  arbitrate  with  Venezuela,  were  sources  of  grave  concern 
to  the  Government  of  the  United  States. 

In  1889,  word  was  received  that  Barima,  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Orinoco,  had  been  declared  a  British  port.  Mr. 
Blaine,  then  Secretary  of  State,  immediately  instructed 


372  THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE. 

Mr.  Lincoln,  our  Minister  to  England,  to  offer  to  Great 
Britain  the  good  offices  of  the  United  States  with  a  view 
to  opening  diplomatic  relations  between  Great  Britain  and 
Venezuela,  and  as  a  preliminary  step  toward  ending  their 
controversy  by  arbitration.  A  conference  between  the 
three  powers  was  proposed,  to  meet  in  London,  in  which 
the  attitude  of  the  United  States  should  be  that  of  impar 
tial  friend  to  the  other  two.  Of  this  proposal  nothing  came, 
but  in  1890  and  again  in  1893,  Great  Britain  refused  to 
hearken  to  the  proposals  of  Venezuela  to  reopen  diplomatic 
relations,  because  a  condition  of  such  resumption,  steadily 
adhered  to  by  Venezuela,  was  the  reference  of  the  bound 
ary  dispute  to  arbitration. 

After  1893,  Venezuela  repeatedly  brought  the  contro 
versy  to  the  notice  of  the  United  States,  and  insisted  upon 
its  importance  to  this  country  and  to  herself.  Her  notices 
came  to  this  country  in  the  form  of  appeals  for  serv 
ice  and  support.  They  showed  an  acute  stage  of  the 
controversy  with  Great  Britain,  which  might  burst  out  in 
war  between  her  and  Venezuela  at  any  moment,  and  with 
the  result  that  the  weaker  government  must  be  driven  to  the 
wall.  These  appeals  were  not  received  with  indifference 
by  this  country,  indeed  they  could  not  be  because  of  the 
traditional  policy  of  the  United  States  toward  the  Western 
Republics,  and  in  every  instance  an  Ambassador  to  Great 
Britain  was  instructed  to  exert  his  influence  toward  the 
renewel  of  diplomatic  relations  between  the  two  estranged 
countries,  and  to  urge  arbitration  as  a  means  of  settling  all 
boundary  differences.  Thus  much  the  United  States  felt 
free  at  all  times  to  urge,  in  its  attitude  of  neutrality  and 
friendship  toward  both  countries. 

In    the  insructions  of   our  Secretary  of    State  to  Mr. 


THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE.  373 

Bayard  at  London,  July  13,  1894,  the  following  language 
occurs  : 

"  The  President  (Mr.  Cleveland)  is  inspired  by  a  desire 
for  a  peaceable  and  honorable  settlement  of  the  existing 
difficulties  between  an  American  State  and  a  powerful 
transatlantic  nation,  and  would  be  glad  to  see  the  recstab- 
lishment  of  such  diplomatic  relations  between  them  as 
would  promote  that  end. 

"  I  can  discern  but  two  equitable  solutions  of  the  pres 
ent  controversy.  One  is  the  arbitral  determination  of  the 
rights  of  the  disputants  as  the  respective  successors  of  the 
historical  rights  of  Holland  and  Spain  over  the  region  in 
question.  The  other  is  to  create  a  new  boundary  line  in 
accordance  with  the  dictates  of  mutual  expediency  and 
consideration.  The  two  governments  having  so  far  been 
unable  to  agree  on  a  conventional  line,  the  consistent  and 
conspicuous  advocacy  by  the  United  States  and  England 
of  the  principle  of  arbitration,  and  their  recourse  thereto 
in  settlement  of  important  questions  arising  between  them, 
makes  such  mode  of  adjustment  especially  appropriate  in 
the  present  instance,  and  this  Government  will  gladly  do 
what  it  can  to  further  a  determination  in  that  sense." 

In  the  above  the  point  is  made  conspicuous  that  in  her 
relations  with  the  United  States,  Great  Britain  was  as 
much  committed  to  the  principle  of  arbitration  as  the  for 
mer  country,  and  hence  the  United  States  could  not  be 
urging  a  novel  or  unacceptable  method  of  settlement  as  to 
the  Venezuelan  boundaries.  The  implication  would  be 
fair  that  Great  Britain's  refusal  to  arbitrate  in  a  matter 
which  came  so  nearly  home  to  the  United  States,  as  one  of 
the  western  Republics,  had  behind  it  a  desire  to  bully  a 
weak  government  like  Venezuela  into  submission,  or  to 


374  THE   MONROE    DOCTRINE. 

keep  the  controversy  open  till,  at  some  opportune  time,  a 
warlike  blow  forced  a  settlement. 

In  his  annual  message  of  December  3, 1894,  President 
Cleveland  felt  warranted  in  calling  the  attention  of  Con 
gress  and  the  country  to  the  condition  of  the  Venezuelan  dis 
pute.  His  language  was,  "  The  boundary  of  British  Guiana 
still  remains  in  dispute  between  Great  Britain  andVenezu- 
ela.  Believing  that  its  early  settlement  on  some  just  basis, 
alike  honorable  to  both  parties,  is  in  the  line  of  our  estab 
lished  policy  to  remove  from  this  hemisphere  all  causes  of 
difference  with  powers  beyond  the  sea,  I  shall  renew  the 
efforts  heretofore  made  to  bring  about  a  restoration  of  dip 
lomatic  relations  between  the  disputants,  and  to  induce  a 
reference  to  arbitration,  a  resort  which  Great  Britain  so 
conspicuously  favors  in  principle  and  respects  in  practice, 
and  which  is  earnestly  sought  by  her  weaker  adversary." 

On  February  25,  1895,  Congress  took  action  on  the 
above  suggestion  of  the  President,  and  '  gave  it  the 
moral  support  of  a  joint  resolution  to  the  effect  that  Great 
Britain  and  Venezuela  were  recommended  to  refer  their 
dispute  to  friendly  arbitrament. 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  this  acute  stage  of  the  contro 
versy  between  Great  Britain  and  Venezuela  was  fast  be 
coming  a  source  of  irritation  to  the  United  States,  which 
saw  her  offer  of  good  offices  repeatedly  ignored,  her  policy 
of  arbitration  repudiated  by  a  country  which  had  uniformly 
accepted  it,  and  the  question  of  monarchical  encroach 
ment  on  the  rights  of  a  sister  Republic  unceremoniously 
shoved  further  and  further  into  the  background.  A  full, 
clear  statement  of  the  position  of  the  United  States  at  this 
time  would  be  that  given  in  the  language  of  Mr.  Olney, 
Secretary  of  State  : 

"  By  the  frequent  interposition  of  its  good  offices  at  the 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  375 

instance  of  Venezuela,  by  constant  urging  and  promoting 
the  restoration  of  diplomatic  relations  between  the  two 
contending  countries,  by  pressing  for  arbitration  of  the  dis 
puted  boundary,  by  offering  to  act  as  arbitrator,  by  ex 
pressing  its  grave  concern  whenever  new  alleged  instances 
of  British  aggression  upon  Venezuelan  territory  have  been 
brought  to  its  notice,  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
has  made  it  clear  to  Great  Britain  and  the  world  that  the 
controversy  is  one  in  which  both  its  honor  and  interests 
are  involved,  and  the  continuance  of  which  it  cannot  re 
gard  with  indifference." 

A  SPECK  OF  WAR. 

On  July  20,  1895,  Secretary  of  State,  Olney,  at  the 
instance  of  President  Cleveland,  presented  to  Lord  Salis 
bury,  the  English  premier,  a  full  review  of  the  Venezue 
lan  dispute  from  the  standpoint  of  the  United  States,  and 
especially  with  reference  to  the  attitude  of  this  country 
toward  a  question  involving  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  and 
likewise  the  principle  of  arbitration.  The  object  was  to 
place  the  United  States  upon  such  a  plane  as  that  its  own 
people  and  all  the  world  might  see  how  it  stood  in  rela 
tion  to  the  controversy,  and  might  have  respect  for  its 
efforts  at  further  solution  of  a  now  vexatious  problem. 
The  time  had  come  for  a  full  and  fair  expression  of  a  truly 
American  view,  and  a  frank  showing  of  the  status  of  the 
United  States  respecting  its  future  interests  and  course 
of  action. 

The  situation  was  such  as  to  compel  the  United  States 
to  ascertain  and  decide  to  what  extent,  if  any,  it  should 
intervene  in  a  controversy  primarily  between  Great  Brit 
ain  and  Venezuela,  and  how  far  it  should  go  toward  see 
ing  that  the  integrity  of  Venezuelan  territory  was  not 


376  THE  MONROE   DOCTRINE. 

impaired  by  the  pretensions  of  its  powerful  antagonist. 
If  the  United  States  had  no  right  to  intervene,  it  were 
best  to  know  it,  for  then  it  had  done  all  it  could  do  to 
bring  about  a  proper  understanding  between  the  two  dis 
puting  countries.  If,  on  the  contrary,  it  had  a  right  to 
intervene,  the  quicker  it  were  known  the  better,  for  then 
it  became  proper  and  necessary  to  promptly  exercise  the 
right  and  discharge  the  duty  so  as  not  to  fail  of  the  end 
in  view.  The  question  would  be  easy  of  solution,  so  far 
as  it  involved  a  mere  matter  of  principle  or  related  to  a 
settled  national  policy.  It  would  prove  more  difficult, 
when  its  momentous  practical  consequences  came  to  be 
weighed.  International  law  makes  it  clear  that  one  na 
tion  may  interpose  in  a  controversy  between  two  others 
whenever  what  said  nations  propose  or  do  becomes  a 
menace  to  the  integrity,  peace  or  welfare  of  said  first  na 
tion.  Washington  in  his  farewell  address  had  laid  clown  the 
doctrine  that  America  should  exclude  herself  from  Euro 
pean  politics,  but  he  was  silent  as  to  the  part  Europe  might 
play  in  American  politics.  Inside  of  twenty  years  the 
necessity  arose  for  a  full  consideration  of  the  momentous 
problem  of  how  far  American  exclusion  from  European 
politics  implied  European  exclusion  from  American  poli-, 
tics.  Discussion  of  this  problem  led  to  the  announce 
ment  of  that  American  policy  which  became  known  as 
the  Monroe  Doctrine,  and  whose  history  and  purport  are 
given  in  after  pages. 

Secretary  Olney,  in  his  paper,  entered  into  a  full  dis 
cussion  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  and  concluded  that  un 
der  all  the  rules  that  had  hitherto  regulated  its  affirma 
tion  and  application  in  America,  the  Venezuelan  con 
troversy  was  clearly  within  its  scope,  at  least  to  the  ex 
tent  of  warranting  full  inquiry  into  the  merits  of  said 


THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE.  377 

controversy  and  ascertaining  where  the  right  lay.  His 
urgency  on  Great  Britain  to  submit  the  matter  to  arbitra 
tion  was  very  powerful,  and  almost  amounted  to  an 
arraignment  of  the  British  position,  for  says  he,  "  She 
(Great  Britain)  says  to  Venezuela  in  substance,  4  You  can 
get  none  of  the  debatable  land  by  force,  because  you  are 
not  strong  enough ;  you  can  get  none  by  treaty,  because 
I  will  not  agree,  and  you  can  take  your  chance  of  getting 
a  portion  by  arbitration  only  if  you  first  agree  to  abandon 
to  me  such  other  portion  as  I  may  designate.'  It  is  not 
perceived  ho\v  such  an  attitude  can  be  defended,  nor  how 
it  is  reconcilable  with  that  love  of  justice  and  fair  play  so 
eminently  characteristic  of  the  English  race.  It  in  effect 
deprives  Venezuela  of  her  free  agency  and  puts  her  under 
virtual  duress.  Territory  acquired  by  reason  of  it  will  be 
as  much  wrested  from  her  by  the  strong  hand  as  if  oc 
cupied  by  British  troops  or  covered  by  British  fleets.  It 
seems,  therefore,  quite  impossible  that  this  position  of 
Great  Britain  should  be  assented  to  by  the  United  States, 
or  that  if  such  position  be  adhered  to  with  the  result  of 
enlarging  the  bounds  of  British  Guiana,  it  should  not  be 
regarded  as  amounting  in  substance  to  an  invasion  and 
conquest  of  Venezuelan  territoiy. 

"In  these  circumstances  the  duty  of  the  President  ap 
pears  to  him  unmistakable  and  imperative.  Great  Brit 
ain's  assertion  of  title  to  the  disputed  territory,  combined 
with  her  refusal  to  have  that  title  investigated,  being  a 
substantial  appropriation  of  the  territory  to  her  own  use, 
not  to  protest  and  give  warning  that  the  transaction  will 
be  regarded  as  injurious  to  the  interests  of  the  people  of 
the  United  States,  as  well  as  oppressive  in  itself,  would  be 
to  ignore  an  established  policy  with  which  the  honor  and 
welfare  of  this  country  are  closely  identified." 


378  THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE. 

This  frank,  elaborate  and  advanced  paper  concluded 
with  instructions  to  the  American  Minister  at  London  to 
inform  Lord  Salisbury  of  its  contents,  and  to  urge  on  him 
that  they  called  for  a  definite  decision  upon  the  point 
whether  Great  Britain  would  consent  or  decline  to  sub 
mit  the  Venezuela  boundary  question  in  its  entirety,  to 
impartial  arbitration.  A  prompt  reply  was  also  requested, 
in  order  that  the  future  relations  between  this  country 
and  Great  Britain  might  be  understood  at  the  State  De 
partment  and,  if  necessary,  laid  before  Congress  in  the 
President's  annual  message. 

Lord  Salisbury  did  not  reply  to  this  document  till  No 
vember  26,  1865.  In  his  reply  he  took  direct  issue  with 
Secretary  Olney  as  to  the  applicability  of  the  Monroe  Doc 
trine  to  the  Venezuelan  controversy,  and  denied  that  the 
dispute  was  any  concern  of  the  United  States.  As  to  arbi 
tration,  he  took  the  ground  that  this  mode  of  settling  dis 
putes  of  the  kind  in  question  was  not  free  from  defects,  that 
impartial  arbiters  were  hard  to  find,  and  that  the  task  of 
insuring  compliance  with  an  award  was  always  fraught 
with  difficulty.  At  any  rate,  he  reasoned  further,  the 
question  of  arbitration  was  one  entirely  between  the 
parties  directly  in  contest,  and  that  the  claim  of  any  third 
nation,  unaffected  by  the  controversy,  to  impose  arbitra 
tion  on  others  had  no  foundation  in  the  law  of  nations. 

This  reply  was  so  defiant  in  spirit,  or  so  suggestive  of 
a  determination  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  to  ignore 
entirely  the  position  of  the  United  States,  and  to  pursue 
her  policy  of  postponement  and  embarrassment  toward 
Venezuela,  that  President  Cleveland  submitted  a  special 
message,  bearing  on  the  controversy,  to  Congress,  together 
with  the  diplomatic  correspondence,  on  December  17, 
1895.  This  paper,  while  regarded  as  timely,  was  some- 


HON.  EGBERT  E.  PATTISON. 

Born  in  Quantico.  Somerset  co.,  Md.,  December  8,  1850;  moved  to 
Philadelphia  when  young  and  graduated  at  Central  High  School ; 
admitted  to  bar,  1872;  elected  Comptroller  of  Philadelphia,  1877  and 
1880 ;  elected  Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  on  Democratic  ticket,  1882 ; 
appointed  member  of  Pacific  R.  R.  Commission  by  President  Cleveland, 
1887;  helped  to  organize  and  became  President  of  Chestnut  Street 
National  Bank;  prominent  member  of  Morning  Record  Co.,  Limited; 
re-elected  Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  on  Democratic  ticket,  1890 ; 
prominently  mentioned  in  conner.Kon  with  Presidential  nomination  on 
Democratic  ticket  in  1896. 


x  HON.   RICHARD  F.   PETTIGREW. 

Born  at  Ludlow,  Vermont,  July,  1848;  moved  to  Wisconsin,  1854; 
studied  at  Beloit  College,  1865-66;  member  of  law  class  of  Wisconsin 
University,  1870;  moved  to  Dakota,  1869;  engaged  in  surveying  and 
real  estate  at  Sioux  Falls ;  practiced  law  since  1872 ;  elected  to  Dakota 
Legislature,  1877  and  1879;  elected  Territorial  delegate  to  47th  Con 
gress;  re-elected  to  Legislature,  1884-85;  member  of  South  Dakota 
Constitutional  Convention,  1883;  elected  U.  S.  Senator,  as  a  Republican, 
from  South  Dakota,  October  16,  1889;  chairman  of  Quadro-Centennial 
Committee,  and  member  of  Committees  on  Improvement  of  Mississippi 
River,  Indian  Affairs,  Public  Lands  and  Railroads ;  re-elect^  io 
Senate  in  1895. 


THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE.  381 

what  extraordinarily  worded,  and  aside  from  its  merits, 
excited  much  discussion  as  to  its  manner,  and  real  value 
as  a  contribution  to  the  strength  of  the  American  position. 
The  President  saw  no  good  reason  why  the  Monroe 
Doctrine  did  not  apply  to  the  Venezuela  case,  since  the 
taking  possession  of  the  territory  of  a  neighboring  Repub 
lic  in  derogation  of  its  rights,  by  a  European  power,  was 
clearly  an  attempt  on  the  part  of  such  power  to  thereby 
extend  its  system  of  government  on  this  continent.  As 
to  the  Monroe  Doctrine  not  embodying  any  principle  of 
international  law  founded  on  the  general  consent  of 
nations,  the  President  contended  that  it  finds  its  recog 
nition  in  those  principles  of  international  law  which  are 
based  on  the  theory  that  every  nation  shall  have  its  rights 
protected  and  its  just  claims  enforced.  After  stating 
fully  the  position  of  this  Government  respecting  the  con 
troversy,  the  President  found  the  reply  of  Great  Britain 
very  unsatisfactory.  "  It  is,"  said  he,  "  deeply  disappoint 
ing  that  such  an  appeal  as  ours,  actuated  by  the  most 
friendly  spirit  toward  both  nations  directly  concerned, 
addressed  to  the  sense  of  justice  and  to  the  magnanimity 
of  one  of  the  great  powers  of  the  world  and  touching  its 
relations  to  one  comparatively  weak  and  small,  should 
have  produced  no  better  results." 

He  further  said,  in  substance,  that  the  course  of  this 
Government,  in  view  of  everything  that  had  transpired, 
admitted  of  no  serious  doubt ;  that  Great  Britain's  final 
refusal  to  arbitrate  must  be  accepted  and  dealt  with  ac 
cordingly  ;  that  since  it  could  not  be  hoped  that  the  atti 
tude  of  Venezuela  would  change,  it  was  incumbent  on 
the  United  States  to  take  measures,  for  its  justification, 
toward  ascertaining  for  itself  what  was  the  true  divisional 
line  between  British  Guiana  and  Venezuela.  To  reach 
22 


382  THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE. 

this  end,  a  commission  of  inquiry  was  suggested,  and  an 
appropriation  asked  to  meet  its  expenses.  Upon  its  report, 
further  action  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  was  to  be 
based,  even  to  the  extent  of  resisting,  by  every  possible 
means,  the  aggressions  of  Great  Britain  beyond  sucli 
boundary  as  said  Commission  might  decide  to  be  the  just 
one.  In  conclusion  the  President  said,  "In  making  these 
recommendations  I  am  fully  alive  to  the  responsibility  in 
curred,  and  keenly  realize  all  the  consequences  that  may 
follow.  I  am,  nevertheless,  firm  in  m}^  conviction  that, 
while  it  is  a  grievous  thing  to  contemplate  the  two  great 
English  speaking  peoples  of  the  world  as  being  otherwise 
than  friendly  competitors  in  the  onward  march  of  civiliza 
tion  and  strenuous  and  worthy  rivals  in  all  the  arts  of 
peace,  there  is  no  calamity  which  a  great  nation  can  in 
vite  which  equals  that  which  follows  a  supine  submission 
to  wrong  and  injustice,  and  the  consequent  loss  of  national 
self-respect  and  honor,  beneath  which  are  shielded  and 
defended  a  people's  greatness  and  safety." 

The  publication  of  this  message  led  to  great  excitement 
in  America  and  England  and  called  forth  a  great  variety 
of  comment.  For  a  time  the  skies  of  peace  were  deeply 
clouded,  and  mutterings  of  war  were  heard  along  the 
murky  horizon.  In  official  circles,  and  in  the  Congress, 
the  spirit  of  the  message  was  applauded,  not  more  for  its 
bold  affirmation  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  and  its  thorough 
going  Americanism,  than  for  its  contrast  with  other 
papers  of  the  President,  bearing  on  the  foreign  policy  of 
his  administration. 

On  the  other  hand,  many  newspapers  and  public 
writers  regarded  the  message  as  a  blunder,  construing  it 
as  purely  an  emanation  of  jingoism,  as  written  in  bad 
diplomatic  taste,  in  that  it  contained  a  threat  of  war,  and 


THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE.  383 

as  likely  to  place  the  United  States  in  the  same  bullying 
category  as  England.  The  English  sentiment  was,  of 
course,  firmly  and  bitterly  against  the  attitude  of  the 
President.  His  message  was  regarded  as  a  challenge,  and 
calculated  to  awaken  only  a  bellicose  spirit  on  the  part  of 
England. 

But  however  sentiment  may  have  differed  among  pub 
licists  and  nations,  the  Congress  was  almost  unanimous 
that  the  nation  could  well  afford  to  make  the  position  of 
the  President  its  own.  So  with  remarkable  promptitude, 
it  gave  the  sanction  of  a  law  to  the  appointment  of  such 
commission  of  inquiry  as  the  President  had  suggested, 
and  authorized  a  liberal  appropriation  to  pay  all  expenses. 
The  President  speedily  announced  the  commission  and  set 
it  to  work  to  ascertain  a  boundary  which  this  nation  could 
afford  to  accept  as  righteous,  and  upon  which  it  could 
honorably  and  finally  rely  in  the  maintainance  of  its  atti 
tude  toward  the  disputing  parties  and  in  the  defense  of 
its  material  and  political  interests  as  a  distinguished  mem 
ber  of  the  sisterhood  of  western  republics. 

THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

We  now  turn  to  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  which  the  Ven-; 
ezuelan  dispute  brought  into  such  prominence,  which,  as 
we  have  seen,  has  within  it  the  possibilities  of  war,  and 
which  seemingly  needs  occasional  patriotic  spurts  to  keep 
it  in  memory,  and  enlarge  its  meaning  in  proportion  to 
our  growing  importance  as  a  western  republic.  Our  re 
view  of  it  will  be  historical  rather  than  critical. 

If  not  in  its  veiy  inception,  at  least  in  the  earliest  en 
couragement  given  to  it,  the  Monroe  Doctrine  was  as 
much  English  as  American.  The  restoration  of  Louis 
XVIII.  to  the  throne  of  France,  after  Napoleon's  defeat 


384  THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE. 

at  Waterloo,  was  the  signal  for  a  congress  of  the  allied  kings 
of  Europe  at  Paris.  The  rulers  of  Russia,  Prussia  and 
Austria  so  met  and  formed  a  league  called  "The  Holy 
Alliance,"  whose  object  was  to  stamp  out  all  constitu 
tional  governments,  banish  liberal  ideas,  and  establish  all 
powers  in  accordance  with  the  principles  of  the  Christian 
religion.  They  thus  explained  the  pledge  that  passed 
between  them  : —  "  They  had  no  other  aim  than  to  mani 
fest  to  the  world  their  unchangeable  determination  to 
adopt  no  rule  of  conduct  either  in  the  government  of 
their  respective  countries  or  in  their  political  relations 
with  other  governments  than  the  precepts  of  that  holy 
religion,  the  precepts  of  justice,  charity  and  peace." 

This  innocent  appearing  alliance  was  joined,  in  two 
months,  by  England,  and  immediately  perverted  by  treaty 
to  the  special  object  of  an  alliance  to  exclude  Napoleon 
forever  from  power,  maintain  the  government  they  had 
just  set  up  in  France,  resist  all  attacks  on  the  armies  then 
occupying  France,  and  meet  in  1818  to  consult  respecting 
the  condition  of  Europe. 

The  four  powers  met,  according  to  agreement,  at  Aix- 
la-Chapelle.  They  found  monarchy  so  firmly  established 
in  France,  that  the  army  of  occupation  was  withdrawn, 
and  Louis  XVIII.  admitted  to  a  vote  in  the  affairs  of 
Europe.  But  Spain  was  in  dire  straits.  Her  South 
American  colonies  were,  and  had  been,  in  open  revolt. 
She  had  well  nigh  exhausted  her  resources  in  attempting 
to  subjugate  them,  and  had  appealed  to  both  Russia  and 
England  for  aid.  Russia  sold  to  Spain  an  unseaworthy 
fleet.  England  refused  aid,  fearing  to  lose  her  commerce 
with  the  rebellious  colonies.  The  Czar  laid  the  Spanish 
condition  before  the  powers,  in  a  paper  which  described 
the  dangers  to  which  European  monarchies  would  be  ex- 


THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE.  385 

posed  if  a  federation  of  republics  were  allowed  to  grow 
up  in  the  western  Hemisphere.  From  this  it  became  ap 
parent  what  "government  in  accordance  with  the  prin 
ciples  of  the  Christian  religion,"  meant,  and  the  direction 
to  be  given  to  the  "precepts  of  justice,  charity  and 
pence." 

The  Czar  proposed  a  conference  of  European  ambassa 
dors  at  Madrid,  over  which  the  Duke  of  Wellington  was 
to  preside,  having  for  its  object  to  decide  what  terms 
Spain  should  offer  to  her  colonies.  England  refused  to 
join  this  conference.  Spain  was  left  to  fight  her  colonial 
battles  alone.  She  carried  on  her  American  wars  in  such 
a  way  as  to  breed  revolution  at  home.  Liberalism  broke 
forth  with  such  fury  as  to  compel  King  Ferdinand  to 
adopt  a  new  constitution.  The  fires  of  revolution  spread 
to  Portugal,  and  a  Cortes  was  elected  to  frame  a  liberal 
constitution.  France  would  have  yielded  to  the  popular 
furore,  but  the  original  members  of  the  Holy  Alliance, 
Russia,  Prussia,  Austria,  with  England  and  France  as 
lookers-on,  met  at  Troppan,  in  Moravia  in  1820,  and  ad 
journed  to  meet  the  next  year  at  Laybach. 

The  Congress  at  Laybach  adjourned  to  meet  at  Vienna, 
in  1822,  but  really  met  in  Verona,  where  the  question  of 
overturning  the  new  liberal  constitution  in  Spain  and  re 
establishing  absolute  monarchy  was  long  debated,  with 
the  result  that  certain  changes  in  the  Spanish  constitution 
should  be  demanded,  and  if  not  granted,  that  a  French 
army  should  invade  Spain  and  compel  acquiescence.  Spain 
refused  the  demands,  and  a  French  army  crossed  the  line 
and  occupied  Madrid  and  Cadiz. 

The  object  of  the  Holy  Alliance  now  became  plainer 
than  ever.  If  its  accredited  army  could  enter  a  neighbor 
ing  domain  and  force  a  change  of  government  in  accord- 


386  THE  MONROE   DOCTRINE. 

mice  with  its  wishes,  it  would  not  hesitate  to  settle  in  an 
equally  heroic  way  the  affairs  of  the  Spanish  arid  Portu 
guese  colonies  in  America,  or  wherever  found.  The  eyes 
of  American  statesmen  were  fixed  intently  on  this  situa 
tion,  for  most  of  the  revolting  colonies  had  become  re 
publics  and  had  been  recognized  by  the  United  States. 
To  admit  that  absolute  monarchism,  under  the  plea  of 
"  government  in  accordance  with  the  Christian  Religion," 
or  under  the  thin  disguise  of  an  Holy  Alliance,  should 
again  become  the  fate  of  these  young  Republics  was  horri 
fying  to  our  people,  and  dangerous  to  the  ascendency  of 
the  Republican  idea  on  the  Western  Continent. 

England  became  interested  also  in  the  pretensions  of 
the  allied  monarchs,  for  she  had  large  colonial  interests  in 
America  which  might  be  seriously  affected  by  the  absolute 
monarchical  claims  of  the  Holy  Allies.  This  was  in  1823, 
and  Canning  was  premier  of  England.  The  American 
Ambassador  at  London  was  Richard  Rush.  Canning 
proposed  to  Rush  that  the  United  States  should  join 
England  in  a  declaration  to  the  effect  that  while  neither 
power  desired  the  colonies  of  Spain  for  herself,  it  was  im 
possible  to  look  with  indifference  on  European  interven 
tion  in  their  affairs,  or  to  see  them  acquired  by  a  third 
power, 

Canning  received  notice  that  in  the  latter  part  of 
1823  a  Congress  of  the  allied  monarchs  would  meet  to 
consider  the  affairs  of  Spanish  America.  He  urged  upon 
Rush  the  propriety  of  a  quick  answer  to  his  proposition 
to  him.  Rush,  without  waiting  for  home  instructions, 
ventured  to  pen  the  following  in  reply,  promising  to  join 
the  United  States  with  England  in  making  it  a  formal  dec. 
lavation,  on  condition  that  England  would  first  acknowl. 
edge  the  independence  of  the  western  republics: — "We 


THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE.  387 

should  regard  as  highly  unjust  and  as  fruitful  of  disastrous 
consequences  any  attempt  on  the  part  of  any  European  power 
to  take  possession  of  them  by  conquest,  by  cession,  or  on  any 
ground  or  pretext  whatsoever" 

Here  were  the  gems  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  Rush's 
bold,  sagacious  but  unauthorized  announcement  was  made 
at  the  instance  of  the  English  premier,  and  as  part  of  a 
plan  by  which  both  the  United  States  and  England  might 
head  off  the  proposed  scheme  of  the  allied  monarchs  of 
Europe  to  interfere  with  the  young  American  republics 
and  reintroduce  governments  of  monarchical  form.  But 
while  Rush's  announcement  was  such  as  England  had 
proposed,  Rush  coupled  its  public  promulgation  and  the 
final  joining  of  his  name  and  country  in  it  with  England 
with  the  condition  that  England  should  first  recognize  the 
independence  of  the  young  American  republics.  This 
England  refused  to  do,  and  the  joint  declaration  was 
never  made. 

That  the  policy  thus  far  was  original  with  England,  and 
was  really  more  English  than  American,  is  plain  from  the 
reasons  urged  upon  Mr.  Rush  by  Mr.  Canning.  Further, 
Mr.  Canning  had  evidently  conceived  of  the  policy,  not  as 
a  temporary  expedient  but  as  one  of  perpetual  applica 
tion,  for  he  thus  said  to  Rush: — "  The  United  States  were 
the  first  power  established  on  the  continent,  and  now  con 
fessedly  the  leading  power.  They  are  connected  with 
South  America  by  their  position  and  with  Europe  by  their 
relations.  Was  it  possible  they  could  see  with  indiffer 
ence  their  fate  decided  upon  by  Europe?  Had  not  a  new 
epoch  arrived  in  the  relative  position  of  the  United  States 
toward  Europe  which  Europe  must  acknowledge?  Were 
the  great  political  and  commercial  interests  which  hung 
upon  the  destiny  of  the  new  continent  to  be  canv^sed 


388  THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE. 

and  adjusted  on  this  hemisphere  without  the  cooperation 
or  even  knowledge  of  the  United  States?  " 

The  above  was  embodied  in  Rush's  letter  upon  the  sub 
ject  addressed  to  Monroe's  Secretary  of  State,  John 
Quincy  Adams.  The  importance  of  the  matter,  the 
strength  and  urgency  of  Rush's  reasons,  the  singularity  of 
the  proposition  as  emanating  from  England,  seem  to  have 
disconcerted  President  Monroe.  He  found  himself  con 
fronted  with  the  solemn,  and  then  popular,  advice  of 
Washington  in  his  Farewell  Address,  an  advice  which 
had  become  almost  a  policy  in  itself,  and  which  ran: 

"  Europe  has  a  set  of  primary  interests  which  to  us  have 
none  or  a  very  remote  relation.  Hence  she  must  be  en 
gaged  in  frequent  controversies,  the  causes  of  which  are 
essentially  foreign  to  our  concerns.  Hence,  therefore,  it 
must  be  unwise  in  us  to  implicate  ourselves  by  artificial 
ties  in  the  ordinary  vicissitudes  of  her  politics  or  the 
ordinary  combinations  and  collisions  of  her  friendships  or 
enmities.  Our  detached  and  distant  situation  invites  and 
enables  us  to  pursue  a  different  course." 

Jefferson's  warning  against  entangling  foreign  alli 
ances,  in  his  first  inaugural,  had  been  equally  strong. 
Monroe,  himself,  had  in  two  inaugurals  and  an  half  a 
dozen  other  messages,  seriously  advised  against  violation 
of  the  policy  of  non-intervention  in  the  affairs  of  the 
colonies.  No  wonder  he  was  in  a  quandary  over  Rush's 
letters  and  the  proposition  of  a  new  and  widely  variant 
policy.  He  had  not  the  courage  to  venture  on  a  depart 
ure  so  radical  as  the  one  proposed,  till  he  thoroughly 
weighed  the  situation.  In  his  doubt  he  sent  the  Rush 
correspondence  to  Thomas  Jefferson,  then  in  retiracy  at 
Monticello,  for  review  and  the  expression  of  an  opinion. 
Jefferson's  reply  came  with  no  uncertain  sound,  and  it  will 


THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE.  389 

be  seen  from  it  that  he  hesitated  not  to  run  counter,  in 
great  part,  to  the  policy  he  had  hitherto  accepted  and  pro 
mulgated.  He  said: 

u  The  question  presented  by  the  letters  you  have  sent 
me  is  the  most  momentous  which  has  ever  been  offered  to 
my  contemplation  since  that  of  Independence.  That 
made  us  a  nation ;  this  sets  our  compass  and  points  the 
course  which  we  are  to  steer  through  the  ocean  of  time 
opening  on  us.  And  never  could  we  embark  upon  it 
under  circumstances  more  auspicious.  Our  first  and  fun 
damental  maxim  should  be,  never  to  entangle  ourselves 
in  the  broils  of  Europe  ;  our  second,  never  to  suffer  Europe 
to  intermeddle  with  cisatlantic  affairs.  America,  North 
and  South,  has  a  set  of  interests  distinct  from  those  of 
Europe,  and  peculiarly  her  own.  She  should,  therefore, 
have  a  system  of  her  own,  separate  and  apart  from  that 
of  Europe.  While  the  last  is  laboring  to  become  the 
domicil  of  despotism,  our  endeavor  should  be  to  make 
our  hemisphere  that  of  freedom." 

Thus  encouraged  by  one  in  whom  he  had  so  great  con 
fidence,  Monroe  made  the  subject  one  of  special  study, 
seeking  the  advice  and  cooperation  of  his  cabinet,  and  of 
others,  with  a  view  to  all  the  practical  consequences  of  a 
formal  declaration  of  the  new  doctrine.  It  was  seen  that 
while  the  policy  enumerated  by  Washington  and  pursued 
bv  his  successors  took  America  out  of  the  domain  of  Europe 
politics,  it  was  silent  as  to  the  part  Europe  might  be  per 
mitted  to  play  in  America.  Doubtless  it  was  thought  the 
latest  addition  to  the  family  of  nations  should  not  make 
haste  to  prescribe  rules  for  the  guidance  of  its  older  mem 
bers,  and  the  expediency  and  propriety  of  serving  the 
powers  of  Europe  with  notice  of  a  complete  and  distinct 
ive  American  policy  excluding  them  from  interference 


390  THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE. 

with  American  political  affairs,  might  well  seem  dubious 
to  a  generation  to  whom  the  French  alliance,  with  its 
manifold  advantages  to  the  cause  of  American  independ 
ence,  was  fresh  in  mind. 

Twenty  years  later,  however,  the  situation  had  changed. 
The  lately  born  nation  had  greatly  increased  in  power  and 
resources,  had  demonstrated  its  strength  on  land  and  sea, 
and  as  well  in  the  conflicts  of  arms  as  in  the  pursuits  of 
peace,  and  had  begun  to  realize  the  commanding  position 
on  this  continent,  which  the  character  of  its  people,  their 
free  institutions,  and  their  remoteness  from  the  chief  scene 
of  European  contentions  combined  to  give  to  it.  The 
Monroe  administration  therefore  did  not  hesitate  to  accept 
and  apply  the  logic  of  the  farewell  address  by  declaring, 
in  effect,  that  American  non-intervention  in  European 
affairs  necessarily  implied  and  meant  European  non-inter 
vention  in  American  affairs.  Conceiving  unquestionably 
that  complete  European  non-interference  in  American  con 
cerns  would  be  cheaply  purchased  by  complete  American 
non-interference  in  European  concerns,  President  Monroe, 
in  the  celebrated  message  of  December  2,  1823,  thus  for 
mulated  the  doctrine  which  afterwards  took  his  name  : 

"  In  the  wars  of  the  European  powers  in  matters  relat 
ing  to  themselves  we  have  never  taken  any  part,  nor  does 
it  comport  with  our  policy  to  do  so.  It  is  only  when  our 
rights  are  invaded  or  seriously  menaced  that  we  resent 
injuries  or  make  preparations  for  our  defense.  With  the 
movements  in  this  hemisphere  we  are,  of  necessity,  more 
immediately  connected,  and  by  causes  which  must  be 
obvious  to  all  enlightened  and  impartial  observers.  The 
political  system  of  the  allied  powers  is  essentially  different 
in  this  respect  from  that  of  America.  This  difference  pro 
ceeds  from  that  which  exists  in  their  respective  Govern- 


THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE.  391 

ments.  And  to  the  defense  of  our  own,  which  has  been 
achieved  by  the  loss  of  so  much  blood  and  treasure,  and 
matured  by  the  wisdom  of  our  most  enlightened  citizens, 
and  under  which  we  have  enjoyed  unexampled  felicity, 
this  whole  nation  is  devoted.  We  owe  it,  therefore,  to 
candor  and  to  the  amicable  relations  existing  between  the 
United  States  and  those  powers  to  declare  that  we  should 
consider  any  attempt  on  their  part  to  extend  their  system 
to  any  portion  of  this  hemisphere  as  dangerous  to  our 
peace  and  safety. 

"  With  the  existing  colonies  or  dependencies  of  any 
European  power  we  have  not  interfered  and  shall  not  in 
terfere.  But  with  the  Governments  who  have  declared 
their  independence  and  maintained  it,  and  whose  inde 
pendence  we  have,  on  great  consideration  and  on  just 
principles,  acknowledged,  we  could  not  view  any  inter 
position  for  the  purpose  of  oppressing  them,  or  controlling 
in  any  other  manner  their  destiny,  by  any  European 
power,  in  any  other  light  than  as  the  manifestation  of  an 
unfriendly  disposition  toward  the  United  States.  *  *  * 
Our  policy  in  regard  to  Europe,  which  was  adopted  at  an 
early  stage  of  the  wars  which  have  so  long  agitated  that 
quarter  of  the  globe,  nevertheless  remains  the  same,  which 
is  not  to  interfere  in  the  internal  concerns  of  any  of  its 
powers ;  to  consider  the  Government  de  facto  as  the  legit 
imate  Government  for  us ;  to  cultivate  friendly  relations 
with  it,  and  to  preserve  those  relations  by  a  frank,  firm, 
and  manly  policy,  meeting,  in  all  instances,  the  just  claims 
of  every  power,  submitting  to  injuries  from  none.  But 
in  regard  to  these  continents,  circumstances  are  eminently 
and  conspicuously  different.  It  is  impossible  that  the 
allied  powers  should  extend  their  political  system  to  any 
portion  of  either  continent  without  endangering  our  peace 


392  THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE. 

and  happiness  ;  nor  can  any  one  believe  that  our  Southern 
brethren,  if  left  to  themselves,  would  adopt  it  of  their 
own  accord.  It  is  equally  impossible,  therefore,  that  we 
should  behold  such  interposition,  in  any  form  with  indif 
ference." 

The  Monroe  administration,  however,  did  not  content 
itself  with  formulating  a  correct  rule  for  the  regulation  of 
the  relations  between  Europe  and  America.  It  aimed  at 
also  securing  the  practical  benefits  to  result  from  the  appli 
cation  of  the  rule.  Hence  the  message  just  quoted  de 
clared  that  the  American  continents  were  fully  occupied 
and  were  not  the  subjects  for  future  colonization  by  Euro 
pean  powers.  To  this  spirit  and  this  purpose  also  are  to 
be  attributed  the  passages  of  the  same  message  which 
treat  any  infringement  of  the  rule  against  interference  in 
American  affairs  on  the  part  of  the  powers  of  Europe  as 
an  act  of  unfriendliness  to  the  United  States.  It  was 
realized  that  it  was  futile  to  lay  down  such  a  rule  unless 
its  observance  could  be  enforced.  It  was  manifest  that 
the  United  States  was  the  only  power  in  this  hemisphere 
capable  of  enforcing  it.  It  was  therefore  courageously 
declared  not  merely  that  Europe  ought  not  to  interfere  in 
American  affairs,  but  that  any  European  power  doing  so 
would  be  regarded  as  antagonizing  the  interests  and  invit 
ing  the  opposition  of  the  United  States. 

The  announcement  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  to  the  world 
brought  speedy  opportunity  for  its  explanation,  develop 
ment  and  application.  Gallatin  applied  it  in  his  French 
diplomacy.  Clay,  as  Secretary  of  State,  thus  instructed  our 
Minister  to  Mexico  respecting  it  in  1825:  "  The  other 
principle  asserted  in  the  message  is  that  while  we  do  not 
desire  to  interfere  in  Europe  with  the  political  system  of 
the  allied  powers,  we  should  regard  as  dangerous  to  our 


THE   MONROE    DOCTRINE.  393 

peace  and  safety  any  attempt  on  their  part  to  extend 
their  system  to  any  part  of  this  hemisphere.  The  po 
litical  systems  of  the  two  continents  are  essentially 
different.  Each  has  an  exclusive  right  to  judge  for  itself 
what  is  best  suited  to  its  own  condition  and  most  likely  to 
promote  its  happiness,  but  neither  has  a  right  to  enforce  J 
upon  the  other  the  establishment  of  its  peculiar  system. 
This  principle  was  declared  in  the  face  of  the  world  at  a 
moment  when  there  was  reason  to  apprehend  that  the 
allied  powers  were  entertaining  designs  inimical  to  the 
freedom  if  not  to  the  independence  of  the  new  Govern 
ments.  There  is  a  ground  for  believing  that  the  declara 
tion  of  it  had  considerable  effect  in  preventing,  if  not  in 
producing  the  abandonment  of  all  such  designs.  Both 
principles  were  laid  down  after  much  and  anxious  delib 
eration  on  the  part  of  the  late  administration.  The  Pres 
ident,  who  then  formed  a  part  of  it,  continues  entirely  to 
coincide  in  both.  And  you  will  urge  upon  the  Govern 
ment  of  Mexico  the  utility  and  expediency  of  asserting 
the  same  principles  on  all  occasions." 

The  new  doctrine  passed  through  the  fierce  fires  of 
partisan  debate,  when  what  was  called  the  Panama  Mis 
sion  was  up  for  discussion  in  the  Congress  in  1826. 
Columbia  and  Mexico  had  invited  the  United  States  to 
be  represented  at  a  Congress  of  Republics  at  Panama. 
One  of  the  aims  of  this  Congress,  as  stated  in  the  invita 
tion,  was  to  consider  "  the  means  of  making  effectual  the 
declarations  of  the  President  of  the  United  States 
respecting  any  ulterior  design  of  foreign  power  to  colo 
nize  any  portion  of  this  continent,  and  also  the  means  of 
resisting  all  interference  from  abroad  with  the  domestic 
concerns  of  American  Governments." 

President  Adams,  Clay,  Webster,  and  a  host  of  power- 


394  THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE. 

ful  statesmen  approved  of  sending  commissioners.  They 
were  opposed  by  many  able  men,  in  a  purely  partisan 
spirit,  among  whom  were  Polk  and  Buchanan,  both  of 
whom  lived  to  reverse  their  arguments  and  positions. 
The  result  of  the  debate  was  a  resolution  of  the  House 
practically  affirming  the  Monroe  Doctrine  in  two  essen 
tials,  (1)  that  the  United  States  should  form  no  alliance 
with  any  foreign  nation,  nor  join  it  in  any  declaration 
concerning  the  interference  of  any  European  power  in  its 
affairs,  and  (2)  that  we  act  toward  them  in  any  crisis  as 
our  honor  and  policy  may  at  the  time  dictate. 

In  the  debates  of  1826,  Polk  took  the  ground  that 
Monroe's  declaration  was  a  "  mere  expression  of  executive 
opinion,  designed  to  produce  an  effect  on  the  Holy  Alli 
ance  in  relation  to  their  supposed  intention  to  interfere 
in  the  war  between  Spain  and  her  former  colonies.  It  had 
probably  produced  the  designed  effect,  and  therefore,  per 
formed  its  office.  President  Monroe  had  no  power  to 
bind  the  nation  by  his  pledges."  In  1845,  when  Mr. 
Polk  was  President  and  confronted  with  such  momentous 
questions  as  the  Mexican  war  and  trouble  with  England  over 
the  Oregon  boundary,  he  said  in  his  message  to  Congress  :— 
"In  the  existing  circumstances  of  the  world,  the  present 
is  deemed  a  proper  occasion  to  reiterate  and  reaffirm  the 
principle  avowed  by  Mr.  Monroe,  and  to  state  my  cordial 
concurrence  in  its  wisdom  and  sound  policy.  The  reas- 
sertion  of  this  principle,  especially  in  reference  to  North 
America,  is,  at  this  day,  but  the  promulgation  of  a  policy 
which  no  European  power  should  cherish  the  disposition 
to  resist.  Existing  rights  of  every  European  nation 
should  be  respected,  but  it  is  due  alike  to  our  safety  and 
our  interests  that  the  efficient  protection  of  our  laws, 


THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE.  395 

should  be  extended  over  our  whole  territorial  limits,  and 
that  it  should  be  distinctly  announced  to  the  world  as  our 
settled  policy,  that  no  future  European  colony  or  domin 
ion,  with  our  consent,  be  planted  or  established  on  any 
part  of  the  North  American  Continent." 

Again  in  1848,  when  war  was  being  waged  in  Yucatan, 
between  the  Indians  and  whites,  and  when  the  former  had 
appealed  to  England  and  Spain  for  aid,  President  Polk 
sounded  the  following  note  of  warning  : — "  While  it  is 
not  our  purpose  to  recommend  the  adoption  of  any 
measure  with  a  view  to  the  acquisition  of  dominion  and 
sovereignty  over  Yucatan,  yet  according  to  our  established 
policy  we  could  not  consent  to  a  transfer  of  this  dominion 
and  sovereignty  to  either  Spain,  Great  Britain  or  any 
other  European  power.  In  the  language  of  President 
Monroe,  in  his  message  of  December,  1823,  we  should 
consider  any  attempt  on  their  part  to  extend  their  system 
to  any  portion  of  this  hemisphere,  as  dangerous  to  our 
peace  and  safety." 

And  so  Buchanan,  during  his  presidential  term,  re 
versed  his  position  in  the  debates  of  1826,  and  stoutly 
adhered  to  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  It  was  in  1859-60, 
when  England,  France  and  Spain  had  decided  on  armed 
intervention  in  the  then  distracted  affairs  of  Mexico.  In 
his  message  of  1859,  President  Buchanan  advised  the 
employment  of  a  sufficient  military  force  to  penetrate  into 
the  interior  of  Mexico,  if  necessaiy.  In  his  message  of 
1860,  he  deprecates  the  failure  to  thus  employ  force,  bj 
saying: 

"  European  Governments  would  have  been  deprived  of 
all  pretext  to  interfere  in  the  territorial  and  domestic  con 
cerns  of  Mexico.  We  should  thus  have  been  relieved 


396  THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE. 

from  the  obligation  of  resisting,  even  by  force  should  this 
become  necessary,  any  attempt  by  these  Governments  to 
deprive  our  neighboring  republic  of  portions  of  her  terri 
tory — a  duty  from  which  we  could  not  shrink  without 
abandoning  the  traditional  and  established  policy  of  the 
American  people." 

In  the  debates  of  1826,  Mr.  Webster  thus  replied  to 
those  who  were  contending  that  the  Monroe  Doctrine  was 
a  mere  executive  opinion,  of  transitory  moment: 

"Sir,  I  agree  with  those  who  maintain  the  proposition, 
and  I  contend  against  those  who  deny  it,  that  the  message 
did  mean  something ;  that  it  meant  much ;  and  I  main 
tain  against  both  that  the  declaration  effected  much  good, 
answered  the  end  designed  by  it,  did  great  honor  to  the 
foresight  and  the  spirit  of  the  Government,  and  that  it 
cannot  now  be  taken  back,  retracted,  or  annulled  without 
disgrace.  It  met,  Sir,  with  the  entire  concurrence  and 
the  hearty  approbation  of  the  country.  The  tone  which 
it  uttered  found  a  corresponding  response  in  the  breasts 
of  the  free  people  of  the  United  States.  That  people 
saw,  and  they  rejoiced  to  see,  that  on  a  fit  occasion  our 
weight  had  been  thrown  into  the  right  scale,  and  that, 
without  departing  from  our  duty,  we  had  done  something 
useful  and  something  effectual  for  the  cause  of  civil 
liberty.  One  general  glow  of  exultation,  one  universal 
feeling  of  the  gratified  love  of  liberty,  one  conscious  and 
proud  perfection  of  the  considerations  which  the  country 
possessed,  and  of  the  respect  and  honor  which  belonged 
to  it,  pervaded  all  bosoms." 

Mr.  Seward  thus  affirmed  the  doctrine  in  1861: 

"  The  Government  of  the  United  States  would  regard 
with  grave  concern  and  dissatisfaction  movements  in 


HON.  JAMES  L.  PUGII. 

Born  in  Burke  co.,  Ga.,  December  12,  1820 ;  moved  early  to  Ala 
bama,  and  received  academic  education  ;  admitted  to  bar  in  1841,  and 
acquired  a  lucrative  practice ;  elected  to  36th  Congress,  but  withdrew 
when  State  seceded  ;  served  in  Confederate  army;  elected  to  Confederate 
Congress,  1861-63 ;  resumed  law  practice  at  Eufaula  ;  member  of  Con 
vention  that  framed  State  Constitution  in  1875;  elected  to  U.  S.  Senate 
in  1880;  re-elected  1884  and  1890;  member  of  Committees  on  Educa 
tion  and  Judiciary,  Privileges  and  Elections,  Revolutionary  Claims  and 
Extension  of  Congressional  Library. 


HON.  REDFIELD  PROCTOR. 

Born  at  Proctorsville,  Vermont,  June  1,  1831 ;  graduated  from  Dart 
mouth,  1851,  and  from  Albany  Law  School  in  1859;  practiced  law 
in  Boston  ;  served  in  Army  1861-63 ;  rose  to  be  Colonel  of  Fifteenth 
Vermont  Volunteers ;  returned  to  practice  of  law;  elected  to  Assembly, 
1867-68  ;  again,  1888  ;  served  in  State  Senate,  1874-76 ;  elected  Lieu 
tenant-Governor,  1876;  advanced  to  Governor,  1878 ;  delegate-at-large 
to  Republican  National  Conventions,  1884,  1888 ;  appointed  Secretary 
of  War  by  President  Harrison,  1889;  resigned  November  1,  1891,  to 
take  place  of  Senator  Edmunds  in  United  States  Senate ;  and  October 
18,  1892,  was  elected  to  fill  both  the  unexpired  and  the  full  terms.  His 
term  expires  in  1899. 


THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE.  399 

Cuba  to  introduce  Spanish  authority  within  the  territory 
of  Dominica." 

President  Grant's  position  in  1870,  was  this : 

"  The  allied  and  other  Republics  of  Spanish  origin  on 
this  continent  may  see  in  this  fact  a  new  proof  of  our  sin 
cere  interest  in  their  welfare  ;  of  our  desire  to  see  them 
blessed  with  good  Government,  capable  of  maintaining 
order  and  of  preserving  their  respective  territorial  integ 
rity,  and  of  our  sincere  wish  to  extend  our  own  commer 
cial  and  social  relations  with  them.  The  time  is  not 
probably  far  distant  when,  in  the  natural  course  of  events, 
the  European  political  connection  with  this  continent  will 
cease.  Our  politics  will  be  shaped  in  view  of  this  prob 
ability,  so  as  to  ally  the  commercial  interests  of  the 
Spanish- American  States  more  closely  to  our  own,  and 
thus  give  the  United  States  all  the  preeminence  and  all 
the  advantages  which  Mr.  Monroe,  Mr.  Adams,  and  Mr. 
Clay  contemplated  when  they  proposed  to  join  in  the 
Congress  of  Panama." 

President  Cleveland,  in  his  special  message  of  Decem 
ber  17,  1895,  upon  the  boundary  controversy  between 
Great  Britain  and  Venezuela,  thus  applied  the  doctrine  : 

"  Without  attempting  extended  argument  in  reply  to 
these  positions,  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  suggest  that  the 
doctrine  upon  which  we  stand  is  strong  and  sound  because 
its  enforcement  is  important  to  our  peace  and  safety  as  a 
nation,  and  is  essential  to  the  integrity  of  our  free  insti 
tutions  and  the  tranquil  maintenance  of  our  distinctive 
form  of  Government.  It  was  intended  to  apply  to  every 
stage  of  our  National  life,  and  cannot  become  obsolete 
while  our  Republic  endures.  If  the  balance  of  power  is 
justly  a  cause  for  jealous  anxiety  among  the  Governments 
23 


400  THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE. 

of  the  Old  World  and  a  subject  for  our  absolute  non-in- 
lerference,  none  the  less  is  an  observance  of  the  Monroe 
/)octrine  of  vital  concern  to  our  people  and  their  Govern 
ment. 

"Assuming,  therefore,  that  we  may  properly  insist  upon 
this  doctrine  without  regard  to  '  the  state  of  things  in 
Which  we  live,'  or  any  changed  conditions  here  or  else- 
Tvhere,  it  is  not  apparent  why  its  application  may  not  be 
invoked  in  the  present  controversy. 

"If  a  European  power,  by  an  extension  of  its  boundaries, 
takes  possession  of  the  territory  of  one  of  our  neighboring 
Republics  against  its  will  and  in  derogation  of  its  rights, 
it  is  difficult  to  see  why,  to  that  extent,  such  European 
power  does  not  thereby  attempt  to  extend  its  system  of 
Government  to  that  portion  of  this  continent  which  is 
thus  taken.  This  is  the  precise  action  which  President 
Monroe  declared  to  be  '  dangerous  to  our  peace  and 
safety/  and  it  can  make  no  difference  whether  the 
European  system  is  extended  by  an  advance  of  frontier 
or  otherwise." 

Thus  the  Monroe  Doctrine  has  been  accepted  as  a  pub 
lic  law  of  the  country  ever  since  its  announcement.  It 
was  the  controlling  factor  in  the  emancipation  of  South 
America,  and  to  it  the  independent  states  which  now  divide 
that  region  between  them  are  largely  indebted  for  their 
very  existence.  Since  then  the  most  striking  single 
achievement  to  be  credited  to  the  rule  is  the  evacuation 
of  Mexico  by  the  French  upon  the  termination  of  the 
Civil  war.  But  we  are  also  indebted  to  it  for  the  provi 
sions  of  the  Claytoii-Bulwer  treaty,  which  both  neutral 
ized  any  interoceanic  canal  across  Central  America  and 
expressly  excluded  Great  Britain  from  occupying  or  ex 
ercising  any  dominion  over  any  part  of  Cental  America. 


THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE.  401 

It  has  been  used  in  the  case  of  Cuba  as  if  justifying  the 
position  that,  while  the  sovereignty  of  Spain  will  be  re 
spected,  the  island  will  not  be  permitted  to  become  the 
possession  of  any  other  European  power.  It  has  been  in. 
fluential  in  bringing  about  the  definite  relinquishment  of 
any  supposed  protectorate  by  Great  Britain  over  the  Mos 
quito  coast. 


OUR  CUBAN  RELATIONS. 


FIRST  POINT  OF  VIEW. 

EVERY  effort  of  Cuba  to  liberate  herself  from  the  gal- 
ling  yoke  of  Spain  has  met  with  large  sympathy  in  the 
United  States.  The  more  modern  the  efforts,  the  larger 
the  sympathy.  The  revolution  in  the  island,  on  in  its 
fury  in  1896,  so  impressed  our  people  that  the  Congress 
felt  warranted  by  resolution  in  expressing  its  horror  of 
Spain's  conduct  toward  this,  its  richest  colony,  and,  by 
implication,  the  hope  of  that  colony's  success  in  its  effort 
for  independence.  The  passage  of  the  resolution  through 
both  houses  brought  forth  in  each  a  depth  of  sentiment 
which  did  not  hesitate  to  hold  Spain  up  to  the  civilized 
world  as  a  rapacious  and  tyrannical  monster,  unworthy  of 
respect  as  mistress  of  a  fruitful  island,  and  a  veritable 
stumbling-block  in  the  march  of  a  people  inspired  with 
free  notions.  Doubtless,  much  of  the  boldness  and  bitter 
ness  of  speech  was  intended  as  a  prick  for  a  seemingly 
slothful  and  indifferent  President,  and  it  was  only  the  in 
tent  to  give  the  Executive  a  little  time  to  study  the  direc 
tion  of  the  wind  of  popular  sentiment  that  prevented  the 
Congress  from  making  its  resolution  a  joint  one,  and  to 
include  a  grant  of  full  belligerent  rights  to  the  struggling 
Cubans. 

This  question  of  our  encouragement  in  the  shape  of  an 
(402) 


OUR   CUBAN    RELATIONS.  403 

offer  ol  belligerent  rights  opened  up  the  whole  subject  of 
Spanish  and  Cuban  relations,  and  imposed  on  our  govern 
ment  a  task  as  delicate  as  it  was  exacting.  Historically  con 
sidered,  the  task  was  an  old  one,  and  had  been  variously  viewed 
and  weighed.  We  find  that  with  wrestling  with  it,  such  a 
grave  statesman  as  John  Quincy  Adams  had  thrown  him 
self  open  to  the  charge  of  jingoism  by  the  announcement 
that, 

"These  islands  [Cuba  and  Porto  Rico]  from  their  local 
position  are  natural  appendages  to  the  North  American 
continent,  and  one  of  them,  Cuba,  almost  in  sight  of  our 
shores,  has,  from  a  multitude  of  considerations,  become  an 
object  of  transcendent  importance  to  the  commercial  and 
political  interest  of  our  Union.  .  .  .  Such,  indeed,  are 
the  relations  between  that  island  and  this  country,  the 
geographical,  commercial,  moral,  and  political  relations 
formed  by  nature,  gathering  in  the  process  of  time,  and 
even  now  verging  to  maturity,  that  in  looking  forward  to 
the  probable  course  of  events  for  the  short  period  of  half 
a  century,  it  is  scarcely  possible  to  resist  the  conviction 
that  the  annexation  of  Cuba  to  our  Federal  republic  will 
be  indispensable  to  the  continuance  and  integrity  of  the 
Union  itself.  .  .  .  Cuba,  forcibly  disjoined  from  its  o\vn 
unnatural  connection  with  Spain,  and  incapable  of  self- 
support,  can  gravitate  only  toward  the  North  American 
Union,  which  by  the  same  law  of  nature  cannot  cast  her 
off  from  its  bosom." 

Nor  was  Clay  less  pronounced  in  his  opinion  of  a  situa 
tion  hardly  differing  from  that  of  1896,  when  he  said, 

"  If  the  war  should  continue  between  Spain  and  the  new 
republics,  and  those  islands  [Cuba  and  Porto  Rico]  should 
become  the  object  and  theatre  of  it,  their  fortunes  have 
such  a  connection  with  the  prosperity  of  the  United  States 


404  OUR   CUBAN   RELATIONS. 

that  they  could  not  be  indifferent  spectators,  and  the  pos 
sible  contingencies  of  such  a  protracted  war  might  bring 
upon  the  government  of  the  United  States  duties  and  ob 
ligations,  the  performance  of  which,  however  painful  it 
should  be,  they  might  not  be  at  liberty  to  decline." 

These  expressions  of  public  opinion,  uttered  by  the 
wisest  statesmen  of  their  day,  show  that  the  Cuban  ques 
tion  is  by  no  means  a  new  one,  but  that  it  dates  back  in 
all  its  solemn  depth  and  multiform  ramifications  to  quite 
an  early  period  in  our  history.  Late  attempts  at  its  solu 
tion  are  not  novel.  The  boldness  and  violence  of  speech 
in  the  54th  Congress  respecting  it  have  been  heard  before, 
the  patriotic  outbursts  have  been  witnessed,  the  threats  of 
war  encountered. 

But  these  facts  intensify,  rather  than  chill,  interest  in 
the  question,  for  it  is  conceded  that  almost  enough  of 
years  have  elapsed  to  bring  about  a  consummation  such  as 
every  Cuban  patriot  has  devoutly  wished  and  strenuously 
striven  for.  Therefore,  in  making  up  the  history  of  the 
Cuban  problem  it  will  appear  strange  that  administrations 
prior  to  that  of  Mr.  Cleveland,  have  uniformly  declared  to 
Spain  and  the  world  that  the  condition  of  Cuba  was  a 
matter  in  which  the  United  States  had  a  vital  interest  and 
which  could  never  be  disregarded.  To  put  it  in  the  bold 
language  of  Edward  Everett,  "  the  Cuban  question  is 
purely  an  American  one." 

Especially  is  this  true  of  that  phase  of  the  question 
which  contemplated  the  transfer  of  the  island  to  some 
more  powerful  and,  perhaps,  congenial  European  power 
than  Spain,  even  if  the  object  in  view  were  the  payment 
of  debts  which  Spain  could  not  otherwise  hope  to  liqui 
date.  It  has  been  repeated  by  our  Secretaries  of  State, 
and  by  Senators  and  members  of  Congress  that  the  United 


OUR   CUBAN    RELATIONS.  405 

States  could  never  suffer  Cuba  to  pass  into  the  hands  of 
another  European  power.  It  has  been  often  announced 
by  our  representatives  abroad  that  any  attempt  on  the 
part  of  Spain  to  transfer  Cuba  to  another  European 
power  would  be  regarded  by  the  United  States  as  an  act 
of  war.  And  this  could  hardly  be  otherwise,  for  the  situa 
tion  of  the  island  is  such  as  to  make  its  possession  by 
other  than  Spain  a  double  menace  to  our  commerce  and 
to  our  coasts.  Such  has  been  the  interest  of  the  United 
States  in  the  island  that  during  the  war  of  1868,  an  offer 
of  a  large  sum  of  money,  or  a  guarantee  of  the  Cuban 
debt,  was  made  if  Spain  would  declare  the  independence 
of  the  island.  Later  on,  and  during  the  same  uprising,  a 
threat  of  intervention  was  made  by  the  United  States. 

Thus  our  policy  as  to  Cuba  and  our  foreign  relations 
have  taken  shape.  Whether  they  shall  be  modified,  or 
what  further  shape  they  shall  take,  depends  on  a  full  un 
derstanding  of  the  history  of  Cuba  and  of  the  attitude  of 
the  United  States  toward  her,  not  in  the  line  ef  selfishness, 
but  in  the  interest  of  humanity  and  civilization. 

Cuba  remained  faithful  to  Spain  amid  all  those  revolu 
tions  which  swept  away  her  South  American  possessions 
and  made  them  Republics.  True  there  were  juntas  there 
which  had  aided  the  Republics,  and,  as  a  compensation, 
Bolivar  offered  to  pay  off  the  debt  by  helping  the  island 
to  obtain  independence  of  Spain.  He  was  persuaded  to 
desist  by  this  country  for  certain  diplomatic  reasons. 
Spain  suspected  the  whole  island  of  insincerity  in  her 
allegiance,  and  in  1825  transferred  to  the  captain-general 
all  the  authority  of  the  local  governors.  This  was  as 
much  as  to  proclaim  the  island  under  martial  law,  and 
with  the  event  began  the  history  of  Cuba's  resistance  to 
the  sweeping  and  needless  tyranny  of  Spain.  Since  then, 


406  OUR    CUBAN    RELATIONS. 

each  revolutionary  outbreak  has  become  more  desperate 
and  formidable  than  the  preceding  one. 

The  march  of  these  revolutions  have  been,  in  brief,  the 
insurrection  of  1826,  resulting  in  the  execution  of  the  two 
leaders  ;  the  "  Conspiracy  of  the  bald  Eagles,"  quickly 
repressed,  and  the  leaders,  imprisoned,  banished  or  exe 
cuted ;  the  exclusion  of  the  Cuban  and  Porto-Ricom  rep 
resentatives  from  the  Cortes  in  1837,  on  the  ground  that 
special  laws  were  applicable  to  the  islands ;  the  expedi 
tions  under  Quitman  and  others  in  1855,  where  many 
leaders  were  executed  and  others  banished. 

Now  many  years  elapsed  during  which  the  Cubans  en 
deavored  by  peaceful  means  to  secure  from  Spain  relief 
from  their  oppression  and  wrongs.  Every  change  that 
Spain  could  be  induced  to  make  was  made  for  the  worse. 
With  the  decadence  of  Spanish  power  the  island  became 
a  more  imposing  part  of  empire.  With  the  increase  of 
Spanish  debt,  the  island  became  a  more  necessary  source 
of  revenue.  The  tyranny  that  was  at  first  natural  on  the 
part  of  Spain,  became  imperative  as  a  means  of  squeezing 
every  available  dollar  from  patient  and  opulent  subjects. 

The  revolution  of  1868,  under  Cespedes,  was  inevitable. 
Years  of  oppression  had  pointed  to  it.  Though  it  was 
limited  to  the  eastern  portion  of  the  island,  it  lasted 
for  ten  years  and  was  only  brought  to  an  end  by  a 
treaty  in  which  Spain  promised  to  the  revolutionists  the 
reforms  for  which  they  had  taken  up  arms.  Thus  the 
revolutionists  gained  a  moral  victory,  and  one  which 
crippled  the  already  broken  power  of  Spain.  They  laid 
down  their  arms,  and  kept  their  compact.  But  not  so 
with  Spain.  The  treaty  with  her  was  a  mere  pretext. 
She  disregarded  her  pledges  of  amnesty  in  great  part,  and 
imprisoned  or  executed  many  who  had  been  engaged  in 


OUR   CUBAN    RELATIONS.  407 

the  insurgent  cause.  Her  promised  reforms  were  either 
withheld,  or  proposed  and  carried  out  in  a  spirit  of  mock 
ery.  They  were  of  no  value  to  the  island  in  either  politi 
cal  or  commercial  sense.  If  any  result  followed,  it  was  to 
aggravate  a  strained  situation  by  supplementing  tyranny 
with  treachery  and  bloodshed.  In  the  Spanish  attitude 
were  all  the  seeds  of  further  revolt,  and  the  period  from 
1878  to  1895  was  one  of  civic  protest  and  warlike  prepara 
tion. 

The  flames  of  revolution  broke  out  anew  in  1895,  and 
under  auspices  far  different  from  those  of  former  out 
bursts.  The  feeling  back  of  it  was  one  of  intense  ani 
mosity  toward  Spain  on  account  of  her  broken  pledges, 
manifest  double  dealing  and  bloody  cruelty.  It  was  a 
wider-spread  and  more  unanimous  feeling  than  ever  before. 
The  quiet  warlike  preparations  had  brought  to  the  front 
men  of  executive  force  and  considerable  military  experi 
ence.  There  was  abroad  a  local  spirit  of  amor  patrice,  and 
a  supreme  confidence  inspired  by  leadership  and  organiza 
tion.  There  was  little  money,  few  arms  and  supplies,  but 
it  was  felt  these  would  come  after  a  few  successes  along 
lines  of  matured  military  plan,  and  especially  through  the 
agency  of  that  sympathy  which  was  sure  to  be  evoked  in 
the  bosoms  of  Cuban  residents  in  the  United  States,  and 
perhaps  among  all  lovers  of  liberty  and  independence. 

The  first  sound  of  arms  was  in  1895  when  General 
Gomez  landed  500  men  on  the  extreme  end  of  Cuba,  near 
Santiago  de  Cuba.  Around  this  nucleus  gathered  other' 
forces  under  the  lead  of  such  men  as  Maceo.  By  rapid 
accretions  the  number  swelled  to  30,000,  all  fairly  armed. 
The  number  could  have  readily  been  made  60,000  had  arms 
been  obtainable.  The  leaders  wished  to  avoid  the  troubles 
and  excesses  incident  to  an  untrained,  unarmed  rabble, 


408  OUR   CUBAN    RELATIONS. 

hence  they  wisely  organized  and  mobilized  only  those  they 
could  arm  and  render  effective  in  the  field. 

The  ten  year  rebellion  of  1808-78  had  been  confined  to 
the  eastern  part  of  the  island.  This  localization,  desirable 
in  every  sense  on  the  part  of  Spain,  was  a  serious  draw 
back  to  the  insurgents.  It  dwarfed  operations  and  senti 
ment  respecting  them.  It  prevented  the  spread  of  en 
thusiasm,  and  interfered  with  those  cooperative  uprisings 
the  earlier  insurgents  had  a  right  to  expect.  This  upris 
ing  would  avoid  many  of  the  errors  of  former  ones.  In  a 
single  year  the  Cuban  army  was  marched  from  the  east  to 
the  west  of  the  island,  through  fruitful  provinces,  sources 
of  the  great  wealth  which  Spain  extracted  from  the  island, 
and  past  the  lines  of  Spanish  soldiers  thrown  across  the 
island  to  break  the  force  of  insurrection.  Havana  was 
encircled  and  repeatedly  threatened.  Her  inland  commu 
nications  were  often  cut,  and  the  sugar  and  tobacco  plan 
tations  largely  devastated.  Spain  augmented  her  armies 
in  Cuba  till  a  force  of  over  100,000  men  was  on  the  scene, 
yet  the  operations  of  the  insurgents  received  no  serious 
check.  They  passed  and  repassed  the  celebrated  trocha, 
or,  armed  trench  across  the  island,  with  ease  and  without 
loss,  always,  of  course,  avoiding  decisive  battles  for  want 
of  heavy  artillery.  In  strategy  they  were  more  than  a 
match  for  the  Spaniards,  and  in  their  tactical  delays,  forays 
and  surprises  they  proved  more  formidable  than  if  they 
had  sought  successes  through  direct  blows.  They  saw  their 
foes  harried  and  weakened  at  every  point,  exhausted  by 
exertion  here,  mutinous  for  lack  of  food  there,  decimated 
by  disease  everywhere.  Spain's  best  military  talent  was 
disconcerted,  and  could  neither  prepare  nor  deliver  an  ef 
fective  blow.  Time,  which  was  every  thing  to  Spain  in  her 
impoverished  condition,  was  in  complete  control  of  the  in- 


OUR   CUBAN    RELATIONS.  409 

surgents,  who  lengthened  it  to  suit  themselves,  and  spread 
it  out  so  as  to  mature  their  own  plans,  or  till  they  witnessed 
the  dissipation  of  offensive  projects  on  the  part  of  their 
foes.  Spain  held  nothing  securely  by  means  of  her  armies, 
except  her  armed  camps  near  seaports,  and  these  latter 
were  held  by  means  of  warships.  In  any  liberal  military 
sense  the  insurgents  were  possessors  of  the  island,  and 
could  not  be  ousted.  They  had  enjoyed  a  military  success 
far  beyond  their  most  sanguine  expectations. 

Meanwhile,  they  had  held  two  elections  of  national  im 
port  to  them,  had  set  up  a  provisional  government  at  a 
stated  capital,  and  had  drafted  and  .adopted  a  constitution. 
Civic  officers  had  been  inaugurated  and  civic  officers  duly 
installed.  Generals  and  minor  army  officers  held  their 
commissions  by  virture  of  regular  constituted  civic  author 
ity.  Official  life  represented  the  two  races  on  the  island, 
white  and  black,  the  burden  of  civic  affairs  falling  to  the 
whites,  the  blacks  being  represented  in  the  field  by  the 
two  able  Maceos  and  others.  The  seat  of  government 
was  not  stable.  It  could  not  be  by  virtue  of  circumstances, 
for  it  had  to  keep  pace  with  the  swift  moving  camps.  Yet 
it  was  none  the  less  a  seat  of  government,  always  a  desir 
able  object  of  attack  by  the  Spaniards,  yet  never  captured. 

What  the  insurgents  lacked  most,  at  the  end  of  a 
year's  fighting,  was  a  seaport.  This  fact  was  urged 
against  them  by  Spain  and  her  friends  in  America  in  the 
arguments  against  a  state  of  actual  war  on  the  island  and 
the  propriety  of  granting  belligerent  rights  to  the  strug 
gling  patriots.  But  they  more  than  once  proved  their 
ability  to  capture  seaports,  as  at  Batabano.  There  was 
hardly  a  time  when  they  were  not  confident  of  being  able 
to  capture  any  of  the  Spanish  seaports.  Their  inability 
to  hold  them,  however,  through  lack  of  heavy  guns  and 


410  OUR   CUBAN    RELATIONS. 

buttle  ships,  made  their  possession  undesirable.     In  reality 
there  was  no  need  for  them.     The  minor  ports  were  open 
and  but  little  difficulty  was  experienced  in  obtaining  food 
and  munitions  of  war  from  friends  in  other  countries. 

It  is,  of  course,  difficult  to  verify  absolutely  all  the 
foregoing  history.  But  it  is  such  as  is  furnished  to  the 
world  by  the  best  authorities  at  command,  to  wit,  disin 
terested  travelers  and  correspondents,  American  consuls, 
and  others.  Spanish  officials,  by  means  of  an  imperious  j 
censorship,  and  even  by  resort  to  imprisonment  of  news! 
gatherers,  permitted  no  report  to  go  out  from  the  island 
except  those  colored  to  suit  their  interests.  Yet  it  was 
submitted  by  the  friends  of  Cuba  in  America  that  enough 
was  surely  known  to  make  out  a  case  on  which  the  United 
States  could  securely  stand,  should  it  choose  to  grant  bel 
ligerent  rights  to  the  Cubans. 

As  put  by  one  publicist  of  note,  the  case  historically 
resolved  itself  into  this : 

"  The  island  of  Cuba,  which  lies  but  a  short  distance 
from  our  coast,  is  now  again,  after  recurring  revolutions 
and  disorders  extending  over  seventy  years,  the  scene  of 
a  revolution  more  formidable  and  successful  than  any 
which  has  preceded  it.  American  property  in  the  island 
is  being  destroyed,  and  our  commerce  with  Cuba  is  being 
ruined.  The  ablest  and  most  humane  general  in  Spain, 
who  brought  the  previous  insurrection  to  a  close  by  judi 
cious  concessions,  has  been  recalled, — which  is  in  itself  a 
confession  of  failure, — and  has  been  replaced  by  a  man 
notorious  for  his  ferocity  and  brutality.  This  new  gen 
eral,  Weyler,  has  reverted  to  the  methods  of  warfare  em 
ployed  by  the  Duke  of  Alva  in  the  Netherlands  three 
hundred  years'  ago,  when  the  ruin  of  the  Spanish  Empire 
began  ;  which  is  very  characteristic,  for  the  Spaniards, 


OUR   CUBAN    RELATIONS.  411 

although  they  learn  nothing,  have,  unlike  the  Bourbons, 
forgotten  many  things.  For  many  years  it  has  been  clear 
that  Spain  could  not  hold  the  island.  If  this  war  fails,  it 
will  be  followed  by  another  a  few  years  hence.  But  it 
seems  tolerably  clear  that  Spain  is  unable  to  suppress  this 
insurrection.  She  may  complete  the  ruin  of  Cuba,  but 
she  cannot  conquer  the  Cubans.  The  present  war  there 
fore  is  as  useless  as  it  is  bloody  and  savage." 

It  is  reasonably  clear,  therefore,  that  our  relationship  of 
indifference  toward  the  struggling  Cubans,  or  which  is  the 
same  thing,  of  favoritism  toward  Spain,  must  sooner  or 
later  give  way  to  something  more  pronounced.  Should 
that  something  be  recognition  of  belligerent  rights  ?  It 
might  well  be  such,  argue  those  who  are  satisfied  with  the 
facts  heretofore  stated.  Cuban  belligerency  was  withheld 
during  the  ten  years'  struggle  from  1868  to  1878.  In  this 
respect  the  United  States  did  not  copy  Spain's  haste  to 
recognize  the  belligerency  of  the  rebellious  States  of  the 
Union,  at  a  time  within  sixty  days  of  the  firing  011  Fort 
Sumter,  and  before  word  of  any  other  combat  of  arms  had 
reached  her.  The  Cuban  insurrection  of  1895  went  on  a 
year,  with  the  establishment  of  a  government,  with  bat 
tles  fought  and  victories  won,  with  the  island  conquered 
except  as  to  its  port  towns.  Here  then  was  a  condition 
far  more  fully  justifying  a  recognition  of  belligerency  by 
the  United  States,  than  what  Spain  found  in  this  country 
when  she  recognized  the  war  status  of  the  South  in  1861. 

Belligerency  is  at  most  a  question  of  fact.  It  is  not, 
and  has  never  been,  regarded  by  nations  as  an  occasion  for 
war.  As  a  fact  it  is  one  wholly  within  the  breasts  of  the 
nations  asking  and  granting  it.  If  the  fact  is  clearly  es 
tablished,  the  granting  nation  may  proclaim  its  determina 
tion,  without  right  of  question  by  any  third  nation. 


412  OUR   CUBAN   RELATIONS. 

A  different  policy  was  adopted  by  the  United  States 
during  the  Cuban  insurrection  of  1868-78.  It  was  the 
policy  of  good  offices  toward  the  contending  parties, 
looking  toward  Cuban  independence,  and  even  going  so 
far  as  an  offer  to  purchase  of  Spain  the  independence  of 
the  island.  Many  of  our  leading  statesmen  favored  it 
among  them,  even  such  as  were  coldly  disposed  toward 
Cuba  on  account  of  the  existence  of  the  negro  slavery  on 
her  soil.  This  policy  became  that  of  the  Grant  adminis 
tration,  but  it  was  so  distasteful  to  Spain  as  to  seemingly 
aggravate  her  cruel  dealings  with  the  insurgents,  and  to 
require  something  stronger  on  the  part  of  President  Grant, 
for,  in  1876,  his  Secretary  of  State  was  forced  to  write  that 
unless  the  insurrection  in  Cuba  was  speedily  suppressed 
the  United  States  would  be  compelled  to  intervene. 

The  overwhelmning  vote  of  sympathy,  in  both  houses  of 
the  Fifty-fourth  Congress,  in  favor  of  the  Cuban  patriots, 
brought  about  a  strong  contrast  with  the  course  of  Presi 
dent  Cleveland.  It  was  alleged  that  his  attitude  was  not 
one  of  indifference  toward  the  contestants  but  of  actual 
favoritism  toward  Spain,  in  that  he  had  gone  beyond  his 
duty  of  preserving  neutrality.  Though  it  had  been 
decided  in  our  highest  judicial  tribunals,  that  vessels 
carrying  war  munitions  and  unarmed  men  were  not  illegiti 
mately  engaged,  the  President  ordered  the  seizure  of 
several  such,  only  to  find  that  they  were  released  by  the 
courts.  His  undertaking  to  police  the  seas  beyond  the 
three  mile  limit  and  to  arrest  vessels  suspected  of  violat 
ing  the  neutrality  laws,  was  equally  repudiated  by  the 
judicial  tribunals.  Only  in  a  single  instance  was  his 
course  sustained,  and  that  was  where  the  arms  and 
soldiers  were  found  aboard  together,  the  former  actually 


OUR   CUBAN   RELATIONS.  413 

in  the  latter's  hands,  and  where  the  evidence  was  that  such 
union  had  been  planned  on  the  soil  of  the  United  States. 

Among  the  pecuniary  or  material  reasons  for  change  in 
our  Cuban  relations,  may  well  be  mentioned  the  ruin  of 
American  property  of  immense  value  in  Cuba,  the  de 
struction  of  a  large  commerce  with  the  island,  the  shut 
ting  out  of  American  enterprise  from  a  wide  and  desirable 
field.  Add  to  these  the  importance  of  removing  a  con 
tinuous  threat  upon  our  commercial  and  political  well 
being  contained  in  the  possession  of  an  island  lying  so 
near  our  coasts  by  a  foreign  and  monarchical  government, 
and  one  may  find  good  reason  for  the  opinion  of  Charles 
Sumner  in  1869  : 

"  For  myself  I  cannot  doubt  that  in  the  interest  of  both 
parties,  Cuba  and  Spain,  and  in  the  interest  of  humanity 
also,  the  contest  should  be  closed.  This  is  my  judgment 
on  the  facts,  so  far  as  known  to  me.  Cuba  must  be  saved 
from  its  bloody  delirium,  or  little  will  be  left  for  the  final 
conquerer.  Nor  can  the  enlightened  mind  fail  to  see  that 
the  Spanish  power  on  this  island  is  an  anachronism.  The 
day  of  European  colonies  has  passed — at  least  in  this  hem 
isphere,  where  the  rights  of  man  were  first  proclaimed  and 
self-government  first  established." 

But  what  really  makes  a  change  in  our  Cuban  relations 
necessarily  rests  on  that  high  ground  taken  by  Mr. 
Lodge  in  the  Forum  .° 

"Such  a  war  as  is  now  being  waged  in  Cuba — unre 
strained  by  any  of  the  laws  of  civilized  warfare  and 
marked  by  massacre  and  ferocious  reprisals  at  ever  step — 
is  a  disgrace  to  civilization.  It  is  as  useless  as  it  is  brutal. 
Spain  is  in  truth  "  an  anachronism  "  in  the  Western  Hemis 
phere.  It  is  impossible  that  she  should  long  retain  even 
this  last  foothold.  Spanish -American  Governments  have 


414  OUR    CUBAN    RELATIONS, 

no  doubt  fallen  far  short  of  the  standards  of 
the  English  speaking  race,  but  they  have  been 
an  immense  improvement  in  the  stupid  and  cruel  mis- 
government  of  Spain.  Tt  is  no  argument  to  say  that,  the 
Spanish-American  Governments  are  not  up  to  our  standard, 
the  Cubans  should  be  compelled  to  remain  crushed 
beneath  the  misgovernment  of  Spain, — especially  when 
we  remember  that,  although  there  are  many  negroes  and 
mulattoes  in  Cuba,  the  whites  are  whites  of  pure  race  and 
not  mixed  with  Indian  blood  as  on  the  continent 

"  This  is  a  world  of  comparative  progress,  and  freedom 
from  Spain  would  be  to  Cuba  a  long  step  iu  advance  on 
the  highroad  of  advancing  civilization.  TTHG  interests  of 
humanity  are  the  controlling  reasons  which  demand  the 
beneficient  interposition  of  the  United  States  to  bring  to 
an  end  this  savage  war  and  give  to  the  island  peace  and 
independence.  No  great  nation  can  escape  its  responsi 
bilities.  We  freely  charge  England  with  responsibility  for 
the  hideous  atrocities  in  Armenia.  But  it  is  the  merest 
cant  to  do  this  if  we  shirk  our  own  duty.  We  have  a 
responsibility  with  regard  to  Cuba.  We  cannot  evade  it 
and,  if  we  seek  to  do  so,  sooner  or  later  we  shall  pay  the 
penalty.  But  the  American  people,  whose  sympathies  are 
strongly  with  the  Cubans  fighting  for  their  liberties,  will 
no  longer  suffer  this  indifference  toward  them  to  continue. 
If  one  administration  declines  to  meet  our  national  respon 
sibilities  as  they  should  be  met,  there  will  be  put  in  power 
another  administration  which  will  neither  neglect  nor  shun 
its  plain  duty  to  the  United  States  and  to  the  cause  of 
freedom  and  humanity." 

A  SECOND  VIEW. 
It   must   not  be  supposed   that  those  who  favor  strict 


JOHN  W.  DANIEL. 

Born  at  Lynchburg,  Sept.  5,  1842;  educated  at  Lynchburg  College 
and  Harrison  University;  served  in  Confederate  Army;  Adjutant  of 
Eariy's  Staff;  studied  law  at  University  of  Va. ;  member  of  House  of 
Delegates,  1869-70,  1871-72;  member  of  Senate,  1875-81  ;  Tilden 
Elector,  1876;  member  of  Dem.  Nat.  Con.,  1880,  1888;  defeated  for 
Governor  in  1881;  member  of  49th  Congress;  elected  to  U.  S.  Senate 
and  took  seat  March  4,  1887;  re-elected  Dec.,  1891;  member  of  Com 
mittees  on  Foreign  Relations,  Appropriations,  Judiciary,  Public  Buildings 
and  Grounds,  and  Revision,  of  Laws. 


v 


HON.  DAVID  B.  CULBERSON. 

Born  in  Troup  co.,  Ga.,  September  29,1830;  educated  at  Brown- 
wood  ;  studied  law  and  moved  to  Texas,  1856;  elected  to  State  Legis 
lature,  1859;  served  in  Confederate  army  throughout  war;  elected  to 
State  Legislature,  1864;  elected,  as  a  Democrat,  to  44th,  45th,  46th, 
47th,  48th,  49th,  50th,  51st  and  52d  Congresses,  to  represent  Fourth 
Texas  District,  composed  of  eleven  counties ;  an  earnest  and  popular 
member,  admired  by  a  large  constituency;  active  on  the  floor  as  debater 
and  parliamentarian  ;  Chairman  of  the  Judiciary  Committee. 


OUR   CUBAN   RELATIONS.  417 

neutrality  as  to  Spain  and  indifference  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States,  are  any  the  less  impressed  with  the  impor 
tance  of  the  situation,  whether  regarded  in  a  political  or 
commercial  light.  They  do  not  necessarily  lack  sympathy 
with  the  efforts  of  the  patriots  to  secure  the  blessing  of 
free  institutions  for  themselves,  nor  do  they  close  their 
eyes  to  the  righteousness  of  a  struggle  occasioned  by  long 
years  of  harsh  taxation,  treacherous  dealings  and  cruel 
oppression. 

They  see  with  all  others  the  three  great  causes  that 
have  contributed  to  make  the  Cuban  question  one  of 
peculiar  interest  to  the  United  States,  to  wit :  Sympathy 
with  the  idea  of  Cuban  independence,  the  tyranny  of 
Spanish  rule,  desire  of  annexation  to  the  United  States. 
But  they  see  also,  and  make  it  conspicuous,  the  supreme 
duty  of  the  United  States  to  sedulously  maintain  its 
neutrality  laws,  and  to  take  no  risks  by  a  change  of  its 
relations  with  a  friendly  government.  These  have  studied 
faithfully  the  histories  of  Cuban  struggles,  and  their 
judgments  cannot  be  ignored  in  making  up  the  national 
verdict  respecting  the  attitude  to  be  assumed  by  the 
United  States. 

They  sustain  the  President  in  his  proclamation  of  June 
12,  1895,  calling  attention  to  the  prohibition  of  our  neu 
trality  laws,  and  warning  all  persons  against  breaking 
them.  They  find  support  for  their  views  in  the  statement 
in  the  President's  annual  message  of  December  2, 1895,  to 
the  effect  that : 

"  The  traditional  sympathy  of  our  countrymen  as  in 
dividuals  with  a  people  who  seem  to  be  struggling  for  a 
larger  autonomy  and  greater  freedom,  deepened  as  such 
sympathy  naturally  must  be  in  behalf  of  our  neighbors, 
)et  the  plain  duty  of  their  Government  is  to  observe  in 
24 


418  OUR    CUBAN    RELATIONS. 

good  faith  the  recognized  obligations  of  international  re 
lationship." 

When  the  Congress  passed  its  resolution  expressing  the 
opinion  that  the  Cubans  should  be  granted  belligerent 
rights,  with  such  great  unanimity,  it  was  seen  that  such 
action,  if  not  directly,  at  least  by  implication,  was  equiva 
lent  to  saying  to  the  public  that  the  judgment  of  the 
President  was  erroneous  and  should  be  reversed.  This 
opened  inquiry  as  to  the  power  of  the  President  in  the 
premises.  It  was  conceded,  after  but  little  discussion, 
that  the  question  of  belligerency  was  one  wholly  in  the 
hands  of  the  President,  as  the  person  charged  by  the 
Constitution  with  the  conduct  of  our  foreign  relations. 
It  was  equally  agreed  that  belligerency,  like  independ 
ence,  was  one  of  fact,  in  the  determination  of  which 
neutral  governments  do  not  necessarily  consider  the  ques 
tion  of  right  between  the  contending  parties.  This  rule 
was  announced  to  the  Texas  envoy  in  1837,  and  was 
found  to  have  been  repeated  before  and  since.  The  actual 
state  of  hostilities  and  not  the  merits  of  a  controversy  is 
the  guide  for  neutrals  in  entering  on  the  path  of  inter 
vention. 

Assuming  that  the  President  and  the  Congress  had  ac 
cess  to  the  same  sources  of  information  respecting  hostili 
ties  in  Cuba,  or  had  equally  reliable  information,  the 
whole  question  became  one  of  relying  upon  or  construing 
such  information.  And  here  what  may  be  called  an  his 
toric  view  of  the  Cuban  cause  assumed  shades  to  suit  the 
friends  and  opponents  of  belligerency.  We  have,  in 
former  pages,  traced  this  history  from  the  standpoint  of 
those  who  found  in  it  sufficient  to  warrant  a  change  in 
our  Cuban  relations.  We  must  also  trace  it  from  the  stand 
point  of  those  who  opposed  a  change  of  such  relations. 


OUR   CUBAN   RELATIONS.  419 

According  to  these  latter,  the  Cuban  uprising,  begin 
ning  in  February,  1895,  in  the  provinces  of  Santiago  de 
Cuba  and  Matanzas,  embraced  only  the  banditti  element 
of  the  mountains,  and  included  none  of  the  political 
parties  which  represented  the  planting,  industrial,  com 
mercial  and  professional  interests  of  the  island.  It  was 
an  uprising  of  the  laboring  classes,  chiefly  plantation 
negroes,  who  had  been  goaded  to  desperation  by  low  and 
uncertain  wages,  due  to  depression  in  the  prices  of  sugar 
and  tobacco,  to  excessive  cost  of  provisions  and  clothing, 
and  to  the  grinding  modes  of  Spanish  taxation.  The 
hope  was  that,  like  other  and  similar  uprisings,  this  one 
would  soon  exhaust  itself,  and  that  peace  would  be  re 
stored. 

But  it  was  found  that  there  was  more  back  of  it  than 
was  at  first  suspected.  Gomez  proved  abler  than  former 
leaders,  and  he  found  valuable  assistants  in  the  two 
Maceos,  Antonio  and  Jose,  who,  being  mulattoes,  easily 
persuaded  the  negroes  to  leave  the  cane  fields  and  tobacco 
plantations  and  swell  the  ranks  of  the  insurgents.  The 
spirit  of  revolt  soon  spread  among  the  whites,  who  were 
encouraged  by  the  show  of  systematic  effort  on  the  part 
of  leaders.  Organizations  ripened,  and  a  plan  of  cam 
paign  was  agreed  upon  admirably  calculated  to  inflame 
insurrection  and  augment  the  insurgent  forces.  Battles 
with  Spanish  forces  were  avoided,  but  a  series  of  brilliant 
marches  was  entered  upon,  where  the  track  was  marked  by 
the  destruction  of  plantations,  crops,  railroads,  and  all 
resources  vital  to  the  existing  government.  Thus,  by 
sweeping  from  east  to  west,  throughout  the  length  of  the 
island,  the  insurrection  was  given  geographic  extent,  and 
became  an  object  which  attracted  thousands  to  it.  Con 
tributions  were  levied  on  planters,  and  towns,  fields,  build- 


420  OUR   CUBAN   RELATIONS. 

ings  and  machinery  were  destroyed ;  laborers  were  enlisted 
or,  upon  refusal,  shot.  Said  Mr.  Williams,  our  Consul- 
General  at  Havana : 

"Besides  the  burning  of  cane  fields,  the  newspapers  re 
port  cases  of  damage  to  railroads  by  displacing  rails,  the 
blowing  up  of  culverts,  burning  of  bridges  and  stations; 
also,  the  pillaging  of  country  stores,  the  carrying  off  of 
horses,  saddles,  and  bridles  from  farms  on  their  line  of 
march  for  the  mounting  of  men,  and  the  slaughter  of 
cattle  for  food.  .  .  .  The  insurgents  appear,  while 
carrying  on  their  work  of  destruction  of  private  property, 
to  have  been  able,  thus  far,  to  elude  all  encounter  with 
the  government  troops." 

From  this  state  of  affairs,  it  was  argued  that  even  if 
there  was  a  Cuban  war  in  progress,  as  the  friends  of 
Cuban  freedom  claimed,  it  could  not  be  dignified  by  the 
name  of  regular  warfare,  but  possessed  only  the  character 
istics  of  guerrilla  warfare,  and  therefore  presented  none 
of  the  conditions  which  would  warrant  a  grant  of  bellig 
erent  rights  by  a  nation  which  professed  to  follow  strictly 
neutral  lines.  Wars  vary  in  kind  and  degree,  and  do  not 
become  public  wars  merely  by  the  exclusion  of  right 
authority  from  a  portion  of  its  domain,  nor  by  the  setting 
up  of  a  rebellious  government  inside  of  said  domain.  A 
fine  line  was  drawn  between  a  " public  war"  and  "civil 
war,"  and  before  the  latter  could  become  the  former,  the 
insurgents  must  have  risen  to  the  dignity  of  a  political 
power,  with  cohering  principles,  a  certain  degree  of  in 
dependence,  definite  geographic  limits,  and  some  com 
munity  of  population,  interest  and  destiny.  Till  the  latter 
became  the  former  there  could  be  no  proper  grant  of  bellig 
erent  rights,  for  only  a  "  public  war  "  warranted  such  a 
grant. 


OUR   CUBAN    RELATIONS.  421 

This  principle  of  law,  the  resolution  passed  by  the  Con 
gress  seemingly  conceded,  for  the  language  of  the  resolu 
tion  was,  "  in  the  opinion  of  Congress,  a  public  war  exists 
between  the  Government  of  Spain  and  the  Government 
proclaimed  and  for  some  time  maintained  by  force  of  arms 
by  the  people  of  Cuba."  But  there  was  a  stout  denial  by 
opponents  of  belligerency  that,  as  facts  stood,  the  insurgents 
were  in  any  sense  "  the  people  of  Cuba," or  that  they  were 
"  maintaining  a  Government." 

Again  it  was  argued  that  there  was  no  emergency,  either 
actual  or  imminent,  in  connection  with  the  Cuban  question 
which  made  it  incumbent  on  neutral  powers  to  define  their 
relation  to  the  conflict.  As  to  the  necessity  of  such 
emergency  in  such  cases  the  principle  of  international 
law  was  invoked,  that  "  so  long  as  a  Government  is  strug 
gling  with  insurgents  isolated  in  the  midst  of  loyal  prov 
inces  and  consequently  removed  from  contact  with  foreign 
States,  the  interests  of  the  latter  are  rarely  touched,  and 
probably  are  never  touched  in  such  a  way  that  they  can  be 
served  by  recognition.  In  case  of  maritime  war  the  as 
sumption  of  propriety  lies  in  the  opposite  direction.  To 
the  legal  concession  of  belligerency  two  conditions  are  es 
sential  ;  first,  the  struggle  shall  have  attained  the  dimen 
sions  of  war  in  the  international  sense  ;  second,  there 
must  be  a  necessity  for  the  recognition.  A  recognition  by 
a  foreign  State  of  full  belligerent  rights,  if  not  justified  by 
necessity,  is  a  gratuitous  demonstration  of  moral  support 
to  the  rebellion,  and  of  censure  upon  the  parent  Govern 
ment." 

The  Government  of  the  United  States  had  adhered  to 
these  principles  during  the  insurrections  in  the  Spanish- 
American  colonies  in  1810-15,  and  only  departed  from 
them  in  the  latter  year,  by  a  grant  of  belligerent  rights. 


422  OUR   CUBAN   RELATIONS. 

after  the  appearance  of  vessels  bearing  the  flags  of  the  in 
surrectionary  governments  appeared  in  our  ports.  During 
the  Cuban  insurrection  of  1868-78,  President  Grant,  in 
his  message  of  June  13,  1870,  gave  the  following  reason 
for  his  refusal  to  recognize  the  Cuban  insurgents  as  bellig 
erents,  and  these  reasons  were  the  more  quoted  and  urged 
by  opponents  of  belligerency  in  1896,  because,  in  1869, 
Cespedes,  the  then  President  of  the  Cuban  Republic,  had 
declared  in  an  address  to  President  Grant,  that  he  had  an 
army  of  10,000  men,  which  occupied  three-fourths  of  the 
island  and  that  a  navy  was  in  process  of  construction.  It 
would  seem  also  as  if  the  new  government  were  actually 
further  on  in  1869  than  in  1896,  for  it  had  been  recognized 
as  independent  by  Peru,  and  as  a  belligerent  by  Chile, 
Bolivia  and  Mexico.  It  had  also  sent  a  duly  accredited 
minister  to  the  United  States,  and  had  organized  a  govern 
ment  at  a  stated  capital,  had  passed  laws,  issued  money, 
and  done  what  regular  governments  are  authorized  to  do. 

President  Grant  evidently  regarded  the  above  state 
ments  respecting  the  Cuban  situation  as  exaggerated,  for 
in  his  message  he  said: 

"  The  question  of  belligerency  is  one  of  fact,  not  to  be 
decided  by  sympathies  with  or  prejudices  against  either 
party.  The  relations  between  the  parent  state  and  the  in 
surgents  must  amount,  in  fact,  to  war  in  the  sense  of  in 
ternational  law.  Fighting,  though  fierce  and  protracted, 
does  not  alone  constitute  war ;  there  must  be  military 
forces  acting  in  accordance  with  the  rules  and  customs  of 
war — flags  of  truce,  cartels,  exchange  of  prisoners,  etc., — 
and  to  justify  a  recognition  of  belligerency  there  must  be, 
above  all,  a  de  facto  political  organization  of  the  insurgents 
sufficient  in  character  and  resources  to  constitute  it,  if  left 
to  itself,  a  State  among  nations  capable  of  discharging  the 


OUK    CUBAN    KELATIONS.  423 

duties  of  a  State,  and  of  meeting  the  just  responsibilities 
it  may  incur  as  such  toward  other  powers  in  the  discharge 
of  its  national  duties. 

"Applying  the  best  information  which  I  have  been  en 
abled  to  gather,  whether  from  official  or  unofficial  sources, 
including  the  very  exaggerated  statements  which  eacli 
party  gives  of  all  that  may  prejudice  the  opposite  or  give 
credit  to  its  own  side  of  the  question,  I  am  unable  to  see, 
in  the  present  condition  of  the  contest  in  Cuba,  those  ele 
ments  which  are  requisite  to  constitute  war  in  the  sense  of 
international  law. 

"The  insurgents  hold  no  town  or  city;  have  no  estab 
lished  seat  of  government ;  they  have  no  prize  courts;  no 
organization  for  the  receiving  and  collecting  of  revenue ; 
no  seaport  to  which  a  prize  may  be  carried,  or  through 
which  access  can  be  had  by  a  foreign  power  to  the  limited  in 
terior  territory  and  mountain  fastnesses  which  they  occupy. 
The  existence  of  a  legislature  representing  any  popular 
constituency  is  more  than  doubtful. 

"  In  the  uncertainty  that  hangs  around  the  entire  insur 
rection  there  is  no  palpable  evidence  of  an  election,  of  any 
delegated  authority,  or  of  any  government  outside  the 
limits  of  the  camps  occupied  from  day  to  day  by  the  rov 
ing  companies  of  insurgent  troops.  There  is  no  commerce; 
no  trade,  either  internal  or  foreign ;  no  manufactures." 

Again  in  his  message  of  December  7,  1875,  he  declared 
that  the  United  States  should  carefully  avoid  the  "  false 
lights  which  might  lead  it  into  mazes  of  doubtful  law  and 
of  questionable  propriety,  and  adhere  rigidly  and  sternly 
to  the  rule  which  has  been  its  guide  of  doing  only  that 
which  is  right  and  honest  and  of  good  report ";  and,  ad 
verting  to  the  fact  that  the  conflict  still  continued  to  be 
on  land,  and  that  the  insurrection  had  no  seaport  whence 


424  OUR   CUBAN   RELATIONS. 

it  might  send  forth  its  flag,  "nor  any  means  of  communi 
cation  with  foreign  powers  except  through  the  military 
lines  of  its  adversaries,"  he  pointed  out  that  no  apprehen 
sion  of  any  of  the  sudden  and  difficult  complications 
which  a  war  upon  the  ocean  was  apt  to  precipitate  called 
for  a  definition  by  foreign  powers  of  their  relation  to  the 
conflict. 

As  is  well  known,  there  was  much  excitement  in  this 
country  over  the  attitude  assumed  by  President  Grant, 
and  in  a  sudden  outburst  of  sympathy  for  the  Cuban  pa-  ( 
triots  Mr.  Sherman  introduced  a  resolution  in  the  Senate 
in  favor  of  recognizing  the  belligerency  of  Cuba,  sustain 
ing  it  with  an  able  speech.  The  excitement  gradually  died 
out,  and  the  President's  course  was  seen  to  be  right,  in 
view  of  the  fact  that  an  old  treaty  of  1795  between  this 
country  and  Spain  was  found  to  be  in  existence,  which  in 
case  of  belligerency  would  have  given  Spain  an  undoubted 
right  to  search  suspected  American  vessels,  a  measure 
sure  to  provoke  international  complications  and  lead  to  war. 

The  argument  drawn  from  the  fact  that  Spain  had  rec 
ognized  the  belligerency  of  the  Confederate  States  with 
in  sixty  days  from  the  firing  on  Fort  Sumter,  and  with 
out  other  knowledge  of  the  real  status  of  the  rebellion, 
was  met  by  the  statement  that  long  preceding  that  event, 
South  Carolina  had  adopted  an  ordinance  of  secession, 
that  by  May,  1861,  ten  other  States  had  followed,  the 
Constitution  for  the  Confederate  States  was  formed  in 
February  1861,  officers  elected,  and  steps  taken  toward 
forming  an  army,  that  custom  houses,  forts,  arsenals,  and 
ports  had  been  seized,  that  Sumter  had  been  fired  upon 
April  12,  1861 ;  that  President  Lincoln  had  issued  a  proc 
lamation  for  troops,  that  in  April  a  blockade  of  the  ports 
of  the  seceded  States  had  been  declared.  The  reasoning 


OUR   CUBAN   RELATIONS.  425 

from  this  state  of  facts  was,  that  a  large  portion  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States  were  actually  maintaining  a 
government,  collecting  customs  at  seaports,  and  exercising 
dominion  over  a  vast  extent  of  territory.  That  the  Fed 
eral  Government  in  calling  out  troops  and  declaring  the 
blockade  recognized  the  condition  to  be  one  of  "  public 
war.'*  That  this  condition  was  so  accepted  by  the  nations 
which  granted  belligerent  rights  to  the  Confederates.  In 
this  connection  they  quoted  the  opinion  of  Judge  Grier, 
of  the  United  States  Supreme  Court,  in  the  Prize  Cases: 

"  This  greatest  of  civil  wars  was  not  gradually  devel 
oped  by  popular  commotion,  tumultuous  assembles,  or 
local  unorganized  insurrections.  However  long  may  have 
been  its  previous  conception,  it  nevertheless  sprang  forth 
suddenly  from  the  parent  brain,  a  Minerva  in  the  full 
panoply  of  war.  .  0  .  The  proclamation  of  blockade  is  it 
self  official  and  conclusive  evidence  that  a  state  of  war 
existed  which  demanded  and  authorized  a  recourse  to  such 
a  measure,  under  the  circumstances  peculiar  to  the  case 
....  In  organizing  this  rebellion,  they  have  acted  as 
States  claiming  to  be  sovereign  over  all  persons  and  prop 
erty  within  their  respective  limits,  and  asserting  a  right 
to  absolve  their  citizens  from  their  allegiance  to  the 
Federal  Government.  .  .  .  Their  right  to  do  so  is  now 
being  decided  by  wager  of  battle.  The  ports  and  terri 
tory  of  each  of  these  States  are  held  in  hostility  to  the 
General  Government.  It  is  no  loose,  unorganized  insur 
rection,  having  no  denned  boundary  or  possession.  It  has 
a  boundary  marked  by  lines  of  bayonets,  and  which  can 
be  crossed  only  by  force, — south  of  this  line  is  enemies' 
territory,  because  it  is  claimed  and  held  in  possession  by 
an  organized,  hostile  and  belligerent  power. " 

The  final  argument  of  the  opponents  of  Cuban  belliger- 


426  OUR    CUBAN    RELATIONS. 

ency  was  that  it  could  be  no  possible  benefit  to  the  strug 
gling  patriots.  It  could  in  no  wise  alter  their  relations  to 
Spain,  who  could  still  regard  them  as  rebels  worthy  of 
death  or  banishment  if  she  saw  fit.  On  the  contrary  it 
might  prove  of  great  detriment  to  the  Cuban  cause,  for  if 
Spain  chose  to  exercise  her  rights  of  search  under  the 
treaty  of  1795,  that  would  put  an  end  to  the  transporta 
tion  of  munitions  of  war  for  the  insurgents. 

In  the  discussion  in  Congress  upon  the  passage  of  the 
resolution  advising  the  grant  of  belligerency,  quite  a 
sentiment  cropped  out  in  favor  of  direct  intervention  by 
the  United  States  under  certain  conditions.  One  of  the 
strongest  exponents  of  this  sentiment  was  Senator  Mills, 
who  proposed  in  his  speech  that  if  the  Government  of 
Spain  should  deny  a  request  of  the  United  States  upon 
her  to  grant  to  Cubans  the  power  of  local  self-government, 
then  the  United  States  should  take  possession  of  the 
island  and  hold  it  until  its  inhabitants  can  institute  such 
government  as  they  may  wish,  and  organize  and  arm  such 
forces  as  may  be  necessary  to  support  it. 

As  to  the  other  means  of  dealing  with  the  Cuban  ques 
tion—the  purchase  of  the  island  outright  by  the  United 
States,  and  its  annexation  as  a  State  of  the  Union,  it  had 
never  entered  so  fully  into  public  discussion  nor  taken  so 
serious  a  hold  on  public  sentiment  as  in  1854,  during  a 
period  of  violent  agitation  in  favor  of  annexation.  Dur 
ing  that  exciting  period  Mr.  Buchanan,  our  Minister  at 
London,  Mr.  Mason,  Minister  at  Paris,  and  Mr.  Soule*, 
Minister  at  Madrid,  met  at  Ostend  to  consider  the  ques 
tion  of  Cuban  annexation.  The  result  was  a  report  to 
Wm.  L.  Marcy,  then  Secretary  of  State,  which  became 
know  as  the  "  Ostend  Manifesto.  "  It  contained  this  ex 
traordinarily  bold  and  defiant  language  : 


OUR   CUBAN   RELATIONS.  427 

"  If  Spain,  deaf  to  the  voice  of  her  own  interests,  and 
actuated  by  stubborn  pride  and  a  false  sense  of  honor, 
should  refuse  to  sell  Cuba  to  the  United  States,  "  the  time 
would  then  have  come  for  the  United  States  to  consider 
whether  Cuba  in  the  possession  of  Spain  seriously  endang 
ered  4  our  internal  peace  and  the  existence  of  our  cher 
ished  Union ' ;  that,  if  this  question  should  be  answered  in  the 
affirmative,  '  then,  by  every  law,  human  and  divine,  we 
shall  be  justified  in  wresting  it  from  Spain,  if  we  possess 
the  power ' ;  and  that  we  should  be  '  recreant  to  our  duty 
—be  unworthy  of  our  gallant  forefathers,  and  commit  base 
treason  against  our  posterity,  should  we  permit  Cuba  to 
be  Africanized  and  to  become  a  second  St.  Domingo. ' ' 

This  doctrime  was  as  boldly  repudiated,  in  the  follow 
ing  year,  by  Secretary  Marcy.  He  said  in  reply  to  the 
report : 

"  I  am  entirely  opposed  to  getting  up  a  war  for  the  pur 
pose  of  seizing  Cuba  ;  but  if  the  conduct  of  Spain  should 
be  such  as  to  justify  a  war,  I  should  not  hesitate  to  meet 
that  state  of  things.  The  authorities  of  Cuba  act  unwisely, 
but  not  so  much  so  as  is  represented.  They  are  more 
alarmed  than  they  need  to  be  in  regard  to  dangers  from  this 
country,  though  it  cannot  be  said  that  the  filibuster  spirit 
and  movements  do  not  furnish  just  grounds  of  appre 
hension.  They  have  a  clear  right  to  take  measures  for 
defence,  but  what  those  measures  may  be,  it  is  not  easy 
to  define.  In  exercising  their  own  rights  they  are  bound 
to  respect  the  rights  of  other  nations.  This  they  have 
not  done  in  all  cases.  That  they  have  deliberately  in 
tended  to  commit  wrong  against  the  United  States  I  do  not 
believe ;  but  that  they  have  done  so  I  do  not  deny.  The 
conduct  of  Spain  and  the  Cuban  authorities  has  been  ex 
aggerated  and  even  misrepresented  in  some  of  our  leading 


428  OUR  CUBAN   RELATIONS. 

journals.  I  am  not  much  surprised  at  the  opinion  for  war, 
right  or  wrong:  but  I  venture  to  assure  you  that  such  is 
not  the  policy  of  the  Administration.  It  does  not  want 
war,  would  avoid  it,  but  would  not  shrink  from  it,  if  it 
becomes  necessary  in  the  defence  of  our  .just  rights. 

"  The  robber  doctrine,  I  abhor.  If  carried  out  it  would 
degrade  us  in  our  own  estimation  and  disgrace  us  in  the 
eyes  of  the  civilized  world.  Should  the  Administration 
commit  the  fatal  folly  of  acting  upon  it,  it  could  not  hope 
to  be  sustained  by  the  country,  and  would  leave  a  tar 
nished  name  to  all  future  times. 

"  Cuba  would  be  a  very  desirable  possession,  if  it  came 
to  us  in  the  right  way,  but  we  cannot  afford  to  get  it  by 
robbery  or  theft.  I  am  for  getting  the  island,  if  it  can 
be  acquired  fairly  and  honestly,  not  otherwise.  I  do  not 
believe  the  robber  doctrine  when  calmly  considered  will 
be  popular  or  that  a  party  can  sustain  itself  upon  it. " 

GERMS  OF  WAR. 

Looking  at  the  Cuban  question  from  the  standpoint  of 
popular  sentiment  in  Spain,  it  is  an  incendiary  question 
which,  without  the  greatest  caution  on  the  part  or  Span 
ish  rulers,  is  liable  to  break  out  into  consuming  flame. 
When  word  reached  Spain  of  the  action  of  the  American 
Congress,  that  country  manifested  the  most  violent  indig 
nation.  The  masses  in  populous  towns  rallied  to  war 
cries  against  the  United  States,  and  necessitated  the  use 
of  armed  troops  to  protect  the  person  and  property  of 
American  representatives  and  citizens.  All  orders  of  citi 
zens,  outside  of  those  directly  responsible  for  peace,  threw 
themselves  into  a  war  frenzy,  and  ridiculous  threats  were 
made  of  an  immediate  invasion  and  conquest  of  the  United 
States. 


OUR   CUBAN    RELATIONS.  429 

While  this  blood  thirsty  indignation  was  slowly  spending 
itself,  the  action  of  the  Spanish  authorities  in  Cuba  served 
to  kindle  indignant  fires  in  the  United  States.  A  vessel, 
called  the  Competitor,  was  siezed  while  engaged  in  trying 
to  land  war  munitions  for  the  insurgents.  Her  crew  were 
summarily  tried  by  court-martial  and  sentenced  to  pay 
the  death  penalty.  The  trial  was  a  sheer  mockery,  in  that 
the  accused  were  denied  time  for  preparation  and  counsel 
of  their  own  choosing.  Among  them  was  an  American  - 
citizen,  who  was  not  a  part  of  the  crew,  but  who  was  seeking 
to  enter  the  island  as  a  newspaper  correspondent.  This 
action  of  the  authorites  was  so  hasty  and  in  such  accord 
with  the  charges  of  cruelty  to  which  they  had  already 
thrown  themselves  open,  that  word  of  it  incensed  our 
people  and  spurred  our  Government  to  the  point  of  inter 
vention. 

Fortunately  the  finding  of  the  court-martial  had  to  be 
certified  to  the  home  government  for  approval  before  it 
could  be  executed.  It  was  met  there  by  an  American 
protest,  whose  form  was  not  made  public.  That  one  made 
twenty-three  years  before  in  the  celebrated  Virginius 
affair,  by  Secretary  Fish,  at  the  instance  of  President 
Grant,  read  thus : 

"In  case  of  refusal  of  satisfactory  reparation  within 
twelve  days  from  this  date,  you  will,  at  the  expiration  of 
that  time  close  your  legation,  and  will,  together  with  your 
secretary,  leave  madrid,  bringing  with  you  the  archives 
of  the  legation.  You  may  leave  the  printed  documents 
constituting  the  library  in  charge  of  the  legation  of  some 
friendly  power  which  you  may  select,  who  will  take  charge 
of  them." 

At  any  rate  it  served  to  call  Spain  to  her  senses,  and  to 
postpone  the  approval  of  what  would  have  been  the  mur- 


430  OUR   CUBAN   RELATIONS. 

der  of  an  American  citizen.  It  transpired,  amid  discussion 
of  the  merits  of  the  case,  that  condemnation  of  the  men 
on  the  charge  of  piracy  and  treason,  and  by  so  savage  a 
court  as  a  court-martial,  was  clearly  illegal.  None  of 
the  elements  of  piracy  were  found  in  the  case  of  the  Com 
petitor.  She  was  engaged  in  filibustering,  or  in  a  military 
expedition,  which  is  not  piracy.  Piracy  is  a  crime  com 
mitted  on  the  high  seas.  Its  object  is  plunder  by  attack 
upon  vessels  that  come  in  its  way.  A  pirate  is  an  enemy 
of  the  human  race.  International  law  so  adjudges  her. 
But  not  so  an  insurgent  vessel,  carrying  arms  to  friends, 
with  no  intent  to  depredate  in  the  open  seas,  and  without 
power  to  do  so. 

Nor  was  the  crime  treason,  for  that  is  the  crime  of  a 
subject  against  his  sovereign.  The  crew  of  the  Competi 
tor  were  not  Spanish  subjects.  One  was  an  American. 

In  the  case  of  Aaron  Burr,  charged  with  treason,  against 
our  Government,  Justice  Marshall  held  that  treason  was 
not  proven,  although  Burr  had  planned  a  rebellion,  organ 
ized  men,  or  was  about  to,  and  had  actually  purchased 
arms  and  ammunition  as  well  as  a  ship  for  his  enterprise. 
Nor  did  he  sink  his  ship  and  destroy  the  arms  until  he 
learned  that  he  was  to  be  arrested  on  the  charge  of  trea 
son.  Of  course  it  would  be  impossible  for  an  American  to 
commit  an  act  of  treason  against  Spain  or  any  other  for 
eign  power. 

It  further  transpired  that  the  American  on  board  the 
Competitor  was  wrongly  tried  by  court-martial,  it  being 
stipulated  by  the  Gushing  Treaty  of  1821  between  Spain  and 
the  United  States  that  "  No  citizen  of  the  United  States  in 
Spain,  her  adjacent  islands,  or  her  ultramarine  possessions, 
charged  with  acts  of  sedition,  treason  or  conspiracy  against 
the  institutions,  the  public  security,  the  integrity  of  the 


OUR   CUBAN   RELATIONS.  431 

territory,  or  against  the  Supreme  Government,  or  any 
other  crime  whatsoever,  shall  be  subject  to  trial  by  excep 
tional  tribunal,  but  exclusively  by  the  ordinary  jurisdiction, 
except  in  the  case  of  being  captured  with  arms  in  hand." 

Now,  the  purpose  of  treaties  is  to  define  clearly  and 
definitely  matters  between  certain  nations.  Treaties  out 
rank  international  law.  The  latter  is  strictly  a  general 
agreement  on  general  matters  between  the  principal  na 
tions  of  the  world.  A  treaty,  however,  is  made  that  the 
understanding  between  the  parties  to  it  may  be  explicit. 
Therefore,  in  the  case  of  the  Gushing  Treaty  there  is  but 
one  construction  to  be  placed  upon  the  phrase,  "  captured 
with  arms  in  hand."  The  prisoners  must  have  been  in 
actual  possession  of  arms  —have  had  arms  in  their  hands 
— to  come  under  the  provision  of  the  treaty,  which  per 
mits  them  to  be  tried  by  court-martial. 

The  third  section  of  the  treaty  says  that  "  those  who 
may  be  taken  with  arms  in  hand,"  and  who  are  therefore 
comprehended  in  the  exception  of  the  first  article,  shall 
be  tried  by  ordinary  council  of  war  in  conformity  with 
the  second  article  of  the  hereinbefore  mentioned  law;  but 
even  in  this  case  the  accused  should  enjoy  for  their  defense 
the  guarantees  in  the  aforesaid  law  of  April  17,  1821. 

Pending  the  solution  of  this  delicate  case  of  the  Com 
petitor,  a  solution  which  involved  the  higher  question  of 
peace  or  war  between  the  two  anxious  and  excited  coun 
tries,  the  Cuban  problem  worked  its  way  largely  into  the 
politics  of  the  national  campaign  of  1896.  It  brought 
the  Congress  nearly  to  the  verge  of  passing  a  joint  resolu 
tion  in  favor  of  belligerency,  in  order  to  compel  President 
Cleveland  to  show  where  he  stood  by  signing  or  vetoing 
it.  Many  State  Conventions  of  both  parties  passed  reso 
lutions  of  sympathy  with  the  struggling  Cubans,  and  as 


432  OUR   CUBAN    RELATIONS. 

time  progressed  it  became  almost  certain  that  neither  the 
Republican  nor  Democratic  parties  could  refuse  to  insert 
a  plank  in  their  national  platforms  in  favor  of  Cuban 
belligerency.  The  time  seemed  to  be  already  at  hand,  or 
within  near  arrival,  when  tension  grew  full  of  threatening 
if  not  lamentable  incidents ;  when  it  would  be  necessary 
to  inform  Spain  that  indefinite  riot  and  rapine  could  not 
be  permitted  to  continue  in  Cuba,  and  that  if  she  could 
not  restore  peace  in  the  fertile  island  this  country  must. 
Should  she  resent  this  attitude,  there  would  be  no  distinc 
tion  of  political  party  in  this  country,  and  no  difference 
of  opinion  in  the  universal  determination  to  meet  all  the 
responsibilities  of  such  a  situation,  created  not  by  the 
United  States  but  by  Spain. 


HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

Born  at  Lancaster,  Ohio,  May  10,  1823;  academically  educated; 
studied  law  and  admitted  to  bar,  May  11,  1844;  delegate  to  Whig  Na 
tional  Coventions,  1848  and  1852 ;  President  of  first  Republican  in  Ohio, 
1855;  elected  to  34th,  35th,  36th  and  37th  Congresses;  elected,  as  Re 
publican,  to  United  States  Senate,  March,  1861 ;  re-elected  to  same, 
1866  and  1872;  appointed  Secretary  of  Treasury,  by  President  Hayes, 
March,  1877,  and  served  till  March  3,  1881;  distinguished  for  advocacy 
of  resumption  and  success  in  refunding  United  States  debt;  re-elected 
to  Senate  for  term  beginning  March  4,  1881,  and  again  in  1880  and 
1892;  Chairman  of  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  and  member  of 
Committees  on  Finance,  etc. 


WILLIAM  McKINLEY. 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  MCKINLEY. 


BIRTH  AND  EDUCATION. 

THE  McKinley  family,  to  which  our  illustrious  subject 
belongs,  was  originally  from  the  west  of  Scotland,  but 
eventually  found  its  way  to  the  north  of  Ireland,  as  part 
of  that  important  migration  which  afterwards  became  so 
conspicuously  known  both  in  Europe  and  this  country  as 
Scotch-Irish. 

Two  branches  of  the  McKinley  family  migrated  to 
America  about  the  beginning  of  the  last  century. 
One  branch  settled  in  the  South,  and  became  founder  of  a 
long  line  of  prominent  and  influential  citizens.  The 
other  branch  settled  in  the  North,  and  presumably  in 
York  county,  Pa.;  at  least  one  James  McKinley,  who  was 
but  twelve  years  old  when  his  father  came  to  this  countryr 
was  a  resident  of  York  in  1755,  where  a  son  was  born  to 
him,  whom  he  named  David  McKinley. 

This  David  McKinley  served  as  a  private  in  the  Revo 
lutionary  war,  and  was  engaged  in  several  important 
battles.  After  the  war  he  moved  to  Westmoreland 
county,  Pa.,  then  to  Mercer  county,  Pa.,  then  to  Colum- 
biana  county,  Ohio,  and  finally  to  Crawford  county, 
where  he  died.  He  married  twice,  the  first  time  in  1780 
to  Sarah  Gray,  and  the  second  to  Eleanor  McClean.  He 
had  no  children  by  his  second  wife,  but  by  his  first  he  had 

(435) 


436  LIFE    OF    WILLIAM    M<'KINLEY. 

four  sons  and  several  daughters,  all  of  whom  were  born  in 
Pennsylvania,  in  Westmoreland  or  Mercer  counties.  He 
died,  August  8,  1840,  in  Crawford  county,  Ohio. 

His  second  son,  James  McKinley,  and  great-grand 
father  of  our  subject,  was  born  September  19,  1783,  and 
resided  in  Mercer  county.  Pa.,  where  he  married  Mary 
Kose,  who  was  of  English  extraction.  Her  father  was  an 
iron  founder,  and  he,  too,  was  a  soldier  in  the  Revolution- 
ary  war.  James  McKinley  moved  to  New  Lisbon,  Ohio,  in 
1809,  taking  along  with  him  his  son,  William  McKinley, 
then  but  a  year  and  a-half  old,  and  born  November  15, 
1807.  There  were  born  to  James  McKinley,  thirteen 
children,  eleven  of  whom  were  born  in  New  Lisbon,  The 
oldest  son  was  the  above  mentioned  William  McKinley, 
father  of  our  subject. 

He  early  became  associated  with  the  iron  business,  and 
erected,  both  for  himself  and  in  association  with  others, 
several  foundries  and  furnaces  in  Ohio,  moving  in  pursuit 
of  his  business  from  New  Lisbon  to  Niles,  thence  to  Po 
land,  and  thence  to  Canton,  where  he  died  in  1S92.  He 
married  Nancy  Campbell  Allison,  in  1827,  She  was  a 
descendant  of  an  English  family,  that  had  first  settled  in 
Virginia,  then  moved  to  Greene  county,  Pa.,  and  finally 
to  New  Lisbon. 

From  this  union  sprang  William  McKinley,  the  subject 
of  our  biography,  distinguished  alike  for  his  high  place  in 
American  political  history,  and  as  the  recipient  of  an 
homage  accorded  to  but  few  statesmen.  He  was  born  at 
Niles,  Trumbull  county,  Ohio,  January  29,  1843.  His 
father  was  then  a  resident  of  Niles,  and  manager  of  an 
iron  furnace  there.  While  the  younger  William  and  his 
sisters  were  mere  children,  the  father  and  mother  moved 
to  Poland,  in  Mahoning  county,  a  village  in  the  centre  of 


LIFE   OF   WILLIAM  McKINLEY.  437 

a  flourishing  agricultural  and  mining  section.  This  move 
was  made  both  for  business  and  educational  reasons,  the 
place  being  somewhat  noted  for  its  academy. 

In  this  busy  but  unostentatious  village,  the  younger 
McKinley  began  his  school  career.  It  was  at  first  the 
usual  tame  submission  to  the  routine  of  the  public 
schools,  and  then  a  loftier  and  pleasanter  walk  in  the 
portals  of  the  academy.  The  pupil  was  ever  obedient 
and  progressive.  He  labored  hard  during  the  school  ses 
sions  to  improve  his  opportunities,  and  during  vacations 
he  did  not  hesitate  to  follow  the  custom  of  the  times  by 
earning  pocket  and  book  money  on  his  own  account.  As 
he  progressed  with  his  studies,  he  filled  in  his  leisure  with 
odd  clerical  jobs,  and  taught  a  term  of  public  school  in  a 
district  contiguous  to  Poland,  thus  contributing  mater 
ially  to  the  expense  of  his  academic  education,  as  well  as 
to  the  development  of  his  intellectual  organization  and 
powers  of  self-control. 

As  a  boy  and  pupil,  young  McKinley  gave  evidence  of 
many  of  those  qualities  which  in  their  maturity  character 
ized  his  public  life.  His  industry  and  perseverance  were 
earnests  of  that  assiduity  and  persistency  which  after 
wards  enabled  him  to  meet  and  conquer  the  hard  prob 
lems  of  legislation  and  statescraft.  His  youthful  love  of 
fun,  exercise  and  athletics  gave  assurance  of  sturdy  phys 
ical  power,  equal  to  the  hardest  strains  of  the  battlefield  or 
the  severest  exactions  of  the  political  campaign  or  com 
mittee  room.  In  his  youthful  candor  and  generosity  of 
spirit,  were  the  germs  of  that  social  elegance  and  pleasing 
political  address  admired  as  much  by  those  who  opposed 
as  those  who  favored  his  views.  In  his  boyish  democ 
racy  were  the  seeds  of  that  philanthropy  which  would 
bring  the  beneficences  of  economic  legislation  down  to 


438  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM  MCKINLEY. 

the  looms  and  the  furnace  hearths,  and  into  the  domestic 
lives  of  the  toiling  masses.  In  the  brightness  and  ac 
quisitiveness  of  his  youthful  intellect,  we  see  that  future 
mastery  of  our  industrial  status,  and  that  successful  appli 
cation  of  remedial  laws  which  have  borne  such  relishable 
fruits  and  have  left  him  without  a  peer  in  popular  affec 
tion.  In  that  young  faithfulness  to  family,  in  obedience, 
in  all  that  reflected  a  noble  mother's  assiduous  training, 
have  been  found  that  exalted  moral  life,  noble  integrity 
of  purpose,  severe  adherence  to  the  codes  of  honor  that 
regulate  our  business  and  political  estates.  In  short,  the 
boyish  and  educational  estate  of  William  McKiiiley  presaged 
the  coming  man  with  far  greater  accuracy  than  is  common, 
even  with  those  who  have  the  greatest  reason  to  appreciate 
the  stern  lessons  of  early  years. 

He  left  the  Academy  at  Poland  when  seventeen  years 
of  age,  and  entered  Allegheny  College.  But  his  career 
here  was  brief,  owing  to  sickness.  On  his  return  to  Po 
land  he  again  taught  public  school  for  a  time,  and  also 
Bible  class  in  his  Sunday  school,  he  being  then  a  membei? 
of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  church. 

ARMY  CAKEEK. 

A  youth  of  Me  Kin  ley's  patriotism  could  not,  of  course^ 
resist  the  high  call  to  duty  which  came  with  the  breaking 
out  of  the  Civil  war.  Burning  with  desire  to  aid  the 
cause  of  the  Union,  forgetting  his  unripe  years  and  the 
sacrifices  that  one  so  young  would  have  to  make,  he 
joined  the  band  of  companions  that  went  out  from  Po 
land  early  in  the  war — June  11,  1861 — and  that  after 
wards  became  Company  E,  of  the  23d  Ohio  Volunteers. 
He  bore  no  commission,  was  honored  by  no  title,  but 


LIFE   OF    WILLIAM   McKlNLEY.  439 

marched  as  private  in  the  ranks,  impelled  only  by  the 
sacredness  of  his  cause  and  that  inward  devotion  to  prin 
ciple  which  actuated  his  entire  military  career. 

He  was  but  a  stripling  of  eighteen  years,  but  as  un 
daunted  as  the  volunteer  of  stronger  mould  and  more 
mature  years,  in  whose  hands  the  musket  was  less  un 
wieldy,  on  whose  back  the  knapsack  was  less  a  burden, 
whose  limbs  were  stronger  for  fatiguing  march,  whose 
vitality  was  hardier  against  camp  exposure.  Hardly  had 
lie  found  his  way  to  headquarters  before  he  attracted  the 
attention  of  his  superiors,  as  one  possessed  of  more  than 
the  usual  qualities  of  a  private  soldier.  He  was  ever 
attentive  to  duty,  promptly  in  his  place  at  every  com 
mand,  fearless  of  danger  and  exposure,  an  inspiration  to 
his  fellow  soldiers,  and  withal,  gave  evidence  of  an  ability 
to  originate  and  execute  which  bade  fair  to  be  of  ines 
timable  value  to  those  over  him. 

His  Colonel  was  W.  S.  Rosecrans  who,  being  a 
West  Pointer,  proved  to  be  a  severe  disciplinarian.  If  Mc- 
Kinley  and  his  comrades  found  their  school  of  the  iegi- 
ment  at  first  a  hard  one,  it  was  none  the  less  useful,  and 
the  time  would  prove  to  be  near  when  the  advantages  of 
discipline  would  become  apparent.  Stanley  Matthews  was 
the  first  Lieutenant  Colonel  of  the  regiment,  and  Ruther 
ford  B.  Hayes,  afterward,  President  Hayes,  was  its  first 
major.  Here  was  certainly  distinguished  company,  and- 
to  win  the  favor  of  such  men  by  rigid  adherence  to  duty, 
and  by  show  of  superior  ability  was  a  matter  of  more  than 
ordinary  moment. 

The  rendezvous  of  the  regiment  was  Camp  Chase, 
Columbus,  Ohio.  Tt  had  enlisted  for  the  three  months'  serv 
ice.  On  its  arrival  at  camp,  the  State  quota  for  three 
months'  men  was  found  to  be  full.  But  orders  for  three 


440  LIFE    OF   WILLIAM   M/'KINLEY. 

years'  men  had  already  been  issued  from  Washington, 
and  the  23d  Ohio  was  asked  to  change  the  term  of  its  en 
listment.  A  great  majority  of  them,  including  McKinley 
did  so,  and  thus  the  regiment  which  had  been  third  to  en 
list  of  the  three  months'  men,  became  the  first  to  enlist  of 
the  three  years'  men. 

The  regiment  continued  to  drill  at  Camp  Chase  during 
July,  1861.  Owing  to  the  promotion  of  General  Rose- 
crans,  E.  P.  Scammon  became  its  Colonel.  It  was  now 
ripe  for  the  field,  and  was  waiting  at  Clarksburg,  W. 
Va.,  a  mountainous,  remote,  difficult  section  infested  b} 
guerrillas.  Here  the  regiment  was  not  likely  to  meet  an 
enemy  in  pitched  battle,  but  a  secret  foe,  who  kept  it  on  al 
most  a  continuous  march  by  night  and  day,  over  steep 
mountains,  through  dangerous  defiles,  drenched  with  rain 
to-day,  shelterless  and  foodless  to-morrow,  routing,  chas 
ing  and  scattering  an  adroit,  swift  and  heartless  enemy. 
The  mountain  incursion  may  not  have  called  forth  the 
highest  fighting  qualities  of  the  regiment,  but  it  was  cer 
tainly  a  severe  test  of  its  powers  of  endurance,  and  an 
excellent  foretaste  of  the  real  hardships  of  campaigning. 
The  only  engagement  fought  by  the  regiment  that 
reached  the  magnitude  of  battle  was  that  at  Carnifex 
Ferry  on  September  10,  1861.  This  was  a  series  of  active 
skirmishes  throughout  the  day,  followed  by  the  stealing 
away  of  the  enemy  at  night. 

These  operations  ended  by  a  difficult  march  of  the  regi 
ment  to  Camp  Ewing  on  New  river,  which  proved  to  be 
a  very  unhealthy  spot,  and  where  the  ranks  were  greatly 
decimated  by  an  outbreak  of  disease,  owing  to  exposure 
and  lack  of  proper  food.  In  May,  1862,  the  regiment, 
now  fully  recruited  and  in  good  condition,  left  its  camp, 
under  the  lead  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Hayes,  and 


LIFE   OF   WILLIAM    Me' KIN  LEY.  411 

marched  upon  Princeton,  W.  Va.  The  enemy  first 
evacuated  the  town,  but  afterwards  returned.  A  sharp 
engagement  followed,  May  15,  1862,  resulting  in  the  de 
feat  of  the  Union  forces.  They  retreated,  however,  in 
good  order,  but  were  afterward  subjected  to  great  hard 
ship  by  the  cutting  off  of  their  supplies. 

While  in  camp  at  Flat  Rock,  orders  were  received  to 
march  to  Green  Meadows  and  thence  to  Camp  Piatt  on 
the  Great  Kanawha,  on  the  way  eastward  to  reinforce 
McClellan's  army,  then  about  to  confront  the  forces  of 
Lee  in  Maryland.  In  three  days,  the  regiment  covered 
the  very  difficult  distance  of  one  hundred  and  four  miles 
from  Green  Meadows  to  Camp  Piatt.  The  embarcation 
for  Washington  was  speedy,  and  the  arrival  in  Washington 
timely,  for  after  a  rest  of  a  day  or  two,  the  regiment  was 
on  the  march  with  McClellan  toward  Frederick  City,  Md., 
to  head  off  Lee's  threat  upon  Washington  and  Balti 
more. 

But  now  McKinley  was  no  longer  a  private  in  the 
ranks.  In  recognition  of  those  very  executive  qualities 
Colonel  Hayes  had  discovered  in  him  while  at  Camp  Chase, 
he  had  secured  his  promotion  to  the  important  post  of 
commissary  sergeant,  April  15,  1862,  ere  they  left  the 
wilderness  of  West  Virginia.  This  brought  him  into  a 
staff  relation  with  his  colonel,  and  they  not  only  became 
friends,  but  their  intimacy  proved  to  be  deep  and  lasting. 
The  preliminary  battle  of  dreadful  Antietam  had  now  to 
be  fought,  September  14,  1862.  McKinley 's  regiment, 
still  commanded  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Hayes,  was  at 
tached  to  Coxr's  division,  which  was  the  division  in  the 
advance  of  McClellan's  army.  The  battle  opened  by  an 
attack  of  this  advance  upon  the  enemy,  strongly  entrenched 
up  the  mountain  side.  A  murderous  fire  at  short  range 


442  LIFE  OF   WILLIAM   McKINLEY. 

was  opened  on  the  leading  Federal  brigade,  and  in  a  few 
moments  one-third  of  their  number  was  stretched  upon 
the  field,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Hayes  receiving  a  bad  wound 
in  the  arm.  On  the  arrival  of  reinforcements,  the  brigade 
charged  up  the  hill  and  drove  the  enemy  from  his  strong 
entrenchments  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  During  the 
balance  of  the  day  the  regiment  fought  with  its  division, 
under  the  immediate  command  of  General  Cox,  and  in  all 
I  made  three  severe  bayonet  charges  with  success.  The 
regimental  losses  for  the  day  were  nearly  two  hundred, 
one-fourth  of  whom  were  killed  outright. 

Severe  as  this  battle  of  South  Mountain  was,  it  was  but 
a  prelude  to  that  of  Antietam,  for  which  both  sides  were 
now  making  the  utmost  preparation.  This  great  battle 
was  fought,  September  17,  1862.  It  has  passed  into 
history  as  the  bloodiest  single  day  of  war  during  the  re 
bellion.  McKinley's  regiment  fought  at  the  right  of  the 
First  Brigade  of  the  Kanawha  Division.  It  was  called 
into  battle  before  daylight  and  without  breakfast.  The 
entire  division  soon  found  its  left  and  rear  exposed 
to  a  terrific  attack  of  the  enemy  from  a  corn  field.  Its 
colors  of  the  23d  went  down,  to  be  hoisted  again  by 
Major  Comly,  on  a  new  line  facing  the  enemy,  to  which 
the  entire  regiment  quickly  conformed,  and  by  a  decisive 
fire  forced  the  enemy  to  retire.  The  regiment,  not  re 
ceiving  the  orders  of  the  division  to  withdraw,  held  its  po 
sition  till  the  arrival  of  a  special  order  for  it  to  fall  to  the 
rear.  Notwithstanding  the  arduous  and  bloody  duties  of 
the  day,  the  regiment  spent  the  night  in  support  of  a 
battery,  arid  found  final  relief  only  on  the  next  afternoon. 
All  through  the  angry  fight  of  the  17th,  Sergeant  McKin- 
ley  spared  no  exertion  to  relieve  the  men  of  his  regiment 
of  the  pangs  of  hunger  and  thirst.  He  was  in  the  midst 


LIFE   OF   WILLIAM    McKlNLEY.  443 

of  the  fires  of  conflict  from  morning  to  night,  serving  with 
his  own  hands  the  food  and  drink  which  the  men  had 
been  deprived  of  by  the  early  morning  outburst  of  battle. 
It  was  this  occasion  of  bravery  and  self-sacrifice  under 
fire,  and  this  incident  of  devotion  and  administrative 
ability,  that  earned  for  him  the  applause  of  his  officers  and 
companions.  Word  of  it  reached  the  Governor  of  his 
State,  and  recognition  came  back  in  the  shape  of  a  promo 
tion  to  the  Second  Lieutenancy  of  Company  D,  September 
23,  1862. 

The  relief  which  came  to  a  dangerous  military  situation 
through  the  battle  of  Antietam,  enabled  McClellan  to  send 
McKinley's  regiment  once  more  to  West  Virginia,  where 
its  presence  was  much  needed.  It  made  a  hasty  journey 
westward  and  went  into  winter  quarters  on  the  Great 
Kanawha,  after  a  march  of  six  hundred  miles  during  the 
year,  a  campaign  of  severe  mountain  service,  and  partic 
ipation  in  two  of  the  bloodiest  episodes  of  the  war. 
McKinley  was  promoted  to  be  First  Lieutenant  of  Com 
pany  E  February  7th,  1863. 

During  1863,  the  regiment  was  engaged  in  the  scouting 
duty  incident  to  the  occupation  of  West  Virginia,  but 
once  it  was  called  upon  to  participate  in  the  movement 
which  brought  Morgan's  raid  to  termination  by  the  en 
gagement  at  Buffington's  island,  Ohio.  During  the 
winter  of  1863-64,  it  was  in  winter  quarters  at  Charleston, 
West  Virginia. 

In  the  spring  of  1864,  it  marched  to  Browns  town  on 
the  Kanawha,  where  it  became  a  part  of  the  force  of 
General  Crook,  who  was  then  preparing  for  his  celebrated 
raid  on  the  Virginia  and  Tennessee  Railroad.  This  expe 
dition  differed  but  little  in  its  dangers  and  hardships  from 
the  everyday  West  Virginia  experience.  It  embraced 


444  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM    M<  KIN  LEY. 

toilful  mountain  marches,  the  threading  of  deep  and  dan 
gerous  ravines,  exposure  to  frequent  rainfalls,  precarious 
supplies  of  food,  repeated  encounters  with  guerrillas,  till 
on  May  9,  1864,  patience  and  effort  culminated  in  the 
spirited  battle  of  Cloyd's  mountain. 

In  this  engagement  the  23d  Ohio  occupied  the  right  of 
the  First  Brigade  which  was  face  to  face  with  an  enemy 
strongly  posted  on  the  wooded  steeps  of  the  mountain, 
with  an  open  meadow  in  front.  A  charge  was  ordered  on 
the  enemy's  lines,  amid  a  terrific  fire  of  musketry  and 
artillery.  It  was  bravely  made  across  the  open  space  and 
up  over  the  first  line  of  entrenchments,  the  enemy  retreat 
ing  to  a  second  fortified  line  further  up  the  mountain.  A 
second  charge  up  the  steeps  dislodged  him  from  this  line. 
Reinforced,  a  third  stand  was  made,  but  nothing  could 
now  check  the  ardor  of  the  Union  troops.  They  rushed 
in  hand  to  hand  encounter  upon  the  enemy's  guns,  and 
after  an  heroic  struggle  succeeded  in  capturing  them,  and 
thus  accomplishing  an  important  aim  of  the  raid.  This 
victory  was  followed  by  a  series  of  active  operations,  in 
volving  the  artillery  duel  at  New  Bridge,  and  the  destruc 
tion  of  the  bridge  ;  the  continuous  battle  march  to  Black- 
burgh,  and  the  embarrassing  crossing  of  Salt  Pond  moun 
tains,  owing  to  incessant  rains,  the  wretched  condition  of 
the  roads,  and  the  flocking  of  "  contrabands,"  whom  pity 
could  not  leave  to  starvation,  or  perhaps  a  worse  death. 

Crook's  force  was  now  within  reach  cf  that  of  Hunter, 
who  had  been  ordered  on  a  similar  raid  up  the  James 
river.  It  was  therefore  ordered  to  joir  with  Hunter, 
which  it  did  at  Lexington,  Virginia.  March  was  taken 
for  Lynchburg,  with  the  intent  of  attacking.  Lee  had 
sent  heavy  reinforcements  from  Richmond,  and  when  the 
encounter  came,  the  Union  forces  met  with  severe 


LIFE  OF    WILLIAM   McKINLEY.  445 

At  the  time  of  the  junction  of  Crook's  forces  with  Hunter, 
they  were  in  no  condition  for  battle.  They  hud  been  on 
almost  incessant  night  and  day  marches  for  a  long  time, 
had  scaled  mountains  and  forded  streams,  had  passed 
through  repeated  encounters,  some  of  which  rose  to  the 
dignity  of  battles,  and  had  never  had  a  sure  supply  of 
food. 

The  fortunes  of  the  23d  Ohio  now  for  a  time  became 
those  of  Hunter  to  the  north  of  Richmond  and  in  the 
Shenandoah  Valley.  Or  to  speak  more  accurately,  its 
fortune  remained  that  of  General  Crook,  fur  all  of  Hunter's 
infantry  command  had  not  yet  arrived  from  the  Kanawha 
valley.  And  this  fortune  was  by  no  means  a  happy  one, 
for  the  enemy  followed  up  his  advantage  at  Lynchburg, 
and  attacked  the  Union  forces  at  Liberty,  where  a  brisk 
battle  occurred,  resulting  in  a  further  Union  retreat. 

On  June  20,  18G4,  the  rear  of  the  Union  forces,  con 
sisting  of  Hayes' brigade,  with  Crook  present,  held  Buford 
Gap  against  the  enemy's  advance,  and  then  made  a  hasty 
night  retreat  for  the  van,  supposed  to  be  at  Salem.  But 
Hunter  was  not  found  at  Salem.  The  enemy  had  attacked 
and  cut  off  his  trains,  and  had  forced  him  beyond  the 
place.  Crook's  rear  guard  was  in  a  manner  surrounded, 
and  it  was  only  by  rare  strategy  and  brave  fighting  that 
he  extricated  his  command  from  this  dilemma. 

This  retreat  before  a  superior  force  was  kept  up  without 
opportunity  for  rest  and  with  an  insufficient  supply  of  food 
and  ammunition  till  June  27th,  when  a  safe  spot  was 
reached  on  Big  Sewell  Mountain.  It  had  been  a  continu 
ous  fight  and  march  for  nearly  180  miles.  It  need  not 
be  recited  here  how  General  Early 's  successes  in  the 
Shenandoah  Valley  at  this  time  emboldened  him  to  carry 
his  invasion  to  the  very  front  of  Washington,  and  to 


446  LIFE   OF    WILLIAM    MdUNLEY. 

challenge  a  fight  for  the  National  Capital.  It  was  all  too 
plain  that  the  Union  forces  under  command  of  Hunter  in 
the  valley  were  unable  to  cope  with  the  augmented 
forces  of  Early.  So  Grant  sent  two  corps  from  Rich 
mond  for  the  rescue  of  the  Capital. 

Before  these  Early  beat  a  retreat  southward,  carrying 
along  a  rich  supply  of  stores  and  booty  gleaned  from  the 
valley.  He  was  pursued  for  a  time  by  Hunter's  command, 
and  had  gotten  as  far  as  Strasburg  in  his  retreat.  Here  he 
halted,  and  learning  that  he  was  no  longer  pursued,  re 
solved  to  return  and  fall  upon  Hunter's  in  detail. 

It  had  become  the  opinion  of  all  that  Lee  had  recalled 
to  Richmond  the  reinforcements  previously  sent  to  Early. 
Hence  Hunter  felt  comparatively  secure,  after  seeing  his 
enemy  so  far  south  as  Strasburg.  He  had  not  only 
called  off  pursuit,  but  had  posted  his  all  too  meagre  forces 
at  various  strategic  points  in  the  valley.  These  were 
driven,  somewhat  in  surprise,  from  their  positions,  by 
Early 's  returning  forces,  and  forced  northward,  in  a  line 
through  Winchester,  which  General  Crook  held,  with  his 
rearguard  of  Hunter's  army.  Crook's  command  contained 
Hayes'  brigade,  in  which  was  the  Ohio,  23d  Regiment. 

On  July  24,  1864,  Crook's  command  heard  firing  to  the 
south  of  Winchester.  He  promptly  marched  his  forces, 
numbering  some  6,000  men,  out  some  four  miles  in  the  di 
rection  of  the  firing,  and  to  the  village  of  Kernstown. 
Here  he  formed  a  line  of  battle  with  Hayes'  brigade, 
numbering  1,700  men,  on  his  left.  Here  it  soon  became 
manifest  that  Early  was  present  in  force,  and  that  a 
severe  struggle  impended. 

Early  pushed  the  attack  with  his  greatly  superior  force. 
It  was  an  attack  by  centre  and  both  flanks,  and  was  suc 
cessful  on  the  centre.  But  Hayes'  brigade  kept  the  left 


LIFE   OF   WILLIAM   MCKINLEY.  447 

steady,  and  only  retreated  to  Winchester,  after  the  rest  of 
the  lines  had  been  driven  back  in  confusion.  In  the  fierce 
contention  for  his  position  throughout  the  day,  he  had  lost 
nearly  a  fourth  of  his  command,  a  proportionate  share  of 
which  fell  to  the  Ohio  Twenty-third.  In  the  annals  of 
this  fierce  encounter  of  Hunter's  rear  guard,  an  encounter 
which,  though  it  brought  not  victory,  yet  answered  the 
purpose  of  checking  for  the  time  the  career  of  an  invading 
foe  of  superior  numbers,  occurred  one  of  the  many  episodes 
in  young  McKinley's  army  the  -career,  which  served  to  show 
his  heroism  amid  danger.  At  Winchester,  General  Hayes 
learned  that  one  of  his  regiments  had  not  been  informed 
of  the  retreat  of  the  brigade,  and  had  been  left  in  a  position 
where  it  could  hardly  escape  capture,  being  already  nearly 
surrounded  by  the  enemy.  He  ordered  McKinley,  then 
acting  as  his  aide,  to  ride  out  and  bring  it  in.  It  was 
seemingly  a  ride  to  the  death,  but,  nothing  daunted,  the 
brave  young  officer  executed  the  order,  brought  the  regi 
ment  safely  in,  and  received  the  congratulations  of  all  for 
his  perilous  feat. 

After  this  battle  of  Kernstown,  or  as  is  more  frequently 
written  in  the  war  histories,  of  Winchester,  there  was  a 
confused  period  of  evacuation  by  Crook's  command  and  a 
hasty  following  up,  as  rear  guard,  of  Hunter's  forces  to 
ward  Martinsburg.  Many  incidents  of  this  retreat 
reflected  great  credit  on  young  McKinley's  military 
career.  He  was  brave,  sagacious,  thoughtful,  spirited, 
when  all  was  perilous,  confused  and  despondent,  and  more 
than  once  the  saving  of  men  and  guns  from  capture  was 
due  to  his  advice  and  personal  heroism. 

Lieutenant  McKinley  was  commissioned  Captain  of  Com 
pany  G.  of  his  regiment,  on  July  25,  1864,  the  day  after 
the  Kernstown  battle.  Sheridan  now  came  to  the  com- 


448  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM   McKlNLEY. 

inand  in  the  Shenandoab  Valley.  His  forces  embraced  the 
two  corps  Grant  had  sent  from  Richmond,  the  two  in 
fantry  divisions  of  Crook,  and  Averill's  cavalry.  These 
had  been  concentrated  at  Halltown  in  the  valley.  Early 
was  forced  to  call  together  his  scattered  columns.  Sheri 
dan  moved  against  him  on  August  10th,  and  pursued  him 
to  Strasburg,  where  he  found  him  so  strongly  entrenched 
and  greatly  reinforced  that  he  dare  not  attack.  On  the 
contrary,  Early  now  began  an  offensive  movement,  deter 
mined  to  crush  Sheridan  at  Cedar  Creek.  But  the  latter 
was  on  the  alert  and  retired  to  Berryville,  leaving  Early 
to  concentrate  at  Winchester,  now  no  longer  the  centre  of 
a  land  of  plenty. 

Now  occurred  a  period  of  maneuvering  for  position. 
At  length  Sheridan  determined  to  attack  Early  in  his  po' 
sition  on  the  Opequan,  covering  Winchester.  lie  formed 
his  line  of  battle  with  the  Sixth  and  Nineteenth  army 
corps  in  front,  and  Crook's  divisions  in  reserve.  The  at 
tack  began  on  September  19,  1864.  Sheridan's  onset  was 
fierce  but  was  rolled  back.  It  was  followed  by  a  counter 
charge  which  broke  Sheridan's  centre.  The  broken  lines 
were  quickly  reestablished.  As  the  battle  progressed  it 
was  found  that  the  enemy's  left  was  strongest.  Crook  was 
ordered  to  find  the  extreme  of  this  left,  strike  its  flank  and 
rear  and  break  it  up,  while  Sheridan  swung  his  own  left 
in  a  half  wheel  to  support  him.  Crook  made  his  advance 
with  great  spirit,  and  the  enemy  was  forced  step  by  step 
from  his  position.  Torbert's  cavalry  came  to  the  aid  of 
Crook  and  his  gallant  men,  and  soon  Early 's  stubborn  and 
strong  left  was  in  confusion.  Sheridan  was  driving  the 
centre  hard  with  the  Sixth  and  Nineteenth  corps.  Wilson 
was  ordered  to  push  his  cavalry  to  the  left  and  gain  the 
roads  leading  south  from  Winchester.  He  dashed  to  the 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  MCKINLEY.  449 

right  where  Crook  and  Torbert  were  making  such  telling 
'nroads  on  the  enemy's  ranks,  and  ordered  a  charge  with 
all  the  troops  that  could  be  brought  into  position.  In 
fantry  and  cavalry  now  bore  irresistibly  on  the  enemy's 
wavering  columns.  Early  trembled  for  the  fate  of  his 
army,  pressed  as  it  was  in  front  and  by  flank.  His  forces | 
could  stand  the  strain  no  longer.  They  broke  and  fled 
over  the  spaces  between  the  Opecjuan  and  Winchester  and 
through  the  latter  place.  Night  alone  saved  his  forces 
from  complete  destruction.  He  lost  4,500  men,  of  whom 
2,500  were  prisoners,  and  several  guns.  Sheridan  lost 
4,500  men ;  500  killed,  8,500  wounded  and  500  missing. 
Never  was  battle  more  decisive.  It  had  beeen  fought  with 
the  precision  of  clockwork,  and  was  the  first  ia  which  in 
fantry,  artillery  and  cavalry  had  been  used  concurrently. 
The  victory  brought  great  honor  to  every  participant,  and 
electrified  the  country. 

Sheridan  pushed  his  beaten  foe  vigorously,  first  to  New- 
town,  then  to  Fisher's  Hill,  then  to  Strasburg.  Here 
Sheridan  sent  Crook's  command  to  work  its  way  secretly, 
under  cover  of  the  night,  to  Early 's  left.  Torbert  was 
sent  on  a  similar  mission  to  the  left.  On  September  22, 
Sheridan  attacked  with  his  Sixth  and  Nineteenth  corps. 
Suddenly  Crook  debouched  from  his  hiding  place  on  the 
enemy's  flank  and  rear,  and  doubled  up  his  lines  within  his 
breastworks.  Sheridan  charged  in  front.  The  enemy 
fled  in  panic,  leaving  sixteen  guns  and  1,100  prisoners  in 
Sheridan's  hands.  Again  Sheridan  pursued  the  routed 
enemy  and  drove  him  out  of  the  valley. 

But  the  valley  forces  had  not  long  to  rest.  Early  was 
strongly  reinforced  from  Richmond,  by  October  5th,  and 
on  the  6th,  attacked  Sheridan's  advance  at  Harrisonburg, 
driving  it  back.  Sheridan  called  together  his  forces  at 


450  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM   MCKINLEY. 

Cedar  Creek,  for  he  had  learned  that  Longstreet  had  been 
sent  from  Richmond  to  Early 's  aid.  A't  Cedar  Creek 
Sheridan  left  his  forces  in  apparent  safety  to  go  to  Wash- 
ington  at  the  command  of  the  President.  Crook's  com 
mand  here  occupied  a  position  to  the  left  of  the  cavalry, 
which  formed  the  extreme  right.  While  Sheridan  was  ab 
sent  Early  attacked  in  a  roundabout  and  highly  strate 
gical  way  on  October  19th.  That  portion  of  his  attack, 
headed  by  Kershaw,  fell  on  the  Union  left,  where  Crook 
was  situated.  The  battle  raged  furiously  here,  but  the 
force  of  the  enemy's  blow  could  not  be  resisted.  Crook's 
lines  were  driven  in,  after  a  contest  in  which  many  on  both 
sides  lost  their  lives.  General  Hayes  had  his  horse  shot 
under  him  and  narrowly  escaped  with  his  life. 

Cedar  Creek  was  thus  far  a  surprise  for  the  Union 
forces.  Except  upon  the  left,  it  hardly  reached  the  im 
portance  of  a  battle,  for  the  right,  rinding  its  position  un 
tenable,  and  snuffing  disaster  if  a  general  engagement  en 
sued,  found  its  highest  mission  in  securing  lines  for  a  safe  re 
treat.  Yet  the  result  was  disastrous  enough  in  loss  of  life, 
guns  and  munitions,  to  render  the  enemy  jubilant  and  en, 
courage  him  to  fresh  attack. 

On  the  night  of  the  18th  Sheridan  slept  at  Winchester, 
on  his  return  from  Washington.  On  the  morning  of  the 
19th  the  firing  of  heavy  guns  twenty  miles  away  told  him 
of  battle  at  Cedar  Creek.  Then  began  his  famous  twenty 
miles  ride  with  all  its  exciting  incidents — its  repeated 
shouts  to  "Face  the  other  way  boys!"  "We  are  going 
back !  "  "  We'll  lick  them  yet !  "  "  Back  to  duty  boys !  " 
as  he  met  his  retreating  soldiers.  Soon  he  is  with  hia 
generals — Crook  and  all  the  rest — now  in  momentary 
conference,  now  issuing  hasty  orders,  inspiring  all  by 
his  presence,  bringing  order  out  of  dire  confusion. 

Sheridan  found  that  Getty's  division  of  the  6th  corps, 


HON.  MATTHEW  S.  QUAY. 

Born  at  Dillsburg,  York  co.,  Pa.,  September  30,  1833 ;  graduated  ai 
Jefferson  Cc\~';ge,  1850;  admitted  to  bar,  1854;  elected  Prothonotary  of 
B^iver  co.,  1856  and  1859;  served  in  Union  army  as  Colonel  of  134th 
Pennsylvania  Volunteers,  and  as  Military  State  Agent  at  Washington, 
Assistant  Commissary-General  and  Chief  of  Transportation ;  Military 
Secretary  to  Governor  of  Penns)lvania,  1861-65;  member  of  Legisla 
ture,  1865—67;  Secretary  of  Commonwealth,  1872—78;  Chairman  of 
Republican  State  Committee,  1878-79;  Secretary  of  Commonwealth> 
1879-82;  elected  State  Treasurer.  1885  ;  elected  United  States  Senator, 
as  Republican,  1886,  and  again  in  1893 ;  Chairman  of  Republican 
National  Committee  during  campaign  of  1888 ;  Chairman  of  Committee 
on  Public  Buildings  and  Grounds,  and  member  of  Committees  on  Appro 
priations,  Commerce  and  Epidemic  Diseases  ;  prominent  candH*te  for 
Presidential  nominee  in  1896. 


v-t 


HON.  HENRY  CABOT  LODGE. 

Born  in  Boston,  Mass.,  May  12,  1850;  graduated  at  Harvard,  1871; 
graduated  from  Harvard  Law  School,  1875 ;  admitted  to  Suffolk  bar, 
1876,  but  preferred  literary  pursuits ;  served  two  terms  in  State  Legisla 
ture  ;  elected,  as  a  Republican,  to  50th,  51st,  52d  and  53d  Congresses,  to 
lepresent  Sixth  Massachusetts  District ;  elected  to  U.  S.  Senate,  January 
17,  1893,  to  succeed  Hon.  Henry  L.  Dawes;  resigned  his  seat  in 
House  and  took  that  in  Senate,  March  4,  1893;  chairman  of  Committee 
on  Immigration,  and  member  of  other  important  Committees. 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  MCKINLEY.  453 

supported  by  Ouster's  and  Merritt's  Cavalry,  occupied  a 
position  between  the  rapidly  advancing  enemy  and  his 
other  corps.  His  quick  topographic  eye  selected  this  line 
as  his  line  of  battle,  for  he  saw  that  battle  must  be  joined 
at  once  in  order  to  retrieve  the  disaster  of  the  morning. 
He  quietly  closed  his  corps  on  that  line,  and  not  a  mo 
ment  too  soon,  for  already  the  attack  was  on,  upon  the  19th 
corps.  It  was  bravely  resisted ,  and  Early  thought  to  fortify 
and  merely  hold  his  own  lines.  At  three  P.  M.  Sheri 
dan  took  the  offensive,  and  attacked  with  his  entire  line,  by  a 
left  flank  movement,  his  cavalry  ably  supported  him.  For 
a  time  the  battle  went  stubborn  and  bloody.  Early  was 
trying  Sheridan's  manoeuvre  with  his  own  left.  It  was 
charged  upon  by  a  force  led  by  Sheridan  in  person,  and 
partly  detatched  from  the  main  column.  The  charge  grew 
more  persistent  and  bloody.  The  Confederate  left  wav 
ered  and  gave  way.  Early  acklowledged  the  day  lost  by 
ordering  a  retreat.  Then  the  confusion  of  the  morning 
was  transferred  to  the  enemy's  ranks.  They  were  rolled 
backward  to  the  position  of  the  morning  on  Cedar  Creek. 
At  this  point,  Early  lost  control  of  his  men,  and  retreat 
became  a  rout.  Prisoners,  guns,  ammunition  fell  readily 
into  the  victor's  hands.  Roads  were  blocked  with  dis 
carded  booty  and  army  paraphernalia.  At  Fisher's  Hill, 
Early  hoped  to  make  a  stand,  but  he  found  nothing  there 
except  the  Union  prisoners  of  the  morning.  Night  alone 
saved  his  fleeing  remnants  from  annihilation,  and  dark 
ness  found  Early  at  New  Market  twenty  miles  away  from 
Cedar  Creek.  Sheridan  had  not  only  brilliantly  re- won 
the  battle  of  Cedar  Creek,  but  had  recaptured  all  the  guns 
taken  in  the  morning  and  had  added  to  them  twenty-four 
of  the  enemy's  pieces,  1,600  prisoners  and  three  hundred 
wagons. 
26 


454  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM   McKINLEY. 

The  momentous  battle  of  Cedar  Creek  ended  the  cam 
paign  in  the  Shenandoah  Valley.  Early  was  recalled  to 
Richmond.  The  President  honored  Sheridan  with  a 
Major-General's  commission,  "For  the  personal  gallantry, 
military  skill  and  just  confidence  in  the  courage  and 
gallantry  of  your  troops."  The  Congress  complimented 
him  and  his  soldiers  for  their  "  series  of  victories  in  the 
Shenandoah  Valley,  and  especially  for  their  services  at 
Cedar  Creek  ". 

In  Sheridan's  disposition  of  the  forces  left  in  the  Valley, 
on  his  return  to  Richmond,  the  command  to  which  the 
Twenty-third  Ohio  was  attacked  was  ordered  to  Martins- 
burg.  Their  march  thither  was  enlivened  by  casting  the 
army  vote  for  President  in  1864.  The  McKinley  "boy 
soldier  "  had  earned  his  manhood  in  the  field  along  with 
other  honors,  and  cast  his  first  vote  in  that  election,  along 
with  the  older  veterans. 

The  battle  of  Cedar  Creek  therefore  virtually  ended 
the  active  military  career  of  Captain  McKinley,  though 
he  found  much  future  service  on  staffs  of  both  Generals 
Crook  and  Carroll.  On  March  13,  1865,  he  was  brevetted 
major.  In  the  spring  of  1865  the  Twenty -third  Ohio  was 
ordered  to  Camp  Cumberland,  where  it  wras  mustered  out 
of  service,  July  26, 1865,  closing  a  four  year  career  of  war 
with  honor,  leaving  a  host* of  brave  comrades  beneath  the 
turf  of  the  battlefields,  returning  home  to  receive  the  con 
gratulations  of  loyal  friends  and  to  enter  once  more  the 
occupations  of  peace.  The  soldier  boy  of  eighteen  years 
was  now  a  man  of  twenty-two.  The  private  of  1861  was 
now  a  major.  The  education  and  aspirations  of  youth,  had 
been  supplemented  by  such  an  experience  in  the  cause  of 
country  as  few  could  claim  at  his  age,  and  such  as  would 
meet  the  most  exalted  purposes  of  after  life. 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY.  455 

IN  PRIVATE  LIFE. 

On  his  return  from  the  army  in  July,  1865,  and  at  the 
age  of  twenty-two  years,  Major  McKinley  settled  at 
Poland.  The  problem  before  him  was  the  choice  of  a 
civic  career.  Both  qualification  and  inclination  pointed 
to  a  course  of  law.  He  accordingly  entered  the  law  office 
of  Judge  Glidden  of  Mahoning  County,  Ohio,  where  he 
grounded  himself  in  the  principles  of  law,  and  afterwards 
completed  his  course  at  the  Albany  Law  School,  in  New 
York. 

He  proved  to  be  an  apt  and  diligent  student.  Though 
hampered  at  times  by  paucity  of  means,  he  courageously 
fought  his  way  toward  the  bar,  and  was  admitted  to  that 
of  Canton  County  in  the  early  part  of  1867.  At  this  date 
he  left  his  Poland  home,  and  entered  on  his  professional 
career  at  Canton,  the  county  seat,  then  a  town  of  some 
6,000  inhabitants,  mostly  sturdy  migrants  from  Pennsyl 
vania,  or  their  descendants. 

He  began  his  career  auspiciously,  in  that  his  industry 
and  energ}r  happily  seconded  an  excellent  preparation  and 
a  natural!}^  forceful  and  persuasive  style  of  speech.  He 
was  painstaking  in  preparing  a  cause  and  eloquent  in 
presenting  it.  To  these  necessary  attributes  of  the  suc 
cessful  practitioner,  he  added  a  charming  personal  address. 
With  this  equipment  and  these  qualities  his  success  at  the 
bar  was  marked.  He  not  only  won  speedy  recognition 
among  his  fellow  members  but  among  the  people.  Before 
two  years  had  transpired  he  was  honored  with  the  Re 
publican  nomination  for  District  Attorney  of  his  county. 
Though  the  county  was  largely  Democratic,  he  at  once 
took  the  stump  and  conducted  so  vigorous  a  campaign 
that,  to  the  surprise  of  friend  and  foe,  he  was  elected. 


456  LIFE    OF    WILLIAM    McKINLEY. 

He  was  renorninated  for  the  same  office,  but  his  political 
enemies  were  on  the  alert,  and  he  was  defeated,  not,  how 
ever,  without  putting  up  a  battle  that  proved  him  to  be 
one  of  the  ablest  and  most  indefatigable  of  campaigners.  In 
these,  his  preliminary  contests,  he  laid  the  ground  work 
of  that  fame  which  has  ever  since  been  his  portion  as  one 
of  the  most  captivating  and  convincing  public  speakers  in 
the  land. 

On  January  25,  1871,  he  married  Miss  Ida  Saxton,  the 
accomplished  daughter  of  James  A.  Saxton,  a  banker  of 
Canton,  and  began  housekeeping  in  the  neat  and  com 
fortable  home  that  has  since  become  historic.  They  had 
two  daughters,  both  of  whom  died  young.  The  blow 
greatly  affected  Mr.  McKinley's  general  health  for  a  time, 
and  they  went  to  live  with  Mr.  McKinley's  mother,  till 
the  time  came  for  him  to  move  to  Washington  as  a  mem 
ber  of  Congress. 

IN  CONGRESS. 

In  1876,  Major  McKinley  entered  the  race  for  Congress 
in  the  Eighteenth  Ohio  District.  There  were  several  dis 
tinguished  competitors  for  the  nomination  in  his  party, 
some  of  whom  were  distinguished  politicians  and  veteran 
campaigners.  But  the  young  man  of  thirty-three  years 
carried  off  the  honors  of  the  nominating  convention,  and, 
after  one  of  his  characteristic  campaigns,  he  was  elected 
to  the  Forty-fifth  Congress  by  a  handsome  majority.  He 
continued  to  be  reflected  to  each  succeeding  Congress  up 
to  1890.  Though  the  Democrats,  in  1878,  tried  to  defeat 
him  by  a  gerrymander  of  his  district,  making  it  Demo 
cratic  by  1,800  majority,  he  carried  it  by  1,800  majority.  In 
1884,  a  similar  gerrymander  was  tried,  but  McKinley  still 
held  his  district  by  some  1,500  majority.  It  was  only  after 


LIFE  OF   WILLIAM  Me  KIN  LEY.  457 

a  third  and  more  desperate  attempt,  in  1890,  to  gerry 
mander  him  out  of  his  district,  that  his  political  enemies 
succeeded  in  their  nefarious  object.  His  home  county, 
Stark,  was  thrown  in  with  three  overwhelmingly  Demo 
cratic  counties,  so  as  to  make  a  sure  Democratic  majority 
of  3,000  in  the  district.  Yet  such  was  McKinley's  hold 
on  the  affections  of  the  people,  and  such  the  strength  of 
his  campaign,  that  he  was  beaten  only  by  the  beggardly 
majority  of  363  votes,  having  polled  2,500  more  votes  in 
his  district  than  had  been  cast  for  Harrison  in  1888. 

In  Congress,  Major  McKinley  was  to  do  far  more  than 
repeat  his  brilliant  success  at  the  bar.  He  was  in  a  field 
more  to  his  liking  and  one  fuller  of  opportunity  for  the 
development  and  application  of  endowments  leading  to 
the  highest  plains  of  statesmanship.  He  entered  public 
life  with  the  ardor  of  a  youthful,  ambitious  nature,  with  a 
large  fund  of  information,  especially  upon  economic  prob 
lems,  with  painstaking  industry,  with  unswerving  fidelity 
to  political  conviction,  with  commanding  address,  with  far 
more  than  usual  parliamentary  and  diplomatic  tact,  with  a 
demeanor  and  philosophy  that  attracted  instant  notice 
and  rendered  his  counsels  pleasing  and  desirable. 

It  was  but  natural  that  one  thus  equipped  for  public  life 
should  soon  begin  to  make  his  mark.  He  grew  daily  in 
popularity  among  the  members,  and  in  respect  and  strength 
among  his  party  associates.  His  assignment  to  various  im 
portant  committees,  all  of  which  were  of  the  working  kind, 
tested  thoroughly  the  appreciation  of  his  ability  and  sup 
plied  opportunities  for  the  exercise  of  that  usefulness  he 
exemplified  from  the  very  beginning  of  his  public  career. 
At  first  his  growth  in  favor  was  rather  through  the  chan 
nels  of  committee  work,  with  its  arduous  details,  than 
through  those  of  open  debate.  But  this  was  all  the  better 


453  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM   Mc'KINLEY. 

as  a  ground  work  for  solid  reputation,  and  as  a  preparation 
for  that  higher  statesmanship  in  whose  midst  he  was  soon 
to  stand  so  conspicuously  forth. 

It  must  not  be  thought,  however,  that  he  neglected  fo 
rensic  opportunity.  Indeed  his  reputation  as  a  keen,  clear 
and  powerful  debater  preceded  his  entry  to  Congress,  and 
the  distinction  that  awaited  him,  in  this  respect,  came 
naturally  and  expectedly.  His  interest  in  public  ques 
tions,  his  wonderful  power  in  the  marshalling  of  facts,  his 
forceful,  impressive  logic,  his  fascinating  rhetoric,  his  fair 
ness  to  opponents,  his  freedom  from  excitement  and  bitter 
ness,  his  readiness  and  keenness  in  repartee,  very  soon,  and 
of  their  own  momentum,  carried  him  to  a  front  place  in  the 
rank  of  skilled  debaters.  He  never  rose  to  speak  with 
out  an  occasion,  nor  did  he  ever  speak  idly  nor  without 
full  knowledge  of  his  subject.  What  he  touched  upon 
he  both  ornamented  and  exhausted.  His  earnestness  be 
spoke  deptli  and  honesty  of  conviction.  His  warmth  in 
spired  enthusiasm.  He  charmed  by  lucidity  of  thought 
and  clear  cut  expression.  His  political  foes  heard  with  the 
same  interest  and  delight  as  his  friends. 

McKinley  found  a  place  on  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means,  on  entering  Congress.  This  was  to  be  the  avenue 
to  that  high  pedestal  of  protection  he  would  soon  occupy. 
"  Pig  Iron  "  Kelly  was  his  sponsor  in  these  early  days  ol 
his  career.  Afterwards  Garfield  was  chairman,  an  eco* 
nomic  tutor  as  brilliant,  if  less  sturdy,  than  his  predeces 
sor.  McKinley  came  to  the  exalted  honors  and  grave  re' 
sponsibilities  of  the  chairmanship  under  a  tutelage  whose 
ability  was  everywhere  recognized,  and  by  virtue  of  deserved 
promotion  He  had  served  thirteen  years  upon  the  com- 
mittee,  had  passed  through  all  its  labors  and  throes,  and 
was  at  length  crowned  with  its  leadership,  to  crown,  h> 


LIFE   OF    WILLIAM    Me  KINLEY.  459 

turn,  his  party  and  country  with  its  greatest  and  best  pro 
tective  safeguard. 

In  his  early  Congressional  career,  the  questions  of  great 
est  moment  related  to  the  currency  and  to  the  resumption 
of  specie  payments  in  1879.  In  these  he  took  a  keen  in 
terest,  and  stood  shoulder  to  shoulder  with  the  Republican 
leaders  who  had  resolved  that  the  country's  promises  to 
pay  should  be  redeemed  in  gold,  and  that  the  national 
credit  should  be  at  par  in  all  the  world. 

Time  and  again  the  subject  of  pension  for  Union  soldiers 
come  up,  and  each  time  it  found  in  Major  McKinley  one 
of  its  most  resolute  and  effective  champions.  No  subject 
touched  him  more  nearly,  and  over  none  did  he  ever  grow 
more  fervent  and  forceful. 

What  may  be  called  his  maiden  speech  upon  the  doc 
trine  of  protection  was  made  in  1878  when  the  Wood 
tariff  bill  was  under  discussion.  This  speech  ranked  as  one 
of  the  ablest  delivered  during  those  debates,  and  in  it 
McKinley  took  the  high  and  noble  stand  he  was  to  occupy 
in  all  subsequent  discussions  of  the  same  momentous  sub 
ject.  It  stamped  him  more  as  leader,  than  follower,  of  the 
economic  thoughts  which  were  to  dominate  future  tariff 
legislation.  It  prepared  the  way  for  his  powerful  advo 
cacy  of  that  measure  which  came  up  in  1882,  and  which 
looked  to  the  appointment  of  a  Tariff  Commission,  duly 
authorized  by  Congress,  whose  duty  should  be  a  friendly 
revision  of  the  tariff. 

This  commission  prepared  and  presented  the  tariff  bill 
of  1883.  In  advocacy  of  its  passage  Major  McKinley 
stood  shoulder  to  shoulder  with  such  veteran  protectionists 
as  Kelley  and  others  and  evenly  divided  with  them  the 
honors  of  debate.  It  was  at  this  juncture  that  Judge 
Kelley  said  of  him,  "  he  has  distanced  all  his  colleagues  in 


460  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM   McRINLEY. 

mastering  the  details  of  the  tariff."  And  this  was  the  oc 
casion  when  McKinley  made  the  protective  idea  a  para 
mount  doctrine  of  the  Republican  party  by  carrying  it 
farther  down  to  the  masses  and  into  the  workshops  and 
homes,  than  any  previous  exponent  had  done.  He  proved 
to  be  the  greatest  orator  of  this  memorable  occasion,  and 
a  prophet  as  well,  for  the  revelations  of  1894  repeated  ii> 
disaster  and  want  and  tears  and  groans  his  visions  of  1883. 

By  1884  McKinley  had  deservedly  and  honorably  won 
the  title  of  "  Champion  of  American  Protection."  Or,  if 
not  yet,  the  title  could  no  longer  be  withheld,  for  he  was 
about  to  add  another  imposing  chapter  to  his  career  in  the 
celebrated  debates  on  the  Morrison  horizontal  tariff  bill. 
In  his  opposition  to  this  bill  he  was  learned,  exhaustive, 
merciless,  and  such  a  master  of  the  situation  as  to  make 
those  who  favored  the  bill  appear  ridiculous,  and  the  bill 
itself  an  economic  farce. 

In  1888,  Mr.  Mills  sprung  his  remarkable  attack  on 
American  industries  upon  the  Congress,  by  a  bill  which 
became  known  as  the  "  Mills  Tariff  Bill."  This  bill  was  an 
insult  to  the  minority  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee, 
for  it  had  been  prepared  and  presented  without  consult 
ing  with  them.  The  insult  was  resented  and  the  bill  op 
posed  by  the  minority,  headed  by  Mr.  McKinley,  in  a  report, 
which  for  minute  detail,  exhaustive  presentation  of  facts, 
and  invincible  argument,  must  ever  stand  as  a  monument 
to  his  patient  industry  and  perfect  mastery  of  his  subject. 
It  was  regarded  as  one  of  the  ablest  papers  on  the  subject 
of  tariff  ever  presented  to  Congress,  and  when  it  was  fol 
lowed  in  a  short  time  by  the  speech  of  its  author  in  the 
House,  he  clinched  the  impression  already  existing  as  to 
the  report,  that  none  could  approach  him  in  fearless,  logi 
cal  and  convincing  championship  of  the  doctrine  of  protec- 


LIFE  OF   WILLIAM   McKINLEY.  461 

tion.  This  report  and  this  speech  went  to  the  country  in 
the  campaign  of  1888,  and  served  as  potent  agencies  in 
the  election  of  President  Harrison,  with  a  Republican 
House  of  Representatives. 

Major  McKinley  now  reached  the  grandest  opportunity 
of  his  brilliant  career,  thus  far.  By  virtue  of  his  position 
as  chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  in  the 
Fifty-first  Congfess  he  was  to  incorporate  the  policy  of 
party  and  the  verdict  of  the  country  into  its  commercial 
economy,  to  put  into  the  form  of  statute  the  doctrine  of 
protection  that  been  so  ably  and  fully  presented  in  the 
preceding  campaign,  and  so  emphatically  passed  upon- 
He  entered  upon  this  work  fully  equipped  by  experience, 
and  with  all  the  enthusiasm  of  his  ardent  nature.  Deter 
mined  to  avoid  the  errors  into  which  the  Democrats  had 
previously  fallen,  he  invited  all  the  interests  concerned  in 
tariff  revision  to  a  hearing,  and  a  bill  was  framed  which 
was  to  constitute  the  Tariff  Act  of  1890,  and  be  popularly 
known  as  the  "  McKinley  Bill."  It  involved  the  exper 
ience  of  all  former  tariff  legislation  and  the  best  features 
of  all  former  acts.  It  imposed  protective  rates  in  the  in 
terest  of  American  labor,  on  home  manufactures  whose 
existence  was  threatened  by  foreign  competition.  It  im 
posed  higher  rates  on  manufactures  which  we  ought  to 
produce  but  did  not.  It  largely  reduced  the  duties  on 
necessaries  of  life,  or  made  them  (such  as  sugar)  free.  It 
greatly  enlarged  the  free  list  by  placing  on  it  all  raw 
materials  whose  importation  did  not  complete  with  the 
home  growth  of  the  same.  It  introduced  the  policy  of 
reciprocity. 

No  previous  tariff  bill  had  ever  been  so  fully  matured, 
or  had  so  satisfied  in  advance  the  various  interests  con 
sulted  in  its  preparation.  Certainly  none  ever  passed  that 


462  LIFE   OF    WILLIAM   McKINLBV. 

was  more  ably  championed  or  persistently  opposed.  Its 
passage  occupied  the  entire  time  of  the  first  session  of  the 
Fifty-first  Congress,  and  during  all  that  time  Mr.  McKinley 
stood  at  the  head  of  his  party,  directing  the  fortunes  of 
his  bill,  and  vigilant  day  and  night  over  its  fate.  Its  pas 
sage  was  a  signal  triumph  of  his  patience,  endurance  and 
legislative  ability.  His  name  went  forth  with  the  tide  of 
prosperity  that  followed  the  bill,  and  was  heard  amid  the 
rejoicings  in  every  hamlet,  workshop  and  home  of  the 
land.  He  came  to  stand  for  the  beneficence  of  his  meas 
ure  in  the  eyes  and  hearts  of  the  toiling  millions. 

At  a  later  date,  1894,  when  the  McKinley  Act  was 
about  to  be  repealed  by  the  Wilson  Act  which  President 
Cleveland  designated  as  a  product  of  "  perfidy  and  dis 
honor"  and  permitted  to  become  a  law  without  his  signa 
ture,  Mr.  McKinley  spoke  thus  of  the  operation  of  the 
act  which  bore  his  name  : 

"The  law  of  1890  was  enacted  for  the  American  people 
and  the  American  home.  Whatever  mistakes  were  made 
in  it  were  all  made  in  favor  of  the  occupations  and  the 
firesides  of  the  American  people.  It  didn't  take  away  a 
single  day's  work  from  a  solitary  American  workingman. 
It  gave  work  and  wages  to  all,  such  as  they  had  never 
had  before.  It  did  it  by  establishing  new  and  great  in 
dustries  in  this  country,  which  increased  the  demand  for 
the  skill  and  handiwork  of  our  laborers  everywhere.  It 
had  no  friends  in  Europe.  It  gave  their  industries  no 
stimulus.  It  gave  no  employment  to  their  labor  at  the 
expense  of  our  own. 

"  During  more  than  two  years  of  the  administration  of 
President  Harrison,  and  down  to  its  end,  it  raised  all  the 
revenue  necessary  to  pay  the  vast  expenditures  of  the 
Government,  including  the  interest  on  the  public  debt  and 


LIFE   OF    WILLIAM   McKINLEY.  463 

the  pensions.  It  never  encroached  upon  the  gold  reserve, 
which  in  the  past  had  always  been  sacredly  preserved  for 
the  redemption  of  outstanding  paper  obligations  of  the 
Government. 

"  During  all  its  operations,  down  to  the  change  and  re 
versal  of  its  policy  by  the  election  of  1892,  no  man  can 
assert  that  in  the  industries  affected  by  it  wages  were  too 
high,  although  they  were  higher  than  ever  before  in  this 
or  any  other  country.  If  any  such  can  be  found,  I  beg 
that  they  be  named.  I  challenge  the  enemies  of  the  law 
of  1800  to  name  a  single  industry  of  that  kind.  Further, 
I  assert  that  in  the  industries  affected  by  that  law,  which 
that  law  fostered  no  American  consumer  suffered  by  the 
increased  cost  of  any  home  products  that  he  bought.  Me 
never  bought  them  so  low  before,  nor  did  he  ever  enjoy  the 
benefit  of  so  much  open,  free  home  competition.  Neither 
producer  nor  consumer,  employer  or  employee,  suffered 
by  that  law. 

As  GOVERNOR. 

The  attack  made  on  the  McKinley  Act  by  its  free  trade 
enemies,  fall  of  1890,  and  before  any  of  its  beneficent  re 
sults  could  be  tabulated  and  officially  shown,  was  the  most 
ferocious  illogical  and  deceptive  attack  in  the  annals  of 
campaigning.  It  passions  and  falsehoods  carried  .down 
many  of  the  active  advocates  of  the  bill.  McKinley 's  de 
feat  for  the  Fifty-second  Congress  was  brought  about  by  a 
Democratic  gerrymander  of  his  district,  which  was  now 
made  hopelessly  Democratic.  Yet  he  lost  it  by  only  a 
paltry  majority,  though  the  Democrats  centred  in  its 
speakers  and  resources  from  various  States.  But  what 
was  an  irreparable  loss  to  the  party  and  the  country 
proved  to  be  a  gain  to  his  State  and  himself.  Sentiment 


464  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM   Me  KINLEY. 

in  his  State  began  immediately  to  settle  on  him  as  a  can 
didate  for  Governor.  He  would  not  enter  a  contest  for 
the  honor,  but  would  accept  if  it  came  spontaneously. 

The  State  Convention  was  held  in  June,  1891,  There 
was  really  but  one  candidate  put  in  nomination,  and  that 
was  McKinley.  His  nomination  was  unanimously  made. 
It  was  received  with  applause  throughout  the  State,  and 
the  campaign  was  active  and  aggressive  from  the  first,  on 
the  lines  of  protection  and  reciprocity.  Mr.  McKinley 
made  it  a  typical  "campaign  of  education,"  visiting  in 
person  eighty -six  out  of  eighty-eight  counties  in  the  State, 
and  speaking  one  hundred  and  thirty  times. 

The  Democrats  contested  every  inch  of  the  ground 
stubbornly,  but  the  people  turned  to  McKinley  as  to  the 
apostle  of  the  true  dispensation,  and  women  and  children 
said  he  had  made  protection  and  tariff  plain  to  them.  In 
that  campaign,  the  first  general  campaign  Mr.  McKinley 
had  ever  made,  he  was  pronounced  the  best  vote-getter 
ever  seen  on  the  stump  in  Ohio.  He  won  the  admiration 
of  Democrats,  as  he  won  the  devotion  of  Republicans, 
and  his  election  by  a  handsome  majority  was  gratifying  to 
one  party,  without  being  a  source  of  bitterness  to  the 
rank  and  file  of  the  other  party.  As  his  first  term  in  the 
Governor's  chair  drew  toward  its  close  he  was  renomi- 
nated  by  acclamation,  and  after  another  spirited  campaign 
he  was  reflected  by  a  majority  of  more  than  80,000,  at 
that  time  the  largest  but  one  in  the  history  of  the  State. 

As  Governor,  Mr.  McKinley  never  forgot  that  he  was 
the  Chief  Magistrate,  not  merely  of  the  party  which  had 
elected  him,  but  of  the  whole  State,  and  he  was  untiring 
in  his  efforts  to  secure  for  the  whole  State  a  wise,  economi 
cal  and  honorable  administration.  He  took  great  interest 
in  the  management  of  the  public  institutions  of  the  State, 


LIFE   OF   WILLIAM   MCKINLEY.  465 

making  a  special  study  of  means  for  their  betterment,  and 
securing  many  important  and  much-needed  reforms.  He 
urged  the  preserving  and  improving  of  the  canal  system, 
and  was  an  earnest  promoter  of  the  movement  for  good 
roads.  To  the  question  of  tax  reform  he  paid  much  atten 
tion,  and  repeatedly  urged  its  importance  upon  the  Legis-i 
lature.  Many  questions  relating  to  the  welfare  of  work- 
ingmen  became  acute  during  his  administration,  and  were 
dealt  with  by  him  in  a  spirit  of  intelligent  sympathy.  He 
had  already  long  been  known  as  an  advocate  of  the  eight- 
hour  system,  and  of  arbitration  as  a  means  of  settling  dis 
putes  between  employers  and  employees.  It  was  due  to 
his  initiative  that  the  State  Board  of  Arbitration  was 
established  in  Ohio,  and  to  its  successful  operation  he 
gave  for  nearly  four  years  his  close  personal  attention. 
He  made  various  wise  recommendations  fur  legislation  for 
the  better  protection  of  life  and  limb  in  industrial  pur 
suits,  and  as  a  result  several  salutary  laws  to  such  effect 
were  put  upon  the  statute  book.  When  destitution  and 
distress  prevailed  among  the  miners  of  the  Hocking 
Valley,  he  acted  with  characteristic  promptness  and  de 
cision.  News  that  many  families  were  in  danger  of  starv 
ing  reached  him  at  midnight.  Before  sunrise  he  had  a 
carload  of  provisions  on  the  way  to  their  relief. 

Many  times  during  his  administration  the  peace  of  the 
State  was  disturbed  by  unseemly  outbreaks  requiring  the 
application  of  the  restraining  power  of  the  Government. 
This  power  Mr.  McKinley  exercised  with  signal  firmness 
and  discretion.  Fifteen  times  it  was  necessary  to  call  out 
the  State  troops  for  the  maintenance  or  restoration  of 
order,  but  on  no  occasion  was  the  use  of  them  in  any 
respect  oppressive.  During  the  summer  of  1894  strikes 
other  disturbances  prevailed,  especially  on  the  chief 


466  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM   MCKINLEY. 

railroad  lines,  and  for  three  weeks  the  regiments  were  on 
duty,  acquitting  themselves  most  creditably  for  the  pro 
tection  of  property  and  enforcement  of  the  law,  without 
any  unnecessary  harshness  toward  either  j  arty  to  the  dis 
putes.  On  two  noteworthy  occasions  desperate  efforts 
were  made  by  ill-advised  mobs  to  commit  the  crime  of 
lynching.  Governor  McKinley  promptly  used  the  mili- 
taiy  forces  of  the  State  to  prevent  such  violence  of  law 
and  dishonor  to  the  Commonwealth,  and  showed  himself 
a  thorough  master  of  the  trying  situation. 

A  distinctive  feature  of  the  McKinley  administration 
was  the  absence  of  red  tape  arid  needless  formality.  In 
his  method  of  transacting  business  the  Governor  was  con 
cise  and  direct,  and  in  his  intercourse  with  the  people, 
though  dignified,  he  was  always  approachable  and  genial. 
Access  was  readily  had  to  him  at  all  reasonable  times,  and 
no  matter  of  actual  interest  ever  failed  to  receive  his 
courteous,  prompt  and  painstaking  attention. 

PERSONAL  APPEARANCE  AND  HOME  LIFE. 

Mr.  McKinley  is  five  feet,  seven  inches  in  height, 
straight  as  an  arrow,  and  of  full,  rotund  figure.  His 
mouth  is  grave  and  dignified,  his  lower  jaw  heavy  and 
firm,  his  forehead  high,  broad  and  full.  His  eyes  are 
dark  and  look  out  keenly  from  under  ample  brows.  The 
general  cast  of  his  face  is  pleasant,  and  it  lights  up  into 
animated  expressiveness  when  he  smiles,  or  under  the 
glow  of  excitement.  His  favorite  suit  for  dress  purposes 
is  a  double-breasted  frock  coat  and  a  tall  silk  hat. 

His  tastes  are  modest  and  habits  quiet.  He  enjoys  a 
cigar,  but  rarely  touches  strong  drinks.  He  loves  the 
country,  and  enjoys  the  sight  of  fine  cattle  and  horses. 
Before  his  financial  reverses  he  owned  a  farm  in  Colum- 


LIFE   OF   WILLIAM   MC  KINLEY.  467 

biana  County  on  which  he  spent  part  of  his  leisure  time. 
He  is  a  charming  man  to  meet  at  home,  on  the  street,  and  in 
a  business  or  political  way.  His  presence  is  prepossessing, 
though  his  conversation  is  not  striking  nor  scintillating. 
He  talks  to  the  point  both  in  home  and  public  speech 
Not  caring  for  interviews,  he  is  yet  affable  with  newspaper 
men,  who  as  a  rule  are  attracted  by  him,  except  when  lie 
wears  them  out  with  his  indomitable  energy  in  campaign 
work,  as  was  the  case  in  his  celebrated  campaigns  of  1890, 
1891  and  1893. 

In  the  speeches  he  makes  one  notable  characteristic  is 
always  prominent.  He  does  not  make  enemies.  No  man 
ever  heard  McKinley  abuse  a  political  opponent  from  the 
stump.  Few  men  have  ever  heard  him  speak  with  dis 
respect  or  malignity  of  one  in  private  life.  Only  among 
his  close  confidants,  and  they  are  carefully  chosen  and 
not  numerous,  does  he  allow  himself  to  speak  his  mind 
fully. 

In  1893  Mr.  McKinley  suffered  severe  financial  reverses 
through  the  failure  of  a  friend  for  whom  he  had  endorsed 
heavily.  His  own  savings  of  a  lifetime,  amounting  to 
$ 20,000  were  entirely  swept  away.  His  wife  came  nobly 
to  his  rescue  with  her  inherited  property,  but  this  too  was 
absorbed  by  the  losses,  and  the  two  found  themselves 
penniless.  At  this  juncture,  friends  of  Mr.  McKinley, 
without  his  knowledge  or  consent,  began  a  quiet  sub 
scription,  which  in  a  short  while  resulted  in  a  sum  suffi 
cient  to  release  himself  and  wife  from  the  terms  of  the 
assignment  they  had  made. 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  McKinley  have  been  inseparable  com 
panions,  except  when  he  was  engaged  in  campaign  work, 
and  their  domestic  life  has  been  one  of  mutual  trust  and 
happiness.  During  his  service  in  Washington  she  was 


468  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM   MCKINLEY. 

always  with  him,  embroidering  the  slippers  which  has  con- 
stituted  her  principal  employment  in  his  absence,  until  the 
number  which  have  solaced  the  sufferers  in  hospitals  is 
said  to  amount  to  nearly  four  thousand.  From  Congres 
sional  duty  to  his  wife  and  back  to  duty  was  the  round  oi 
his  Washington  life.  While  Governor  of  Ohio  four  rooms 
in  the  Chittenden  House  in  Columbus  was  their  home. 
An  early  breakfast  and  he  was  off  to  his  executive  duties. 
It  was  remarked  that  he  always  left  his  hotel  by  a  side 
entrance,  and  when  well  across  the  street  he  turned  and 
lifted  his  hat,  while  a  handkerchief  fluttered  for  an  instant 
from  the  window  of  his  home.  Then  the  Governor  with 
a  pleased  smile  walked  jauntily  off  toward  the  State 
House.  This  was  repeated  every  evening,  showing  that 
loving  watch  was  kept  at  that  window.  Occasionally, 
weather  and  health  permitting,  Mrs.  McKinley  indulged 
in  a  carriage  ride,  her  husband  always  accompanying  her. 
Always  on  Sunday  the  Governor  took  an  early  train  for 
Canton,  and  going  to  his  mother's  house  accompanied  her 
to  the  First  M.  E.  Church,  of  which  he  has  been  a  mem 
ber  for  thirty-five  years.  He  was  superintendent  of  its 
Sunday-school  until  public  duty  took  him  to  Wash 
ington. 

After  their  devotions  he  escorted  his  proud  mother  to 
her  home  again  and  then  took  the  first  train  for  Columbus, 
where  he  spent  the  remainder  of  the  day  with  his  wife. 
After  he  resumed  his  home  life  in  Canton  his  days  were 
not  so  full  of  incident.  His  office  is  across  the  hall  from 
the  family  apartments  on  the  ground  floor.  There  in  an 
ample  and  well-stocked  library  he  receives  his  numerous 
callers  and  gives  as  much  time  to  his  secretary  and  cor 
respondence  as  he  can  afitord.  Then  he  seeks  the  solace 
of  companionship  with  the  wife  whose  gentle  spirit  has 


MARK  A.  HANNA, 

Chairman  Republican  National  Committee. 


HON.  GHAUNCEY   M.  DEPEW. 

Born  in  Peekskill,  N.  Y.,  April  23,  1834;  graduated  at  Yale,  1856; 
studied  law  and  admitted  to  bar;  elected  to  New  York  Assembly, 
1861-62;  elected  Speaker;  elected  Secretary  of  New  York  State,  1863; 
Tax  Commissioner  of  N.  Y.  city;  nominated  Minister  to  Japan  ;  General 
Counsel  for  Hudson  R.  &  N.  Y.  Central  R.  R's,  1866  and  1869;  candi 
date  for  Lieut. -Governor,  1872,  but  defeated  ;  Regent  of  State  University, 
1874;  President  of  N.  Y.  Central  R.  R.,  1885;  President  of  Union 
League  and  Yale  Alumni  Association  ;  prominent  candidate  for  Presi 
dent  of  U.  S.  before  conventions  of  1884,  1888  ;  manager  of  Harrison 
forces  in  convention  of  1892 ;  celebrated  as  orator  and  lecturer ;  spoken 
of  as  Secretary  of  State  to  succeed  Blaine;  delegate  to  National 
Republican  Convention  of  1896. 


LIFE   OF   WILLIAM   M  <  KIN  LEY.  471 

mellowed  his  nature  and  brought  to  its  highest  develop 
ment  his  own  dominant  kindliness  and  gentle  spirit  toward 
friend  and  foe. 

PRESIDENTIAL  CANDIDATE. 

It  was  in  the  natural  order  of  things  that  a  man  so 
forceful  and  efficient  in  every  tried  capacity  should  pres 
ently  be  regarded  as  a  possible  future  President  of  the 
United  States.  As  early  as  1880  he  was  spoken  of  as  a 
coming  candidate.  In  1884  his  name  was  brought  before 
the  Republican  National  Convention,  though  not  with  his 
authority  or  desire.  Four  years  later,  in  1888,  the  Presi 
dency  lay  within  his  reach,  but  he  declined  it  on  a  point 
of  honor.  He  was  a  delegate  to  the  Chicago  Convention 
from  Ohio,  pledged  to  support  the  candidacy  of  his  friend, 
Senator  Sherman.  After  several  ballots  had  been  taken, 
however,  it  became  evident  that  the  veteran  statesman  of 
Ohio  was  not  to  be  the  Convention's  choice.  His  friends 
supported  him  loyally,  but  were  in  a  hopeless  minority, 
and  were  unable  to  rally  others  to  their  standard.  So  some 
of  them  began  to  cast  about  for  another  candidate  to 
whom  they  could  transfer  their  votes  with  better  prospect 
of  success  Their  choice  quickly  fell  upon  McKinley. 
From  the  first,  two  delegates  had  been  voting  persistently 
for  him,  although  he  had  not,  of  course  been  formally 
placed  in  nomination.  Now  the  number  of  the  supporters 
rose  to  fourteen.  All  the  Republican  Congressman  at 
Washington  telegraphed  to  the  Convention,  urging  his 
nomination.  The  air  became  electric  with  premonitions 
of  a  stampede.  He  had  listened  to  the  announcement  of 
the  two  votes  for  him  on  each  ballot  with  mingled  annoy 
ance  and  amusement.  But  now  the  case  was  growing  seri 
ous.  The  next  ballot  might  give  him  a  majority  of  the 
27 


472  LIFE   OF    WILLIAM   MCKINLEY. 

whole  convention.  He  liad  only  to  sit  still  and  the  ripe 
fruit  would  drop  into  his  hands.  He  had  only  to  utter  an 
equivocal  protest  and  the  result  would  be  the  same.  But 
there  was  nothing  equivocal  about  William  McKinley. 
On  one  side  was  his  personal  honor ;  on  the  other  side  the 
Presidency  of  the  United  States.  In  choosing  between 
the  two,  hesitation  was  impossible.  He  sprang  to  his  feet 
with  an  expression  upon  his  face  and  an  accent  in  his 
voice  that  thrilled  the  vast  assembly,  but  hushed  it  mute 
and  silent  as  the  grave  while  he  spoke : 

"  I  am  here  as  one  of  the  chosen  representatives  of  my 
State.  I  am  here  by  resolution  of  the  Republican  State 
Convention,  passed  without  a  single  dissenting  vote,  com 
manding  me  to  cast  my  vote  for  John  Sherman  for  Presi 
dent  and  to  use  every  worthy  endeavor  for  his  nomina 
tion.  I  excepted  the  trust  because  my  heart  and  my 
judgment  were  in  accord  with  the  letter  and  spirit  and 
purpose  of  that  resolution.  It  has  pleased  certain  dele 
gates  to  cast  their  vote  for  me  for  President.  I  am  not  in 
sensible  to  the  honor  they  would  do  me,  but  in  the 
presence  of  the  duty  resting  upon  me,  I  cannot  remain 
silent  with  honor. 

"  I  cannot,  consistently  with  the  wish  of  the  State  whose 
credentials  I  bear  and  which  has  trusted  me  ;  I  cannot  with 
honorable  fidelity  to  John  Sherman  ;  I  cannot,  consistently 
with  my  own  views  of  personal  integrity,  consent,  or  seem 
to  consent,  to  permit  my  name  to  be  used  as  a  candidate 
before  this  convention.  I  would  not  respect  myself  if  I 
should  find  it  in  my  heart  to  do  so,  or  permit  to  be  done 
that  which  would  ever  be  ground  for  any  one  to  suspect 
that  I  wavered  in  my  loyalty  to  Ohio  or  my  devotion  to 
the  chief  of  her  choice  and  the  chief  of  mine.  1  do  not  re 
quest,  I  demand  that  no  delegate  who  would  not  cast  a  re 
flection  upon  me  shall  cast  a  ballot  for  me." 

That  ended  it.     There  was  no  stampede.     McKinley  was 


LIFE   OF   WILLIAM   MCKINLEY.  473 

the  hero  of  the  hour,  and  his  heroism  prevailed.  The  nomi 
nation  was  not  forced  upon  him,  neither  could  he  secure  it 
for  Mr.  Sherman,  though  he  loyally  strove  to  do  so  to  the 
end.  But  no  man  was  ever  walked  out  of  a  National 
Convention  with  higher  honors  upon  him  than  those  he 
bore  that  day. 

Another  similar  incident  occurred  in  1892.  Mr.  Me- 
Kinle}^  was  the  presiding  officer.  He  was  pledged  in  honor 
to  the  support  of  President  Harrison  for  renomination. 
But  the  party  bosses  sought  to  defeat  such  renomination, 
and  sought  to  do  so  by  stampeding  the  Convention  for  Mc- 
Kinley  himself.  No  less  than  182  votes  were  cast  for  him, 
against  his  earnest  protest.  When  the  vote  of  Ohio  was 
announced,  "44  for  McKinley,"  he  himself  from  the  chair 
challenged  its  correctness.  The  reply  was  made  that  he 
was  not  then  a  member  of  the  delegation,  his  alternate 
taking  his  place  when  he  was  elected  to  the  chair.  There 
upon  Mr.  McKinley  called  another  man  to  the  chair  and 
took  his  place  upon  the  floor,  checked  the  incipient  stam 
pede,  and  moved  that  the  renomination  of  Harrison  be 
made  unanimous.  "  Your  turn  will  come  in  1896 !  " 
shouted  his  supporters. 

That  prophecy  was  to  be  fulfilled.  There  was  hardly  a 
time  between  1892  and  1896  when  the  finger  of  party 
sentiment  did  not  point  unerringly  to  Major  McKinley  as 
a  Presidential  possibility.  There  were  other  aspirants  for 
the  high  honor,  each  well  equipped  for  the  place,  and  all 
enjoying  the  respect  and  confidence  of  the  Republican  or 
ganization,  but  no  name  inspired  the  general  masses  with 
such  hope  and  enthusiasm  as  did  that  of  McKinley.  As 
the  State  Conventions  met  in  their  order  to  choose 
delegates  to  the  National  Convention  at  St.  Louis,  it  be 
came  manifest  that  the  popular  tide  was  running 


474  LIFE   OF    WILLIAM   MCKINLEY. 

stronger  and  stronger  in  favor  of  McKinley,  and  was  soon 
to  become  irresistible.  Politicians  who  favored  other  can 
didates,  party  bosses  who  sought  opportunities  for  trades 
and  manipulations,  every  time-serving  element  in  the  party, 
pulled  their  little  barks  in  vain  against  the  strong  McKin 
ley  current.  No  such  uprising  of  the  people  in  behalf  of 
a  candidate  had  been  witnessed  since  the  time  Lincoln  had 
been  named  for  a  second  term.  Ere  the  day  of  the 
National  Convention  dawned,  it  was  definitely  known 
that  his  nomination  could  not  be  defeated.  His  popular 
ity  proved  to  be  a  talisman  in  the  strongholds  of  other  as 
pirants,  and  their  strength  dwindled  away  to  the  despair 
of  their  friends.  The  mighty  uprising  sprang  from  the 
eager,  passionate  determination  of  the  people  to  retrieve 
the  stupendous  mistake  of  1892,  with  its  blight  of  panic 
and  depression,  and  to  restore  the  principles  and  policies 
of  which  they  regarded  McKinley  as  the  foremost  repre 
sentative  and  exponent.  To  the  masses  of  his  party,  he 
personified  protection,  and  typified  the  reaction  from  the 
catastrophe  of  1892.  His  whole  congressional  career  had 
been  a  series  of  courageous  battles  for  protection.  In  1888 
he  had  led  the  opposition  to  the  Mills  bill.  After  the  re 
verses  of  1890  and  1892,  he  upheld  the  banner  of  protec 
tion  on  a  thousand  platforms  all  over  the  land,  and  Mc 
Kinley  and  protection  were  every  where  associated  in  the 
public  mind.  His  eloquent  voice,  plain  practical  argu 
ments,  pleasing,  persuasive  address  and  indefatigable 
effort,  had  easily  made  him  the  preeminent  representative 
of  the  cause  which  appealed  so  loudly  to  the  industrial 
and  business  elements  of  the  country. 

On  June  10,  1896,  the  Executive  Committee  of  the 
National  Republican  Committee  met  at  St.  Louis  for  the 
purpose  of  hearing  contests  and  settling  the  preliminaries 


LIFE   OF   WILLIAM   McKINLEY.  475 

of  the  National  Convention.  Its  members  were  anxious 
for  a  test  of  the  strength  of  their  favorites  for  the  Presi 
dential  nomination.  The  contests  over  disputed  seats 
soon  presented  the  desired  test.  A  single  aye  and  no  vote 
over  the  contest  in  Alabama  settled  the  complexion  of  the 
Committee.  The  anti-McKinley  strength  in  the  Com 
mittee  amounted  to  no  more  than  seven  votes,  while  the 
McKinley  strength  amounted  to  thirty-eight  votes.  It 
was  conceded  by  the  leaders  of  the  anti-McKinley  forces 
that  his  strength  was  overwhelm ning  in  the  Committee, 
and  that  it  would  be  reflected  in  the  convention  in  the 
most  direct  and  powerful  way. 

The  National  Republican  Convention,  the  eleventh  in 
the  history  of  the  party,  met  Tuesday,  June  16,  1896,  at 
St.  Louis,  and  was  organized  under  the  leadership  of  Mr. 
McKinley 's  friend,  Mr.  Hanna,  of  Cleveland,  by  the  elec 
tion  of  Hon.  C.  W.  Fairbanks  of  Indiana,  as  temporary 
chairman.  On  the  17th  a  permanent  organization  was 
effected  by  the  election  of  Senator  John  M.  Thurston  of 
Nebraska  as  chairman.  The  first  momentous  question 
before  the  Convention  was  that  of  the  platform.  It  was 
known  that  a  few  delegates  from  the  mining  States  would 
insist  upon  a  free  silver  coinage  plank,  and  there  was 
anxiety  to  find  out  their  strength.  When  the  platform 
was  reported,  it  possessed  the  true  Republican  ring,  and 
was  emphatic  on  those  cardinal  principles  of  the  party,  a 
tariff  levied  so  as  to  protect  American  industry,  and  a 
national  currency  redeemable  in  gold  or  its  equivalent. 
The  platform,  fixing  the  policy  of  the  party  for  the  cam 
paign  and  for  the  next  four  years,  was  voted  upon  with 
the  result,  that  812J  votes  were  cast  in  favor  of  its  financial 
plank,  and  110 J  against,  the  latter  representing  the  free 
silver  coinage  strength.  After  this  result  a  portion  of  the 


476  LIFE   OF    WILLIAM   McKINLEY. 

free  silver  men  withdrew  from  the  Convention,  and  the 
rest  of  the  platform  was  unanimously  adopted. 

The  time  now  came  for  nominations  for  President.  The 
candidates  placed  in  nomination  were  Senator  W.  B. 
Allison,  of  Iowa;  Hon.  Thomas  B.  Reed,  of  Maine; 
Governor  Levi  P.  Morton,  of  New  York ;  Senator  M.  S. 
Qua}',  of  Pennsylvania;  Hon.  William  McKinley,  of  Ohio. 
In  his  speech  placing  Mr.  McKinley  in  nomination,  Senator 
Foraker,  of  Ohio,  said  : 

"  It  remains  for  us  now,  as  the  last  crowning  act  of  our 
work,  to  meet  again  that  same  expectation  in  the  nomina 
tion  of  our  candidates.  What  is  that  expectation  ?  What 
is  it  that  the  people  want?  They  want  as  their  candidate 
something  more  than  'a  good  business  man'  (an  allusion 
to  Mr.  Depew's  characterization  of  Governor  Morton). 
They  want  something  more  than  a  popular  leader.  They 
want  something  more  than  a  wise  and  patriotic  statesman. 
They  want  a  man  who  embodies  in  himself  not  only  all 
these  essential  qualifications,  but  those,  in  addition,  which, 
in  the  highest  possible  degree,  typify  in  name,  in  char 
acter,  in  record,  in  ambition,  in  purpose,  the  exact  oppo 
site  of  all  that  is  signified  and  represented  by  that  free 
trade,  deficit-making,  bond-issuing,  labor-assassinating, 
Democratic  administration.  (Cheers.)  I  stand  here  to  pre 
sent  to  this  Convention  such  a  man.  His  name  is  William 
McKinley." 

1  At  this  point  the  Convention  broke  into  tumultous 
cheers,  which  could  not  be  restrained  till  a  quarter  of  an 
hour  had  clasped.  When  Mr.  Foraker  was  permitted  to 
continue,  he  eulogized  the  great  Republican  leaders,  and 
further  said  : 

"But,  greatest  of  all,  measured  by  present  require 
ments,  is  the  leader  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  the 


LIFE   OF    WILLIAM    McKINLEY.  477 

author  of  the  McKinley  Bill,  which  gave  to  labor  its  rich 
est  rewards.  No  other  name  so  completely  meets  the  re 
quirements  of  the  occasion,  and  no  other  name  so  abso 
lutely  commands  all  hearts.  The  shafts  of  envy  and 
malice  and  slander  and  libel  and  detraction  that  have  been 
aimed  at  him  lie  broken  and  harmless  at  his  feet.  The 
quiver  is  empty,  and  lie  is  untouched.  That  is  because 
the  people  know  him,  trust  him,  believe  in  him,  love  him, 
and  will  not  permit  any  human  power  to  disparage  him 
unjustly  in  their  estimation. 

"They  know  that  he  is  an  American  of  Americans. 
They  know  that  he  is  just  and  able  and  brave,  and  they 
want  him  for  President  of  the  United  States.  (Applause.) 
They  have  already  shown  it — not  in  this  or  that  State,  nor 
in  this  or  that  section,  but  in  all  the  States  and  in  all  the 
sections  from  ocean  to  ocean,  and  from  the  Gulf  to  the 
Lakes.  They  expect  of  you  to  give  them  a  chance  to  vote 
for  him.  It  is  our  duty  to  do  it.  If  we  discharge  that 
duty  we  will  give  joy  to  their  hearts,  enthusiasm  to  their 
souls  and  triumphant  victory  to  our  cause.  (Applause.) 
And  he,  in  turn,  will  give  us  an  administration  under 
which  the  country  will  enter  on  a  new  era  of  prosperity 
at  home  and  of  glory  and  honor  abroad,  by  all  these 
tokens  of  the  present  and  all  these  promises  of  the  future. 
In  the  name  of  the  forty-six  delegates  of  Ohio,  I  submit 
his  claim  to  your  consideration.  (More  applause.)" 

Mr.  Foraker's  motion  was  eloquently  seconded  by  the 
chairman,  Senator  Thurston. 

The  Convention  was  now  ready  for  a  ballot.  It  was 
evident  that  a  single  one  would  bring  the  desired  result. 
It  was  taken  by  a  call  of  States,  with  the  following 
result. 


478  LIFE   OF    WILLIAM    McKlNLEY. 

McKinley 661 J 

Reed 84J 

Quay 6l| 

Morton 58 

Allison 36J 

Cameron  .......  1 

Absent  or  not  voting        «...  22 

Total  924 


The  Convention  broke  into  a  delirium  of  joy  over  this 
result,  and  united  spontaneously  in  the  request  to  make 
McKinley 's  nomination  unanimous.  Never  was  a  nomina 
tion  received  with  greater  satisfaction  or  more  unanimous 
expressions  of  joy  by  party  or  country  than  this  one. 
Even  political  opponents  could  not  withhold  their  con 
gratulations  over  a  triumph  so  deserved  by  the  man  and 
over  a  situation  that  promised  so  much  for  the  honor  and 
success  of  the  party.  All  the  land  seemed  to  be  united 
in  one  voice,  and  that  was  that  William  McKinley  and 
what  he  stood  for  in  the  platform  of  principles,  were  what 
a  long  suffering  country  demanded  to  redeem  it,  and  re 
store  it  to  the  prosperous  era  prior  to  1892. 

The  life  of  Mr.  McKinley  at  Canton,  for  a  time  after 
his  nomination,  was  filled  with  congratulatory  episodes- 
letters,  telegrams,  visitors,  singly  and  by  delegations, 
speeches — to  which  welcomes  and  replies  had  to  be  ex 
tended.  But  the  liveliest  of  all  these  episodes,  and  the 
one  that  made  an  imposing  chapter  in  his  own  and  his 
party's  history,  was  the  occasion  of  June  29,  when  he 
was  officially  notified  of  his  nomination,  by  tUfc  Conven 
tion's  Committee,  compo,°d  of  a  representative  from  each 
State  and  Territory.  Such  occasions  had  hilbertc  taen 
formal  and  stilted,  but  Mr.  McKinley  threw  into  it  the 


LIFE   OF    WILLIAM    Me  KINLEY.  479 

grace  of  a  new  departure,  by  turning  it  to  the  account  of 
his  party  and  country.  In  his  own  eloquent,  logical  and 
convincing  way  he  let  it  be  known  precisely  how  he  stood 
toward  the  party  and  its  platform  of  principles,  how  the 
party  was  expected  to  stand  toward  the  country,  and  what 
were  the  solemn  duties  of  an  hour  in  which  redemption 
from  existing  ills  was  expected.  It  was  as  though  he  had 
already  written  and  published  his  formal  letter  of  accept 
ance,  and  his  sturdy  stand  and  emphatic  words  were  ap 
plauded  in  every  business  centre  and  Republican  home. 
This  sketch  could  be  no  more  fittingly  concluded  than  by 
quoting  some  of  the  masterly  allusions,  in  his  speech  of 
acceptance,  to  the  leading  issues  of  the  hour : 

"  Great  are  the  issues  involved  in  the  coining  election, 
and  eager  and  earnest  the  people  for  their  right  deter 
mination.  Our  domestic  trade  must  be  won  back  and 
our  idle  working  people  employed  in  gainful  occupations 
at  American  wages.  Our  home  market  must  be  restored 
to  its  proud  rank  of  first  in  the  world,  and  our  foreign 
trade,  so  precipitately  cut  off  by  adverse  national  legisla 
tion,  reopened  on  fair  and  equitable  terms  for  our  surplus 
agricultural  and  manufacturing  products.  Protection  and 
reciprocity,  twin  measures  of  a  true  American  policy, 
should  again  command  the  earnest  encouragement  of  the 
Government  at  Washington. 

"Public  confidence  must  be  resumed,  and  the  skill,  the 
energy,  and  the  capital  of  our  country  find  ample  em 
ployment  at  home,  sustained,  encouraged  and  defended 
against  the  unequal  competition  and  serious  disadvantages 
with  which  they  are  now  contending. 

"  It  must  be  apparent  to  all,  regardless  of  past  party  ties 
or  affiliations,  that  it  is  our  paramount  duty  to  provide 
adepuate  revenue  for  the  expenditures  of  the  Govern- 


480  LIFE   OF    WILLIAM    Mo  K INLET. 

ment  economically  and  prudently  administered.  This  the 
Republican  party  has  heretofore  done,  and  this  I  con 
fidently  believe  it  will  do  in  the  future,  when  the  party  is 
again  entrusted  with  power  in  the  executive  and  legisla 
tive  branches  of  our  Government. 

"The  national  credit,  which  has  thus  far  fortunately 
resisted  every  assault  upon  it,  must  and  will  be  upheld 
and  strengthened.  If  sufficient  revenues  are  provided  for 
the  support  of  the  Government,  there  will  be  no  necessity 
for  borrowing  money  and  increasing  the  public  debt. 
The  complaint  of  the  people  is  not  against  the  adminis 
tration  for  borrowing  money  and  issuing  bonds  to  preserve 
the  credit  of  the  country,  but  against  the  ruinous  policy 
which  has  made  this  necessary,  owing  to  the  policy  which 
has  been  inaugurated. 

"The  inevitable  effect  of  such  a  policy  is  seen  in  the 
deficiency  in  the  United  States  Treasury,  except  as  it  is 
replenished  by  loans,  and  in  the  distress  of  the  people 
who  are  suffering  because  of  the  scant  demand  for  their 
labor  and  the  products  of  their  labor.  Here  is  the  funda 
mental  trouble,  the  remedy  for  which  is  the  Republican 
opportunity  and  duty.  During  all  the  years  of  Republi 
can  control  following  resumption  there  was  a  steady  re 
duction  of  the  public  debt,  while  the  gold  reserve  was 
sacredly  maintained,  and  our  currency  and  credit  pre 
served  without  depreciation,  taint,  or  suspicion. 

ulf  we  would  restore  this  policy  that  brought  us  un 
exampled  prosperity  for  more  than  thirty  years  under  the 
most  trying  conditions  ever  known  in  this  country,  the 
policy  by  which  we  made  and  bought  more  goods  at  home 
and  sold  more  abroad,  the  trade  balance  would  be  quickly 
turned  in  our  favor,  and  gold  would  come  to  \is  and  not 


LIFE    OF    WILLIAM    Mt  KINLEY.  481 

go  from  us  in  the  settlement  of  all  such  balances  in  the 
future. 

"  The  party  that  supplied,  by  legislation,  the  vast 
revenues  for  the  conduct  of  our  greatest  war,  that 
promptly  restored  the  credit  of  the  country  at  its  close, 
that  from  its  abundant  revenues  paid  off  a  large  share  of 
the  debt  incurred  in  this  war,  and  that  resumed  specie 
payments,  and  placed  our  paper  currency  upon  a  sound 
and  enduring  basis,  can  be  safely  trusted  to  preserve  both 
our  credit  and  currency  with  honor,  stability  and  inviola 
bility. 

"  The  American  people  hold  the  financial  honor  of  our 
Government  as  sacred  as  our  flag,  and  can  be  relied  upon 
to  guard  it  with  the  same  sleepless  vigilance.  They  hold 
its  preservation  above  party  fealty,  and  have  often  demon 
strated  that  party  ties  avail  nothing  when  the  spotless 
credit  of  our  country  is  threatened. 

"The  money  of  the  United  States,  and  every  kind  or 
form  of  it,  whether  of  paper,  silver  or  gold,  must  be  as 
good  as  the  best  in  the  world.  It  must  not  only  be  cur 
rent  at  its  full  face  value  at  home,  but  it  must  be  counted 
at  par  in  any  and  every  commercial  centre  of  the  globe. 
The  sagacious  and  far-seeing  policy  of  the  great  men  who 
founded  our  Government,  the  teachings  and  acts  of  the 
wisest  financiers  at  every  stage  in  our  history,  the  stead 
fast  faith  and  splendid  achievements  of  the  great  party  to 
which  we  belong,  and  the  genius  and  integrity  of  our  peo 
ple,  have  always  demanded  this,  and  will  ever  maintain  it. 
The  dollar  paid  to  the  farmer,  the  wage  earner  and  the 
pensioner  must  continue  forever  equal  in  purchasing  and 
debt-paying  power  to  the  dollar  paid  to  any  Government 
creditor. 

"  The  contest  this  year  will  not  be  waged  upon  lines  of 


482  LIFE   OF    W1LLTAM    M'   KINLEY. 

theory  and  speculation,  but  in  the  light  of  severe  practi 
cal  experience  and  new  and  dearly  acquired  knowledge. 
The  great  body  of  our  citizens  know  what  they  want,  and 
that  they  intend  to  have.  They  know  for  what  the  Re 
publican  party  stands,  and  what  its  return  to  power  means 
to  them.  They  realize  that  the  Republican  party  believes 
that  our  work  should  be  done  at  home  and  not  abroad, 
and  everywhere  proclaim  their  devotion  to  the  principles 
of  a  protective  tariff  which,  while  supplying  adequate 
revenues  for  the  Government,  will  restore  American  pro 
duction  and  serve  the  best  interests  of  American  labor 
and  development. 

"  Our  appeal,  therefore,  is  not  to  a  false  philosophy  or 
vain  theorists,  but  to  the  masses  of  the  American  people, 
the  plain,  practical  people  whom  Lincoln  loved  and  trusted, 
and  whom  the  Republican  party  has  always  faithfully 
striven  to  serve.' 

"  The  platform  adopted  by  the  Republican.  National 
Convention  has  received  my  careful  consideration  and  has 
my  unqualified  approval.  It  is  a  matter  of  gratification 
to  me,  as  I  am  sure  it  must  be  to  you  and  Republicans 
everywhere,  and  to  all  our  people,  that  the  expressions  of 
its  declaration  of  principles  are  so  direct,  clear  and  em 
phatic.  They  are  too  plain  and  positive  to  leave  any 
chance  for  doubt  or  question  as  to  their  purport  and 
meaning." 


LIFE  OF  GARRET  A.  HOBART. 


GARRET  A.  HOBART,  nominee  of  the  Republican  party 
for  Vice  President,  in  1896,  was  born  at  Long  Branch, 
N.  J.,  in  the  year  1844.  His  youth  was  spent  in  that  vicinity, 
where  the  opportunity  for  education  was  good.  He 
entered  Rutgers'  College  at  the  age  of  fifteen  years,  and 
graduated  therefrom  at  the  age  of  nineteen. 

After  graduation  he  entered  upon  the  study  of  law  in 
the  office  of  Socrates  Tuttle,  of  Paterson,  who  ranked  as 
one  of  the  leading  attorneys  of  the  State.  Mr.  Hobart 
was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1866,  and  three  years  after  was 
enrolled  as  a  counsellor  of  law.  He  entered  upon  practice 
in  Paterson,  and  his  success  was  rapid  and  brilliant.  In 
1871  he  was  elected  Counsel  of  the  City  of  Paterson, 
which  office  he  filled  with  great  force  and  ability.  The 
next  year  he  was  chosen  Counsel  of  the  Board  of  Free 
holders  of  Passaic  County,  another  office  of  great  legal 
responsibility,  and  also  acceptably  filled. 

Mr.  Hobart's  political  career  began  with  his  election  to 
the  House  ol  Assembly  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey.  Here 
he  displayed  such  energy  and  parliamentary  knowledge, 
such  tact  and  rare  executive  force,  that  in  his  second  year 
of  service,  he  was  elected  Speaker  of  the  House.  In  this 
responsible  capacity  he  served  so  ably  as  to  win  the  regard 
of  all  members  without  distinction  of  party,  and  the 
favorable  impression  he  made  was  not  lost  on  the  people 
of  Passaic  County. 

(483) 


484  LIFE   OF   GARRET   A.    HOBART. 

In  1875  he  was  urged  to  accept  a  renomination,  but 
was  forced  to  decline  the  honor  owing  to  a  pressure  of 
legal  business.  When  the  honor  of  a  nomination  for  the 
State  Senate  was  extended  in  1877,  he  was  induced  to 
accept,  and  at  once  entered  upon  an  active  campaign.  He 
was  elected  by  a  large  majority.  So  satisfactory  had  his 
service  proved,  that  his  constituents  renominated  him  for 
the  Senate  in  1879,  giving  him  a  majority  far  larger  than 
before,  and  the  largest  ever  given  to  a  candidate  for  the 
same  office  in  Passaic  County. 

During  the  years  1881  and  1882  he  was  President  of  the 
Senate,  and  when  he  closed  his  career  in  the  Legislature, 
it  was  with  the  thanks  not  only  of  his  county  but  of  the 
entire  State  for  the  ability  and  care  with  which  he  had 
served  the  best  interests  of  the  people  at  large.  It  was 
while  he  was  a  member  of  the  Senate  that  he  was  chosen 
a  member  of  the  State  Republican  Committee,  of  which 
body  he  was  elected  Chairman  in  1880.  This  brought 
him  into  more  direct  contact  with  his  party  in  general, 
and  just  such  high  character  of  service  as  he  was  qualified 
to  give  was  much  needed  in  the  State,  for  the  Republican 
party  had  long  been  confronted  by  a  horde  of  Democrats 
who  defied  honest  party  methods,  and  had  so  fattened  on  j 
the  spoils  of  office  as  to  regard  all  efforts  of  opponents  to 
dislodge  them  with  scorn. 

No  set  of  men  in  political  life  ever  had  a  harder  task 
before  them,  than  Mr.  Hobart  and  his  associates  of  the 
State  Republican  Committee.  They  worked  persistently 
and  heroically  for  years  to  rout  the  enemy  from  his  en 
trenchments  and  restore  the  lost  honor  of  their  State. 
Inch  by  inch  they  gained  ground,  and  after  three  years  of 
incessant  warfare  they  succeeded  in  capturing  the  enemy's 
salient  points,  and  in  wresting  the  Legislature  from  his 


LIFE   OF   GARRET   A.    HOBART.  485 

iron  grasp.     Much  of  the  honor  of  this  signal  victory  be 
longed  to  Mr.  Hobart. 

He  was  not  content,  however,  with  victory,  nor  with 
anything  short  of  the  utter  rout  and  demoralization  of 
the  corrupting  forces  within  the  State.  Still  a  member 
of  the  State  Committee,  and  one  of  its  hardest  worker:- 1 
and  most  trusted  advisers,  he  was  found  in  every  fray 
that  punished  the  retreating  enemy,  and  in  every  council 
that  helped  to  strengthen  his  part}-  and  promote  its  grow 
ing  welfare.  Under  his  able  organizing  direction,  with 
his  swift  and  keen  executive  ability,  by  reason  of  the  in 
vincible  blows  he  prepared  and  struck,  the  enemy  was 
forced  from  cover  to  cover,  and,  at  length,  out  of  the  pro 
longed  and  herculean  strife  came  the  great  Republican 
victory  of  1895,  which  seated  Governor  Giiggs  in  the  ex 
ecutive  chair,  and  redeemed  the  State  from  Democratic 
misrule. 

But  Mr.  Hobart's  splendid  political  achievments  have 
not  by  any  means  been  limited  to  his  State.  As  early  as 
1884,  he  became  a  figure  in  national  politics  as  the  choice 
of  his  State  delegation  for  member  of  the  national  com 
mittee.  Into  this  wider  sphere  of  political  influence  he 
carried  the  same  sagacity,  industry  and  influence  that  had 
made  him  so  conspicuous  and  useful  a  force  in  local  affairs.1 
This  honor  of  membership  in  the  national  cojnmittee  was 
continued  in  1888,  1892  and  again  in  1896.  In  1892  he 
served  as  vice  chairman  of  the  committee. 

Mr.  Hobart's  business  career  has  covered  a  wide  field 
and  been  a  series  of  proud  successes.  The  energy  and 
ability  that  heralded  the  great  advocate,  the  courage,  sagac 
ity  and  per.-istency  that  crowned  the  political  leader, 
were  largely  supplemented  in  his  nature  with  the  qualities 
and  inclinations  that  demanded  the  activities  of  business. 


486  LIFE   OF   GARRET    A.    HOBART, 

His  skill,  diplomacy  and  acumen  came  into  request  in  con* 
nection  with  industrial  enterprises,  and  his  genius  found 
agreeable  vent  at  the  head  of  various  important  institu 
tions. 

Among  his  first  business  connections  was  his  receiver 
ship  of  the  New  Jersey  Midland  Railway.  He  found  the 
affairs  of  this  corporation  in  a  most  demoralized  condition, 
but  by  the  application  of  his  extraordinary  business  tact 
and  energy  he  was  enabled  to  rescue  the  company  from 
its  perilous  position,  and  to  turn  it  over  to  the  stockholders 
in  a  state  of  solvency. 

Subsequently  he  was  appointed  to  the  receivership  of  the 
Montclair  Railroad,  and  of  the  Jersey  City  and  Albany 
line.  In  1880,  when  the  First  National  Bank  of  Newark 
failed,  Mr.  Hobart  was  appointed  its  receiver.  He  took 
hold  of  the  delicate  and  intricate  task  with  his  usual  vigor 
and  acumen,  and  managed  it  so  successfully  that  in  six 
months  he  closed  up  its  affairs,  with  the  payment  of  all  the 
depositors  in  full. 

He  filled  the  responsible  position  of  general  manager  of  the 
East  Jersey  Water  Company  and  its  allied  interests,  and 
is  president  of  the  Passaic  Water  Company,  the  Acquack- 
anoiick  Water  Company,  the  consolidated  lines  of  the 
Paterson  Railway  Company,  the  Morris  County  Railway, 
and  the  People's  Gas  Company. 

To  these  important  trusts  he  adds  the  duties  of  director 
in  several  National  Banks  and  of  legal  adviser  in  numer 
ous  industrial  and  improvement  companies.  Thus  Mr. 
Hobart  is  one  of  the  busiest  as  well  as  most  successful  of 
men.  Personally  he  is  endowed  with  nearly  all  the  graces 
that  go  to  make  a  man  popular  with  his  fellows  and  useful 
to  the  State.  His  temperament  is  unruffled  by  any  of  the 
petty  annoyances  of  everyday  life,  and  it  is  said  of  him 


GARRET  A.  HOBART. 


HON.  THOMAS  C.  PLATT. 

Born  in  Owego,  N.  Y.,  July  15,  1833;  studied  at  Yale  College; 
became  President  of  Tioga,  N.  Y.,  National  Bank,  and  engaged  in 
lumber  business  in  Michigan;  elected  to  Congress,  as  a  Republican, 
1872-74;  elected  to  U.  S.  Senate,  January  18,  1881;  resigned  with 
Roscoe  Conkling,  May,  1881 ;  defeated  for  re-election  ;  Secretary  and 
Director  of  U.  S.  Express  Co.,  1879 ;  President  of  same  since  1880 ; 
Commissioner  of  Quarantine,  N.  Y.,  1880-1888;  member  of  Republican 
National  Conventions,  1876-80-84-88-92 ;  President  of  Southern  Cen 
tral  R.  R.  since  1888;  conspicuous  in  Republican  National  Convention 
of  1892  as  leader  of  Elaine  forces ;  an  acute  and  natural  party  leader 
in  New  York. 


LIFE   OF   GARRET   A.    IIOBART.  489 

that  "a  frown  on  his  face  is  as  unusual  an  occurrence  as 
a  snow  storm  in  July."  No  man,  no  matter  what  his  con 
dition  in  life,  is  more  easily  approached,  and  the  million 
aire  and  the  laboring  man  receive  the  same  courteous 
hearing  when  they  call  at  his  office  on  public  or  private 
business.  Added  to  this  he  has  a  certain  dignity  of  coun 
tenance  and  bearing  which  adds  to  rather  than  detracts 
from  the  charm  of  his  good-natured  smile.  His  social 
life  in  Paterson  is  quiet  and  without  pomp,  though  both 
he  and  his  charming  wife  are  leaders  among  the  social  set. 

By  reason  of  his  successes  in  behalf  of  his  party  in  the 
State  of  New  Jersey,  and  at  the  bar  and  in  business  fields, 
and  by  virtue  of  his  high  standing  and  large  acquaintance 
with  national  leaders,  it  could  hardly  be  otherwise  than 
that  his  name  should,  at  an  early  day,  become  conspicuous 
in  connection  with  the  Vice  Presidency.  Wherever  it 
was  broached  in  this  connection  it  was  received  with 
favor,  and  without  question  as  to  availability,  should  the 
nomination  fall  to  the  East.  No  man  had  accomplished 
more  for  the  party,  and  on  the  very  field  where  achieve 
ment  counted  for  most.  No  man  could  bring  to  the  high 
position  a  longer  and  stronger  list  of  personal,  mental,  moral 
and  political  essentials.  He  stood  forth  as  the  unanimous 
choice  of  his  state  delegation,  and  that  was  a  pleasing  augury 
of  his  success,  considering  other  political  circumstances. 

In  the  national  convention  at  St.  Louis,  his  name,  high 
character,  preeminent  ability,  political  devotion,  and  local 
ity,  all  pointed  to  him  as  a  logical  running  mate  with  the 
Ohio  statesman  who  was  to  become  the  head  of  the  Re 
publican  ticket.  Sentiment  in  his  favor  crystallized  with 
every  hour  of  the  Convention,  and  when  the  time  came 
for  nominations  for  Vice  President,  he  was  an  easy  leader 
of  the  field. 
27 


490  LIFE   OF   GARRET   A.    HOBART. 

His  name  was  placed  in  nomination  by  Iris  friend,  Judge 
J.  Franklin  Fort,  whose  language  must  be  here  reproduced 
in  order  to  complete  a  chapter  in  the  life  of  our  subject. 

"  Mr.  President  and  gentleman  of  the  convention  :  I  rise 
to  present  to  this  convention  the  claims  of  New  Jersey  to 
the  Vice  Presidency. 

aWe  come  because  we  feel  that  we  can  for  the  first  time 
in  our  history  bring  to  you  a  promise  that  our  electoral 
vote  will  be  cast  for  your  nominees.  If  you  comply  with 
our  request  this  promise  will  surely  be  redeemed. 

"  For  forty  years,  through  the  blackness  of  darkness  of  a 
universally  triumphant  Democracy,  the  Republicans  of 
New  Jersey  have  maintained  their  organization  and  fought 
as  valiantly  as  if  the  outcome  were  to  be  assured  victory. 
Only  twice  through  all  this  long  period  has  the  sun  shone 
in  upon  us.  Yet,  through  all  these  weary  years,  we  have, 
like  "  Goldsmith's  Captive,"  felt  that 

"Hope  like  the  gleaming  tapers'  light, 

Adorns  and  cheers  onr  way  ; 
And  still  as  darker  grows  the  night, 
Emits  a  brighter  ray." 

"  The  fulfillment  of  this  hope  came  in  1894.  In  that  year, 
for  the  first  time  since  the  Republican  party  came  into  ex 
istence,  we  sent  to  Congress  a  solid  delegation  of  eight 
Republicans,  and  elected  a  Republican  to  the  United 
States  Senate.  We  followed  this  in  1895  by  electing  a 
Republican  Governor  by  a  majority  of  28,000.  And  in 
this  year  of  grace  we  expect  to  give  the  Republican  elec 
tors  a  majority  of  not  less  than  20,000. 

"I  come  to  you,  then,  to-day,  in  behalf  of  a  new  New 
Jersey,  a  politically  redeemed  and  regenerated  State.  Old 
things  have  passed  away,  and  behold;  all  things  have 
become  new.  It  is  many  long  years  since  New  Jersey 
has  received  recognition  by  a  national  convention. 


LIFE   OF   GARRET    A.    HOBART.  491 

"When  Henry  Clay  stood  for  protection  in  1844,  New 
Jersey  furnished  Theodore  Frelinghuysen  as  his  associate. 
The  issue  then  was  the  restoration  of  the  tariff,  and  was 
more  nearly  like  that  of  to-day  than  at  any  other  period 
which  I  can  recall  in  the  nation's  political  history.  In 
1856,  when  the  freedom  of  man  brought  the  Republican 
party  into  existence  and  the  great  "  Pathfinder "  was 
called  to  lead,  New  Jersey  furnished  for  that  unequal  con 
test  William  L.  Dayton  as  the  Vice  Presidential  candidate. 
Since  then  counting  for  nothing,  we  have  asked  for  noth 
ing.  During  this  period  Maine  has  had  a  candidate  for 
President  and  a  Vice  President;  Massachusetts  a  Vice 
President;  New  York,  four  Vice  Presidents,  one  of  whom 
became  President  for  almost  a  full  term  ;  Indiana,  a  Presi 
dent,  a  candidate  for  President  and  a  Vice  President, 
Illinois  a  President  twice  and  a  Vice  Presidential  candi 
date  ;  Ohio  two  Presidents,  and  now  a  candidate  for  the 
third  time  ;  Tennessee  a  Vice  President,  who  became  Presi 
dent  for  almost  a  full  term. 

"We  believe  that  the  Vice  Presidency  of  1896  should  be 
given  to  New  Jersey.  We  have  reasons  for  our 
opinion.  We  have  ten  electoral  votes.  We  have 
carried  the  State  in  the  elections  of  1893,  '94  and 
'95.  We  hope  and  believe  we  can  keep  the  State  in  the 
Republican  column,  for  all  time.  By  your  action  to  day  you 
can  greatly  aid  us.  Do  you  believe  you  could  accord  the 
Vice  Presidency  to  a  state  more  justly  entitled  to  a  recog 
nition  or  one  which  it  would  be  of  more  public  advantage 
to  hold  in  the  Republican  ranks? 

"  If  the  party  in  any  State  is  deserving  of  approval  for 
the  sacrifice  of  its  members  to  maintain  its  organization, 
then  the  Republicans  of  New  Jersey,  in  this,  the  hour  of 
their  ascendency,  after  long  years  of  bitter  defeat,  feel 
that  they  cannot  come  to  this  convention  in  vain. 


492  LIFE   OF   GARRET   A.    HOB  ART. 

"  We  appeal  to  our  brethren  in  the  South,  who  know, 
with  us,  what  it  is  to  be  overridden  by  fraud  on  the  ballot 
box,  to  be  counted  out  by  corrupt  election  officers,  to 
be  dominated  by  an  arrogant,  unrelenting  Democracy. 

"  We  should  have  carried  our  State  at  every  election  for 
the  past  ten  years  if  the  count  had  been  an  honest  one. 
We  succeeded  in  throttling  the  ballot-box  stuffersand  im 
prisoning  the  corrupt  election  officers,  only  to  have  the 
whole  raft  of  them  pardoned  in  a  day  to  work  again  their 
nefarious  practices  upon  the  honest  people.  But  to-day 
under  ballot  reform  laws,  with  an  honest  count,  we  know 
we  can  win.  It  has  been  a  long,  terrible  strife  to  the 
goal,  but  we  have  reached  it  unaided  and  unassisted  from 
without,  and  we  come  to  day  promising  to  the  ticket  here 
selected  the  vote  of  New  Jersey  whether  you  give  us  the 
Vice  Presidential  candidate  or  not.  We  make  it  no  test  of 
our  Republicanism  that  we  have  a  candidatec  We  have 
been  too  long  used  to  fighting  for  principle  for  that,  but 
we  do  say  that  you  can  by  granting  our  request  lighten 
our  burden  and  make  us  a  confident  party  with  victory  in 
sight  even  before  the  contest  begins. 

"  Will  we  carry  Colorado,  Montana  and  Nevada  this  year 
if  the  Democracy  declare  for  silver  at  16  to  1?  Let 
us  hope  we  may.  New  Jersey  has  as  many  electoral  votes 
as  these  three  States  together. 

"  Will  you  make  New  Jersey  sure  to  take  their  place  in 
case  of  need  ?  We  have  in  all  these  years  of  Republican 
ism  been  the  "  lone  star/'  Democratic  star  in  the  North. 
Our  forty  years  of  wandering  in  the  wilderness  of  Democ 
racy  are  ended.  Our  Egyptian  darkness  disappears.  We 
are  on  the  hilltop  looking  into  the  promised  land.  En 
courage  us  as  we  march  over  into  the  political  Canaan  of 
Republicanism,  there  to  remain,  by  giving  us  a  leader  on 
the  national  ticket  to  go  with  us. 


LIFE   OF   GARRET   A.    HOBART.  493 

"We  are  proud  of  our  public  men.  Their  Republican 
ism  and  love  of  country  have  been  welded  in  the  furnace 
of  political  adversity.  That  man  is  a  Republican  who 
adheres  to  the  party  in  a  state  where  there  is  no  hope  for 
the  gratification  of  personal  ambitions.  There  are  no 
camp  followers  in  the  minority  party  of  any  State.  They 
are  all  true  soldiers  in  the  militant  army,  doing  valiant 
service  without  reward,  gain  or  the  hope  thereof,  from 
principle  only. 

"  A  true  representative  of  this  class  of  Republicans,  New 
Jersey  will  offer  you  to-day.  He  is  in  the  prime  of  life, 
a  never -faltering  friend,  with  qualities  of  leadership  un 
surpassed,  of  sterling  honor,  of  broad  mind,  of  liberal 
views,  of  wide  public  information,  of  great  business  ca 
pacity,  and  withal  he  is  a  parliamentarian  who  would  grace 
the  Presidency  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  A 
native  of  our  State,  the  son  of  an  humble  farmer,  he  was 
reared  to  love  of  country  in  sight  of  the  historic  field  of 
Monmouth,  on  which  the  blood  of  our  ancestors  was  shed, 
that  the  republic  might  exist.  From  a  poor  boy,  unaided 
and  alone  he  has  risen  to  his  renown  among  us. 

"  In  our  State  we  have  done  for  him  all  that  the  political 
condition  would  permit.  He  has  been  Speaker  of  our  As 
sembly  and  President  of  our  Senate.  He  has  been  the 
choice  for  the  United  States  Senator  of  the  Republican 
minority  in  the  Legislature,  and  had  it  been  in  our  power 
to  place  him  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  he  would  ere 
this  have  been  there. 

4  Ills  capabilities  are  such  as  would  grace  any  position 
of  honor  in  the  nation.  Not  for  himself,  but  for  our  State ; 
not  for  his  ambition,  but  to  give  to  the  nation  the  highest 
type  of  public  official,  do  we  come  to  this  convention  by  the 
command  of  our  State,  and,  in  the  name  of  the  Republican 


494  LIFK   OF   GARRET   A.    HOBART. 

party  of  New  Jersey — imeonquered  and  unconquerable, 
undivided  and  indivisible — with  our  united  voice  speak 
ing  for  all  that  counts  for  good  citizenship  in  our  State 
nominate  to  you  for  the  office  of  Vice  President  of  the 
Republic,  Garret  A.  Hobart,  of  New  Jersey.'7  (Prolonged 
applause.) 

The  speech  was  loudly  cheered,  the  New  Yorker's  join 
ing  with  the  New  Jersey  men  in  the  nomination.     J.  Otis 
Humphrey,  of  Illinois,  seconded  Hobart. 

A  single  ballot  was  all  that  was  required  to  secure  Mr, 
Hobart's  nomination.  It  was  taken  with  the  following  re 
sult,  after  which  the  nomination  was  made  unanimous: 

Hobart, 533J 

Evans, 277J 

Bulkley,        .....  39~ 

Walker, 24 

Lippitt, 8 

Reed, 3 

Fred  Grant,          ....  2 

Thurston, 2 

Depew, 3 

Brown, 2 

Morton,         .  1 

Absent  or  not  voting,  ...  29 

Total, .          924 

The  nomination  met  with  the  approbation  of  the  entire 
Republican  press  of  the  country,  and  with  that  of  the 
party  in  general.  Said  Mr.  Hanna,  Chairman  of  the  Na 
tional  Committee,  speaking  for  that  body  and  the  country : 

"Mr.  Hobart's  nomination  must  be  gratifying  to  the 
great  body  of  Republicans  throughout  the  country.  In 
personal  character  and  qualifications  for  the  office  he  is  a 
fit  associate  for  Major  McKinley  and  will  bring  great 


LIFE   OF   GARRET   A.    HOBART.  495 

strength  to  the  ticket.  In  addition,  he  is  wholly  free 
from  all  factional  complications,  a  leader  within  his  own 
State  and  liked  best  where  lie  is  best  known.  I  do  not 
see  how,  under  the  circumstances,  a  wiser  or  better  choice 
could  have  been  made." 

One  sentiment  from  the  public  press  will  answer  for  all: 

"  Mr.  Hobarthas  been  a  leading  force  for  many  years  iu 
the  Legislature  and  politics  of  New  Jersey.  Though  a 
lawyer  by  profession  his  activities  have  been  largely  in 
executive  duties  and  his  reputation  was  gained  through 
success  in  business  lines.  His  winning  manners  will  make 
him  friends  in  the  Senate  and  his  experience  as  Speaker  of 
the  New  Jersey  Assembly  will  stand  him  in  good  stead 
when  in  the  chair  of  the  Vice  President.  Should  Provi 
dence  see  fit  to  call  him  to  the  position  of  Chief  Magis 
trate  he  has  shown  that  he  possesses  the  qualifications 
which  should  carry  him  through  the  trying  duties  of  that 
exalted  station  with  credit  and  success.  It  is  a  good 
nomination  and  gives  the  Republican  party  a  w^ll-balanced, 
harmonious  and  entirely  acceptable  ticket." 

On  July  7,  Mr.  Hobart  was  officially  notified  of  his 
nomination  as  Vice  President  by  the  Republican  National 
Convention.  The  ceremony  took  place  at  his  home  in 
the  presence  of  an  assembly  of  3,000  people.  The  Chair 
man  of  the  Notification  Committee,  ex-Judge  Charles  W 
Fairbanks,  said  : 

"  Mr.  Hobart: — The  Republican  National  Convention 
recently  assembled  at  St.  Louis  commissioned  us  tc  form 
ally  notify  you  of  your  nomination  for  the  office  of  Vice 
President  of  the  United  States.  We  are  met  pursuant  to 
the  direction  of  the  Convention  to  perform  the  agreeable 
duty  assigned  us. 

"  In  all  the  splendid  history  of  the  great  party  which 


496  LIFE   OF    GARRET    A.    HOBART. 

holds  onr  allegiance,  the  necessity  was  never  more  urgent 
for  steadfast  adherence  to  those  wholesome  principles 
"Which  have  been  the  sure  foundation  rock  of  our  national 
prosperity.  The  demand  was  never  greater  for  men  who 
hold  principle  above  all  else  and  who  are  unmoved  either 
by  the  clamor  of  the  hour  or  the  promise  of  false 
teachers. 

"  The  Convention  at  St.  Louis,  in  full  measure  met  the 
high  demands  of  the  times  in  its  declaration  for  party 
principles  and  in  the  nomination  of  candidates  for  Presi 
dent  and  Vice  President.  Yes,  the  office  for  which  you 
were  nominated  is  of  rare  dignity,  honor  and  power.  It 
has  been  graced  by  the  most  eminent  statesmen  who  have 
contributed  to  the  upbuilding  of  the  strength  and  glory 
of  the  Republic. 

"  Because  of  your  exalted  personal  character  and  of 
your  intelligent  and  patriotic  devotion  to  the  enduring 
principles  of  a  protective  tariff,  which  wisely  discriminates 
in  favor  of  American  interests,  and  to  a  currency  whose 
integrity  none  can  challenge,  and  because  of  your  con 
spicuous  fitness  for  the  exacting  and  important  duties  of 
this  high  office,  the  Republican  National  Convention,  with 
a  unanimity  and  enthusiasm  rarely  witnessed,  chose  you 
as  our  candidate  for  Vice  President  of  these  United 
States. 

"  We  know  it  to  be  gratifying  to  you  personally  to  be 
the  associate  of  William  McKinley  in  the  pending  con 
test.  For  you  and  your  distinguished  associate  we  be 
speak  the  enthusiastic  and  intelligent  support  of  all  our 
countrymen,  who  desire  that  prosperity  shall  again  rule 
throughout  the  Republic.'* 

Mr.  Hobart  responded  as  follows : 

"  I  beg  t'o  extend  to  you  my  grateful  acknowledgments 


LIFE   OF   GARRET   A.    HOBART.  497 

for  the  very  kind  and  flattering  terms  in  which  you  con 
vey  the  formal  announcement  of  my  nomination  for  Vice 
President  of  the  United  States  by  the  Republican  National 
Convention  at  St.  Louis.  I  am  profoundly  sensible  of  the 
honor  which  has  been  done  me,  and  through  me  to  the 
State  in  which  all  my  life  has  been  spent,  in  my  selection 
as  a  candidate  for  this  high  office.  I  appreciate  it  the 
more  because  it  associates  me,  in  a  contest  which  involves 
the  very  gravest  issues,  with  one  who  represents  in  his 
private  character  and  public  career  the  highest  intelli 
gence  and  best  spirit  of  his  party,  and  with  whom  my 
personal  relations  are  such  as  to  afford  a  guarantee  of  per 
fect  accord  in  the  work  of  the  campaign  which  lies  be 
fore  me. 

"It  is  sufficient  for  me  to  say  at  this  time  that,  con 
curring  without  reserve  in  all  the  declarations  of  principle 
and  policy  embodied  in  the  St.  Louis  platform,  I  accept 
the  nomination  tendered  to  me  with  a  full  appreciation  of 
its  responsibilities,  and  with  an  honest  purpose,  in  the 
event  that  the  people  shall  ratify  the  choices  made  by  the 
National  Convention,  to  discharge  any  duties  which  may 
devolve  upon  me,  with  best  reference  to  the  public  good. 

"  Let  me  add  that  it  will  be  my  earnest  effort  in  the 
coming  campaign  to  contribute  in  every  way  possible  to 
the  success  of  the  party  which  we  represent,  and  which  as 
to  the  important  issues  of  the  time  stands  for  the  best  in 
terests  of  the  people. 

"  Uncertainty  or  instability  as  to  the  money  question 
involves  most  serious  consequences  to  every  interest  and 
to  every  citizen  of  the  country. 

"  The  gravity  of  this  question  cannot  be  overestimated. 
There  can  be  no  financial  security ;  no  business  stability ; 


498  LIFE  OF   GARRET   A.    HOBART. 

no  real  prosperity  where  the  policy  of  the  Government  as 
to  that  question  is  at  all  a  matter  of  doubt. 

"Gold  is  the  one  standard  of  value  among  all  en 
lightened  commercial  nations.  All  financial  transactions 
of  whatever  character,  all  business  enterprises,  all  in 
dividual  or  corporate  investments  are  adjusted  to  it.  An 
honest  dollar  worth  100  cents  everywhere  cannot  be 
coined  out  of  53  cents'  worth  of  silver,  plus  a  legislative 
fiat. 

"  Such  a  debasement  of  our  currency  would  inevitably 
produce  incalculable  loss,  appalling  disaster  and  national 
dishonor.  It  is  a  fundamental  principle  in  coinage 
recognized  and  followed  by  all  the  statesmen  of  America 
in  the  past  and  never  yet  safely  departed  from,  that  there 
can  be  only  one  basis  upon  which  gold  and  silver  may  be 
concurrently  coined  as  money,  and  that  basis  is  equality, 
not  in  weight,  but  in  the  commercial  value  of  the  metal 
contained  in  the  respective  coins.  This  commercial  value 
is  fixed  by  the  markets  of  the  world  with  which  the  great 
interests  of  our  country  are  necessarily  connected  by  in 
numerable  business  ties,  which  cannot  be  severed  or 
ignored.  Great  and  self-reliant  as  our  country  is,  it  is 
great  not  alone  within  its  own  borders  and  upon  its  own 
resources,  but  because  it  also  reaches  out  to  the  ends  of 
the  earth  in  all  the  manifold  departments  of  business,  ex. 
change  and  commerce,  and  must  maintain  with  honoj 
the  standing  and  credit  among  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

"The  question  admits  of  no  compromise.  It  is  a  vita) 
principle  at  stake,  but  it  is  in  no  sense  partisan  or  sec* 
tional.  It  concerns  all  the  people.  Ours,  as  one  of  the 
foremost  nations,  must  have  a  monetary  standard  equal  to 
the  best. 

"  It  is  of  vital  consequence  that  this  question  should  be 


LIFE  OF   GARRET   A.   HOfcART.  499 

settled  now  in  such  a  way  as  to  restore  public  confidence 
here  and  everywhere  in  the  integrity  of  our  purpose.  A 
doubt  of  that  integrity  among  the  other  great  commercial 
countries  of  the  world  will  not  only  cost  us  millions  of 
money,  but  that  which,  as  patriots,  we  should  treasure 
still  more  highly— our  industrial  and  commercial  suprem 
acy. 

"My  estimate  of  the  value  of  a  protective  policy  has 
been  formed  by  the  study  of  the  object  lessons  of  a  great 
industrial  State,  extending  over  a  period  of  thirty  years. 
It  is  that  protection  not  only  builds  up  important  indus 
tries  from  small  beginnings,  but  that  these  and  all  other 
industries  flourish  or  languish  in  proportion  as  protection 
is  maintained  or  withdrawn.  I  have  seen  it  indisputably 
proved  that  the  prosperity  -of  farmer,  merchant  and  all 
other  classes  of  citizens  goes  hand  in  hand  with  that  of 
the  manufacturer  and  mechanic. 

"I  am  firmly  persuaded  that  what  we  need  most  of  all 
to  remove  the  business  paralysis  that  afflicts  this  country, 
is  the  restoration  of  a  policy  which,  while  affording  ample 
revenue  to  meet  the  expenses  of  the  Government,  will  re 
open  American  workshops  on  full  time  and  full  handed, 
with  their  operatives  paid  good  wages  in  honest  dollars. 
And  this  can  only  come  under  a  tariff  which  will  hold  the 
interests  of  our  own  people  paramount  in  our  political  and 
commercial  S}rstems. 

"  The  opposite  policy  which  discourages  American 
enterprise  reduces  American  labor  to  idleness,  diminishes 
the  earnings  of  American  workingmen,  opens  our  markets 
to  commodities  from  abroad  which  we  should  produce  at 
home,  while  closing  foreign  markets  against  our  products 
and  which,  at  the  same  time,  steadily  augments  the  public 
debt,  increasing  the  public  burdens,  while  diminishing  the 


500  LIFE  OF  GAURET  A.  HOBART. 

ability  of  the  people  to  meet  them,  is  a  policy  which  must 
find  its  chief  popularity  elsewhere  than  among  American 
citizens. 

"  I  shall  take  an  early  opportunity,  gentlemen  of  the 
committee,  through  you  to  communicate  to  my  fellow- 
citizens  with  somewhat  more  of  detail  my  views  concern 
ing  the  dominant  questions  of  the  hour  and  the  crisis 
which  confronts  us  as  a  nation. 

"  With  this  brief  expression  of  my  appreciation  of  the 
distinguished  honor  that  has  been  bestowed  upon  me,  and 
this  signification  of  my  acceptance  of  the  trust  to  which  I 
have  been  summoned,  I  place  myself  at  the  service  of  the 
Republican  party  and  of  the  country." 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM  OF  1896. 


The  Republicans  of  the  United  States,  assembled  by 
their  representatives  in  national  convention,  appealing  for 
the  popular  and  historical  jurisdiction  of  their  claims  to 
the  matchless  achievements  of  thirty  years  of  Republican 
rule,  earnestly  and  confidently  address  themselves  to  the 
awakened  intelligence,  experience  and  conscience  of  their 
countrymen  in  the  following  declaration  of  facts  and 
principles : 

For  the  first  time  since  the  Civil  War  the  American 
people  have  witnessed  the  calamitous  consequences  of 
full  and  unrestricted  Democratic  control  of  the  Govern 
ment.  It  has  been  a  record  of  unparalleled  incapacity,  dis 
honor  and  disaster.  In  administrative  management  it  lias 
ruthlessly  sacrificed  indispensible  revenue,  entailed  an  un 
ceasing  deficit,  eked  out  ordinary  current  expenses  with 
borrowed  money,  piled  up  the  public  debt  by  $^62,000,000 
in  time  of  peace,  forced  an  adverse  balance  of  trade,  kept 
a  perpetual  menace  hanging  over  the  redemption  fund, 
pawned  American  credit  to  alien  syndicates  and  re 
versed  all  the  measures  and  results  of  successful  Republi 
can  rule.  In  the  broad  effort  of  its  policy  it  has  precipi 
tated  panic,  blighted  industry  and  trade  with  prolonged 
depression,  closed  factories,  reduced  work  and  wages, 
halted  enterprise  and  crippled  American  production, 
while  stimulating  foreign  production  for  the  American 
market.  Every  consideration  of  public  safety  and  indi 
vidual  interest  demands  that  the  Government  shall  be 
rescued  from  the  hands  of  those  who  have  shown  them- 

(501) 


502  THE   REPUBLICAN   PLATFORM. 

selves  incapable  to  conduct  it  without  disaster  at  home 
and  dishonor  abroad,  and  shall  be  restored  to  the  party 
which  for  thirty  years  administered  it  with  unequalled 
success  and  prosperity ;  and  in  this  connection  we  heartily 
indorse  the  wisdom,  patriotism  and  the  success  of  the  Ad 
ministration  of  President  Harrison. 

i 


THE  TARIFF  PLANK. 

We  renew  and  emphasize  our  allegiance  to  the  policy 
protection  as  the  bulwark  of  American  industrial  inde 
pendence  and  the  foundation  of  American  development 
and  prosperity.  This  true  American  policy  taxes  foreign 
products  and  encourages  home  industry;  it  puts  the 
burden  of  revenue  on  foreign  goods ;  it  secures  the 
American  market  for  the  American  producer;  it  upholds 
the  American  standard  of  wages  for  the  American  vvork- 
ingman  ;  it  puts  the  factory  by  the  side  of  the  farm  and 
makes  the  American  farmer  less  dependent  on  foreign  de 
mand  and  price  ;  it  diffuses  general  thrift,  and  founds  the 
strength  of  all  on  the  strength  of  each.  In  its  reasonable 
application  it  is  just,  fair  and  impartial,  equally  opposed 
to  foreign  control  and  domestic  monopoly,  to  sectional 
discrimination  and  individual  favoritism. 

We  denounce  the  present  Democratic  tariff  as  sectional, 
injurious  to  the  public  credit  and  destructive  to  business 
enterprise.  We  demand  such  an  equitable  tariff  on 
foreign  imports  which  come  into  competition  with  Ameri 
can  products  as  will  not  only  furnish  adequate  revenue  for 
the  necessary  expenses  of  the  Government,  but  will  pro 
tect  American  labor  from  degradation  to  the  wage  level 
of  other  lands.  We  are  not  pledged  to  any  particular 
schedules.  The  question  of  rates  is  a  practical  question, 
to  be  governed  by  the  conditions  of  the  time  and  of  pro 
duction  ;  the  ruling  and  uncompromising  principle  is  the 
protection  and  development  of  American  labor  and  in 
dustry.  The  country  demands  a  right  settlement  and  then 
it  wants  rest. 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM.  503 

RECIPROCITY  INDORSED. 

We  believe  the  repeal  of  the  reciprocity  arrangements 

negotiated  by  the  last  Republican  Administration  as  a 
national  calamity,  and  we  demand  the  renewal  and  ex 
tension  on  such  terms  as  will  equalize  our  trade  with 
other  nations,  remove  the  restrictions  which  now  obstruct 
the  sale  of  American  products  in  the  ports  of  other  coun 
tries,  and  secure  enlarged  markets  for  the  products  of  our 
farms,  forests  and  factories. 

Protection  and  reciprocity  are  twin  measures  of  Repub 
lican  policy  and  go  hand  in  hand.  Democratic  rule  has 
recklessly  struck  down  both,  and  both  must  be  reestab 
lished. 

Protection  for  what  we  produce  ;  free  admission  for  the 
necessaries  of  life  which  we  do  not  produce  ;  reciprocal 
agreements  of  mutual  interests,  which  gain  open  markets 
for  us  in  return  for  our  open  market  to  others.  Protec 
tion  builds  up  domestic  industry  and  trade  and  secures 
our  own  market  for  ourselves ;  reciprocity  builds  up  for 
eign  trade  and  finds  an  outlet  for  our  surplus. 

We  condemn  the  present  administration  for  not  keeping 
faith  with  the  sugar  producers  of  this  country.  The  Re 
publican  party  favors  such  protection  as  will  lead  to  the 
production  on  American  soil  of  all  the  sugar  which  the 
American  people  use,  and  for  which  they  pay  other  coun 
tries  more  than  $100,000,000  annually. 

To  all  our  products — to  those  of  the  mine*  and  the 
field,  as-  well  as  to  those  of  the  shop  and  the  factory — to 
hemp,  to  wool,  the  product  of  the  great  industry  of  sheep 
husbandry,  as  well  as  to  the  finished  woolens  of  the  mill — 
we  promise  the  most  ample  protection. 

We  favor  restoring  the  early  American  policy  of  discrim 
inating  duties  for  the  upbuilding  of  our  merchant  marine 
and  the  protection  of  our  shipping  in  the  foreign  carrying 
trade,  so  that  American  ships — the  product  of  American 
labor,  employed  in  American  ship  yards,  sailing  under  the 
Stars  and  Stripes,  and  manned,  officered  and  owned  by 
Americans — may  regain  the  carrying  of  our  foreign  com 
merce. 


504  THE  REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM. 

FOR  GOLD  STANDARD. 

The  Republican  party  is  unreservedly  for  sound  money. 
It  caused  the  enactment  of  the  law  providing  for  the  re 
sumption  of  specie  payments  in  1879.  Since  then  every 
dollar  has  been  as  good  as  gold. 

We  are  unalterably  opposed  to  every  measure  calculated 
to  debase  our  currency  or  impair  the  credit  of  our  country. 
We  are,  therefore,  opposed  to  the  free  coinage  of  silver 
except  by  international  agreement  with  the  leading  com 
mercial  nations  of  the  world,  which  we  pledge  ourselves 
to  promote,  and  until  such  agreement  can  be  obtained  the 
existing  gold  standard  must  be  preserved.  All  our  silver 
and  paper  currency  must  be  maintained  at  parity  with 
gold,  and  we  favor  all  measures  designed  to  maintain  in 
violable  the  obligations  of  all  our  money,  whether  coin  or 
paper,  at  the  present  standard — the  standard  of  the  most 
enlightened  nations  of  the  earth. 

THE  PENSION  QUESTION. 

The  veterans  of  the  Union  Army  deserve  and  should  re 
ceive  fair  treatment  and  generous  recognition.  Wherever 
practicable  they  should  be  given  the  preference  in  the  mat 
ter  of  employment,  and  they  are  entitled  to  the  enactment 
of  such  laws  as  are  best  calculated  to  secure  the  fulfill 
ment  of  the  pledges  made  to  them  in  the  dark  da}Ts  of  the 
country's  peril.  We  denounce  the  practice  in  the  Pension 
Bureau,  so  recklessly  and  unjustly  carried  on  by  the  pres 
ent  Administration,  of  reducing  pensions  and  arbitrarily 
dropping  names  from  the  rolls,  as  deserving  the  severest 
condemnation  of  the  American  people. 

OUR  FOREIGN  POLICY. 

Our  foreign  policy  should  be  at  all  times  firm,  vigorous 
and  dignified,  and  all  our  interests  in  the  Western  Hemis 
phere  carefully  watched  and  guarded.  The  Hawaiian  Is 
lands  should  be  controlled  by  the  United  States,  and  no 
foreign  power  should  be  permitted  to  interfere  with  them. 
The  Nicaragua!!  Canal  should  be  built,  owned  and  operated 


HON.  JAMES  K.  JONES. 

Born  in  Marshall  co.,  Miss.,  Sept.  29,  1839;  educated  in  classics  and 
iaw;  served  in  Confederate  army;  a  planter  till  1873;  began  law  prac 
tice  at  Washington,  Arkansas,  and  elected  to  State  Senate  in  1873;  re- 
elected  in  1877,  and  became  President  of  the  body ;  elected,  as  Democr.it, 
to  47th,  48th  and  49th  Congresses;  elected  to  U.  S.  Senate  in  1884;  re- 
elected  in  1890;  term  expires  March  3,  1897;  member  of  Committees 
on  Senate  Expenses,  Finance,  Indian  Affairs,  Irrigation,  etc. 


HON.  STEPHEN  B.  ELKINS. 

Born  in  Perry  co.,  Ohio,  September  26,  1841 ;  graduated  from  Uni 
versity  of  Missouri,  1860;  admitted  to  bar,  1863;  practiced  in  New 
Mexico  for  several  years;  elected  to  Territorial  Legislature  in  1866,  and 
soon  after  made  Attorney-General  of  Territory ;  appointed  U.  S.  District 
Attorney  in  1868;  elected  Delegate  to  Congress,  1873;  re-elected  in 
1875;  Delegate  to  Republican  National  Conventions,  1884,  1888;  large 
business  and  bonking  interests  in  Santa  Fe,  also  large  land  owner j 
moved  to  West  Virginia,  and  extensively  engaged  in  mining,  timber, 
railroad  and  banking  interests;  appointed,  by  President  Harrison 
Secretary  of  War,  December  17,  1891;  elected  to  U.  S.  Senate  as  a 
Republican,  1894;  Chairman  of  Select  Committee  on  Geological  Survey, 
and  member  of  Committees  on  Civil  Service,  Commerce.  Military 
Affairs,  Railroads  and  Territories. 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PLATFOEM.          507 

by  the  United  States,  and  by  the  purchase  of  the  Danish 
Islands  we  should  secure  a  proper  and  much-needed  naval 
station  in  the  West  Indies. 

The  massacres  in  Armenia  have  aroused  the  deep  sym 
pathy  and  just  indignation  of  the  American  people,  and 
we  believe  that  the  United  States  should  exercise  all  the 
influence  it  can  properly  exert  to  bring  these  atrocities  to 
an  end.  In  Turkey  American  residents  have  been  exposed 
to  the  gravest  dangers,  and  American  property  destroyed. 
There  and  everywhere  American  citizens  and  American 
property  must  be  absolutely  protected  at  all  hazards  and 
at  any  cost. 

THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

We  reassert  the  Monroe  Doctrine  in  its  full  extent,  and 
we  reaffirm  the  right  of  the  United  States  to  give  the  doc 
trine  effect  by  responding  to  the  appeals  of  any  American 
State  for  intervention  in  case  of  European  encroachment. 
We  have  not  interfered  and  shall  not  interfere  with  the 
existing  possessions  of  any  European  power  in  this  hemis 
phere,  but  those  possessions  must  not,  on  any  pretext,  be 
extended.  We  hopefully  look  forward  to  the  eventual 
withdrawal  of  the  European  powers  from  this  hemisphere, 
and  to  the  ultimate  union  of  all  English  speaking  parts  of 
the  continent  by  the  free  consent  of  its  inhabitants. 

SYMPATHY  FOR  CUBA. 

From  the  hour  of  achieving  their  own  independence  the 
people  of  the  United  States  have  regarded  with  sympathy 
the  struggle  of  other  American  peoples  to  free  themselves 
from  European  domination.  We  watch  with  deep  and 
abiding  interest  the  heroic  battle  of  the  Cuban  patriots 
against  cruelty  and  oppression,  and  our  best  hopes  go  out 
for  the  full  success  of  their  determined  contest  for  liberty. 

The  Government  of  Spain,  having  lost  control  of  Cuba, 
and  being  unable  to  protect  the  property  or  lives  of  resi 
dent  American  citizens,  or  to  comply  with  its  treaty  obli 
gations,  we  believe  that  the  Government  of  the  United 
28 


508          THE  REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM. 

States  should  actually  use  its  influence  and  good  offices  to 
restore  peace  and  give  independence  to  the  island. 

The  peace  and  security  of  the  Republic  and  the  main 
tenance  of  its  rightful  influence  among  the  nations  of  the 
earth  demand  a  naval  power  commensurate  with  its  posi 
tion  and  responsibility.  We,  therefore,  favor  the  continued 
enlargement  of  the  navy  and  a  complete  system  of  harbor 
and  sea  cost  defenses. 

EDUCATIONAL  TEST  OF  IMMIGRANTS. 

For  the  protection  of  the  quality  of  our  American  citi 
zenship  and  of  the  wages  of  our  workingmen  against  the 
fatal  competition  of  low-priced  labor,  we  demand  that  the 
immigration  laws  be  thoroughly  enforced,  and  so  extended 
as  to  exclude  from  entrance  to  the  United  States  those  who 
can  neither  read  nor  write. 

The  civil  service  law  was  placed  on  the  statute  book  by 
the  Republican  party,  which  has  always  sustained  it,  and 
we  renew  our  repeated  declarations  that  it  shall  be 
thoroughly  and  honestly  enforced  and  extended  wherever 
practicable. 

We  demand  that  every  citizen  of  the  United  States 
shall  be  allowed  to  cast  one  free  and  unrestricted  ballot, 
and,  that  such  ballot  shall  be  counted  and  returned  as  cast. 

We  proclaim  our  unqualified  condemnation  of  the  un 
civilized  and  barbarous  practice  well  known  as  lynching 
or  killing  of  human  beings  suspected  or  charged  with 
crime  without  process  of  law. 

NATIONAL  ARBITRATION  BOARD. 

We  favor  the  creation  of  a  national  board  of  arbitration 
to  settle  and  adjust  differences  which  may  arise  between 
employers  and  employees  engaged  in  interstate  commerce. 

We  believe  in  an  immediate  return  to  the  free  home 
stead  policy  of  the  Republican  party ;  and  urge  the  pas 
sage  by  Congress  of  the  satisfactory  free  homestead  meas 
ure  which  has  already  passed  the  House  and  is  now  pend 
ing  in  the  Senate. 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM.          509 

We  favor  the  admission  of  the  remaining  Territories  at 
the  earliest  practical  date,  having  due  regard  to  the  inter 
ests  of  the  people  of  the  Territories  and  of  the  United 
States.  All  the  Federal  officers  appointed  for  the  Terri 
tories  should  be  elected  from  bona-fide  residents  thereof, 
and  the  right  of  self-government  should  be  accorded  as  far 
as  practicable. 

We  believe  the  citizens  of  Alaska  should  have  represen 
tation  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  to  the  end 
that  needful  legislation  may  be  intelligently  enacted. 

We  sympathize  with  all  wise  and  legitimate  efforts  to 
lessen  and  prevent  the  evils  of  intemperance  and  promote 
morality. 

RIGHTS  OF  WOMEN. 

The  Republican  party  is  mindful  of  the  rights  and  in 
terests  of  women.  Protection  of  American  industries  in 
cludes  equal  opportunities,  equal  pay  for  equal  work,  and 
protection  to  the  home.  We  favor  the  admission  of  women 
to  wider  spheres  of  usefulness,  and  we  welcome  their  co 
operation  in  rescuing  the  country  from  Democratic  and 
Populist  mismanagement  and  misrule. 

Such  are  the  principles  and  policies  of  the  Republican 
party.  By  these  principles  we  will  abide  and  these  policies 
we  will  put  into  execution.  We  ask  for  them  the  consid 
erate  judgment  of  the  American  people.  Confident  alike 
in  the  history  of  our  great  party  and  in  the  justice  of  our 
cause,  we  present  our  platform  and  our  candidates  in  the 
full  assurance  that  the  election  will  bring  victory  to  the 
Republican  party  and  prosperity  to  the  people  of  the 
United  States. 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN. 

BIRTH  AND  EDUCATION. 


WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN,  popularly  known  as  the 
"  Boy  Orator  of  the  Platte,"  was  born  in  the  town  of 
Salem,  Marion  County,  Illinois,  March  19,  1860.  His 
lineage  is  thoroughly  Democratic.  His  father  was  Silas 
L.  Bryan,  who  was  born  in  Culpepper  County,  Va.,  at 
the  foot  of  the  Blue  Ridge  Mountains.  He  came  to  Illi 
nois  when  eighteen  years  of  age,  and  settled  finally  at 
Salem.  He  was  a  graduate  at  McKendrie  College,  Leba 
non,  111.,  and  began  the  practice  of  law.  In  1852  he  was 
elected  State  Senator,  and  served  eight  years.  He  was 
elected,  in  1860,  Circuit  Judge,  and  served  until  1872. 
He  was  a  member  of  the  Constitutional  Convention  in 
1870,  and  there  introduced  a  resolution  that  all  officers 
created  by  the  constitution,  should  be  elected  by  the 
people.  In  1870  he  was  Democratic  candidate  for  Con 
gress,  and  was  defeated  by  240  votes,  by  James  S.  Martin. 
He  was  a  strong  man  intellectually,  and  was  a  good  pub 
lic  speaker.  He  died  in  1880.  He  was  married  to  Maria 
Elizabeth  Jennings,  at  Salem,  in  1852.  They  had  nine 
children,  of  whom  five  are  living.  W.  J.  is  the  fourth. 
Mrs.  Bryan  died  in  Salem,  in  1896. 

The  family  residence  was  on  a  farm  just  outside  of  the 
town  limits,  and  it  was  there  that  the  son  William  passed 
his  early  youth,  amid  rural  scenes  and  the  arts  of  hus 
bandry.  His  education  began  in  the  common  schools  of 
510 


LIFE   OF    WILLIAM    JENNINGS    BRYAN.  51 1 

the  town,  and  to  facilitate  this,  he  came  to  spend  much 
of  his  time  within  the  reach  of  the  schools,  the  rest  being 
spent  on  the  farm. 

By  the  time  he  reached  the  age  of  fifteen  years,  he  had 
completed  his  common  school  education,  and,  in  the  fall 
of  1875,  he  entered  Whipple  Academy,  at  Jacksonville, 
Illinois.  After  an  academic  course,  extending  over  two 
years,  he  was  prepared  to  enter  Illinois  College,  at  Jack 
sonville,  which  he  did  in  1877,  matriculating  in  the 
Freshman  Class.  As  a  collegian,  he  proved  to  be  an  apt 
and  earnest  and  assiduous  student,  and,  early  in  his 
course,  gave  promise  of  those  forensic  powers  which  were 
to  bring  him  speedy  National  distinction.  In  1880,  while 
a  Senior,  he  won  second  prize  as  the  representative  of 
his  college  in  the  State  collegiate  oratorical  contest  at 
Galesburg. 

He  graduated  from  his  college  in  1881,  with  the  high 
est  honors  of  Jhis  class,  and,  by  virtue  of  this  rank,  he 
became  the  class  valedictorian.  After  leaving  college, 
young  Bryan  went  to  Chicago,  where  he  entered  the 
Union  Law  College  of  that  city.  At  the  same  time  he 
entered  the  law  office  of  Senator  Lyman  Trumbull,  for 
the  double  purpose  of  assisting  in  his  own  education, 
and  acquiring  a  knowledge  of  the  practice  of  law  along 
with  its  theories. 

This  course  imposed  upon  him  a  double  duty,  but  he 
had  physical  strength,  mental  ability  and  energy  of  pur 
pose  equal  to  even  a  harder  task,  and  he  ended  his  two 
years  of  law  study  with  honors.  He  was  now  thoroughly 
equipped  for  his  profession,  and  he  entered  upon  it  at 
Jacksonville,  111.,  soon  after  his  admission  to  the  bar,  in 
1883. 


512  LIFE   OF    WILLIAM    JENNINGS   BRYAN. 

IN    PUBUC    LIFE. 

The  young  attorney  prospered  in  his  profession  from 
the  start,  for  he  added  to  careful  preparation  all  the 
energies  and  ambitions  of  youth,  a  cordial  disposition, 
pleasing  manners,  and  a  most  persuasive  eloquence.  He 
found  at  Jacksonville  an  attraction  in  the  person  of  Miss 
Mary  E.  Baird,  a  young  lady  who  had  been  a  student  in 
the  seminary  there  while  he  was  attending  college.  He 
made  her  his  wife,  and  the  two  lived  happily  at  Jackson 
ville  till  the  year  1887.  Even  before  this  date,  Mr.  Bryan 
had  begun  to  indulge  his  rhetorical  powers  in  the  politi 
cal  discussions  of  his  vicinity,  and  every  one  recognized 
in  him  a  disputant  of  pre-eminent  ability,  considering  his 
youth. 

In  the  autumn  of  1887,  he  went  on  a  business  trip  to 
the  State  of  Nebraska,  and,  while  there,  he  became 
impressed  with  the  greater  opportunities,  the  newer  and 
more  rapidly  developing  West  offered  to  a  young  man  of 
his  aspirations  and  qualifications.  So,  in  the  same  year, 
he  moved  to  the  State,  and  settled  at  Lincoln,  the  Capi 
tal,  where  he  opened  a  law  office  with  Mr.  Talbot,  the 
firm  name  being  Talbot  &  Bryan. 

This  move  proved  to  be  auspicious.  It  brought  him  a 
profitable  clientage,  and,  at  the  same  time,  opened  for 
him,  almost  as  if  by  magic,  a  political  career  which,  for 
speed  and  splendor,  stands  without  parallel.  In  less  than 
half  a  year  after  his  advent  in  Lincoln,  he  entered  on  his 
first  political  effort  as  delegate  to  the  Democratic  State 
Convention,  which  met  at  Omaha,  in  May,  1888,  to  choose 
delegates  to  the  National  Convention  at  St.  Louis.  Dur 
ing  an  interlude  in  the  proceedings,  when  something  was 
needed  to  break  monotony,  some  of  his  friends  called  on 


LIFE   OF    WILLIAM    JENNINGS   BRYAN.  513 

him  for  a  speech,  by  way  of  divertisement.  The  call  was 
sudden,  and  the  opportunity  was  by  no  means  a  favorable 
one  for  forensic  display,  but  the  young  orator  made  the 
most  of  the  occasion.  He  soon  awakened  the  tired  and 
sleepy  audience  to  a  realizing  sense  of  his  magnetic 
powers,  and,  ere  long,  had  it  completely  in  his  grasp. 
Devoting  himself  exclusively  to  the  tariff,  then,  an  all- 
absorbing  issue  with  the  Nebraska  people,  he  brought 
the  vast  audience  to  its  feet  with  responsive  cheer  after 
cheer.  The  strength  of  his  logic  and  arguments,  com 
bined  with  his  brilliancy  and  eloquence,  was  irresistible, 
and  he,  there  and  then,  laid  a  firm  foundation  for  a  State 
reputation. 

So  commanding,  indeed,  were  the  talents  of  this 
remarkable  young  man,  that  the  very  next  year  he  was 
offered  the  Democratic  nomination  for  L,ieutenant-Gov- 
ernor.  This  he  declined,  but  he  took  an  active  part  in 
the  campaign,  making  in  all  more  than  fifty  speeches. 

Meantime  J.  Sterling  Morton,  at  the  election  of  1888, 
had  been  defeated  for  Congress  by  his  Republican  oppo 
nent,  W.  J.  Connell,  by  more  than  3,000  majority, 
although  the  district,  two  years  before,  had  given  a  Dem 
ocratic  'majority  of  nearly  7,000.  There  was  need  of  a 
new  Moses,  and  the  younger  Democrats  of  the  district 
decided  that  Bryan  was  the  man  to  lead  them. 

When  he  was  offered  the  Congressional  nomination, 
in  1890,  Connell  being  a  candidate  for  re-election,  Bryan 
said  : 

uOf  course  there  is  no  show  for  an  election,  but  I  will 
make  the  race  and  do  my  best." 

Only  thirty  years  old  at  the  time,  he  put  all  his  might 
into  the  fight. 


514  LIFE   OF    WILLIAM    JENNINGS   BRYAN. 

"  I  will  advocate  the  Democratic  principle  of  tarifi 
reform  on  every  stump  in  the  district,' '  he  said,  and  he 
carried  out  his  words.  It  was  a  herculean  labor,  for  the 
district  was  made  up  of  nine  counties,  and  polled  a  total 
vote  of  more  than  72,000. 

The  old-time  politicians  took  no  interest  in  the  battle, 
as  they  looked  upon  it  as  lost  at  the  outset,  and  they 
.  were  more  than  niggardly  in  furnishing  the  sinews  of 
war.  But  the  younger  Democrats  were  more  than  zeal 
ous,  and  by  their  vigorous  efforts  fully  made  up  for  the 
lack  of  campaign  funds. 

Mr.  Bryan  was  then,  as  now,  a  comparatively  poor 
man,  and  his  campaign  expenses  were  limited  to  less 
than  $400.  But  the  greatest  interest  was  aroused,  and 
Mr.  Bryan's  tour  became  one  long  ovation.  The  Repub 
licans  had  submitted  a  prohibition  amendment  to  the 
State  constitution,  and  the  Democrats,  in  their  platform, 
had  declared  against  prohibition.  Lincoln  and  Omaha, 
the  largest  cities  in  the  State,  were  in  the  district,  and, 
in  them,  the  Republicans  lost  heavily  on  the  temperance 
issue. 

A  striking  feature  of  the  campaign  was  the  challenge 
issued  by  the  Democratic  Committee  to  Cornell  to  dis 
cuss  the  issues  of  the  day  in  joint  debate  with  Mr.  Bryan. 
They  did  not  really  expect  that  Connell  would  be  rash 
enough  to  accept,  but  hoped  to  make  political  capital 
out  of  his  refusal .  Connell,  however,  flattered  by  former 
successes  in  haranguing  helpless  juries,  accepted  the 
challenge. 

Mr.  Bryan  then  showed  that  he  was  not  only  his  adver 
sary's  superior  in  oratory,  but  also  his  master  in  matters 
of  fact.  Thoroughly  familiar  with  the  subjects  to  be 


LIFE   OF    WILLIAM    JENNINGS    BRYAN.  51  £ 

discussed,  he  was  equipped  with  statistical  and  historical 
information,  and  was  ever  ready  to  meet  the  points  of 
his  opponent  on  economic  as  well  as  political  grounds. 

From  the  outset,  his  advantage  was  so  marked  that 
Council's  friends  recommended  him  to  find  some  excuse 
to  draw  out  of  the  contest,  but  with  more  persistence 
than  discretion,  he  refused  to  hearken  to  their  advice, 
and  when  the  votes  were  counted,  it  was  found  that  he 
had  been  snowed  under  by  a  majority  of  nearly  7,000. 

A  winning  so  large  as  this,  and  accomplished  so  dis 
tinctly  upon  the  issue  of  tariff-reform,  made  Mr.  Bryan, 
when  the  House  was  organized,  an  eminently  worthy 
man  for  recognition  in  the  making  up  of  the  Ways  and 
Means  Committee,  as  a  representative  of  the  West. 
Although  a  new-comer  in  Congress,  he  was  appointed 
without  protest  on  the  part  of  any  one.  The  wisdom  of 
Speaker  Crisp's  judgment  was  shown  when  Mr.  Bryan 
made  his  first  speech.  It  was  a  brilliant  plea  for  tariff- 
reform,  and  made  the  biggest  hit  of  the  debate. 

The  House  was  in  confusion  when  he  began  speaking, 
but,  in  five  minutes,  every  Democratic  leader  sat  about 
him,  listening  intently.  The  Republicans  soon  paid  the 
young  orator  the  same  compliment,  the  galleries  began 
to  fill  up,  and  the  crowd  remained  until  he  had  finished. 

Some  of  the  Republicans  sought  to  take  advantage  of 
his  inexperience  by  interrupting  him  with  questions  that 
might  have  puzzled  much  older  heads.  But  Mr.  Bryan 
brightened  under  this  friction,  and  forced  one  Republi 
can  after  another  into  his  seat,  all  of  them  finding  the 
young  Nebraskan  more  than  their  match.  He  argued 
his  case  with  a  dramatic  directness  that  aroused  not  only 
the  enthusiasm  of  the  Democrats,  but  won  the  applause 
of  the  galleries. 


516  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM   JENNINGS   BRYAN. 

He  won  his  first  cheers  by  a  characteristic  piece  of 
wit. 

"  There  was  once  a  time  in  the  history  of  Nebraska," 
he  said,  "when  there  was  a  sheep  there  for  every  person 
in  the  State.  But  now,  if  every  woman  in  Nebraska 
named  Mary  wanted  a  pet  lamb,  she  would  have  to  go  out 
of  the  State  to  get  it." 

The  peroration  of  that  speech  is  worth  quoting,  for  it 
shows  tersely  the  stand  Mr.  Bryan  has  taken  on  the 
tariff  question  all  through  his  public  career.  It  is  as 
follows: 

"  The  country  has  nothing  to  fear  from  the  Democratic 
policy  upon  the  tariff  question.  It  means  a  more  equal 
distribution  of  the  great  advantages  of  this  country.  It 
means  that  the  men  who  produce  the  wealth  shall  retain 
a  larger  share  of  it.  It  means  that  enterprise  shall  be 
employed  in  natural  and  profitable  industries,  not  in  un 
natural  and  unsuitable  industries.  It  means  more  constant 
employment  for  labor  and  better  pay.  It  means  the 
'maximum  of  product  for  the  minimum  of  toil.'  It 
means  commerce  with  other  countries  and  ships  to  carry 
on  that  commerce.  It  means  prosperity  everywhere  and 
not  by  piecemeal. 

"  It  is  for  this  reason  that  young  men  of  this  country 
are  coming  to  the  Democratic  party,  as  Mr.  Clarkson,  that 
high.  Republican  authority,  declared.  It  is  because  we 
are  right,  and  right  will  triumph.  The  day  will  come, 
and  that  soon,  I  trust,  when  wiser  economic  policies  will 
prevail  than  those  to  which  the  Republican  party  is 
wedded;  when  the  laws  in  this  country  will  be  made  for 
all  and  not  for  a  few ;  when  those  who  annuall}7  congre 
gate  about  this  capital,  seeking  to  use  the  taxing  power 


LIFE   OF   WILLIAM  JENNINGS   BRYAN.  517 

for  purposes  of  private  gain,  will  have  lost  their  occupa 
tion;  when  the  burdens  of  government  will  be  equally 
distributed  and  its  blessings  likewise. 

"Hail  that  day!  When  it  comes,  to  use  the  language 
of  another,  4  Democracy  will  be  King.  Long  live  the 
King!'" 

At  the  end  of  that  speech  the  members  of  the  House 
no  longer  questioned  the  ability  of  the  young  man  just 
come  among  them.  Natures  that  had  been  prone  to  dis 
count  the  youthful  interloper  from  Nebraska  recovered 
from  their  error  with  no  further  delay. 

Of  the  hundred  and  more  young  members  who  then 
appeared  in  the  Fifty-second  Congress,  he  was  the  young 
est.  Only  a  few  months  previous  he  had  celebrated  his 
thirty-first  birthday.  Bryan  attracted  little  or  no  atten 
tion.  To  the  men  even  from  the  West  his  ability  was 
unknown.  He  was  looked  upon  as  one  of  the  accidents 
of  politics. 

He  was  guilty  of  the  crime  of  being  a  }roung  man.  He 
could  not  deny  it.  It  was  indelibly  written  all  over  his 
smooth,  clear-cut  face ;  was  revealed  in  the  sparkle  of  his 
dark  brown  eyes,  and  was  undeniably  betrayed  in  his  first 
speech,  which  was  side-tracked  to  the  Congressional 
Record  without  being  delivered.  Put  aside  by  the  leaders, 
who  deny  any  latitude  to  inexperience,  he  sat  day  after 
day  in  his  seat,  watching  parliamentary  tricks  and  sub 
tleties  and  mentally  collecting  knowledge  of  men  and 
affairs,  which  he  used  with  surprising  tact  and  force  when 
his  opportunity  came. 

His  years  were  betrayed  only  in  his  face  and  his  sup 
pressed  speech.  He  looked  the  statesman  and  dressed 
witli  fitting  dignity.  In  season  and  out,  defying  even  the 
tropical  sun  of  the  long  August  days  in  the  capital,  he 


518  LIFE  OP   WILLIAM  JENNINGS   BRYAN. 

appeared  in  a  long  black  Prince  Albert,  black  cravat  and 
black  trousers,  which  showed  no  signs  of  tailor's  atten 
tion. 

He  was  punctual  in  his  attendance,  sat  throughout  the 
long  sessions  and  then  went  home.  A  dress  suit  he  did 
not  own  ;  nor  had  he  any  ambition  to  possess  one.  The 
allurements  of  society,  the  official  functions,  the  Senatorial 
teas  and  the  Congressional  junkets  he  put  aside  as  pitfalls 
to  be  avoided  by  a  man  who  came  from  a  district  normally 
Republican,  with  probably  only  two  years  to  serve,  and 
with  every  incentive  for  a  prudent  man,  suddenly  raised 
from  a  yearly  income  of  next  to  nothing,  to  $5,000  to  save 
enough  so  that  when  he  got  back  to  his  dusty  lawyer's 
desk,  empty  of  briefs,  he  could  provide  for  his  family  un 
til  his  profession  brought  him  substantial  returns. 

Bryan  made  friends  even  with  his  great  handicap  of 
youth  and  inexperience.  He  had  a  charm  of  manner  that 
won  him  recognition  and  invited  confidence.  Judge  Crisp 
was  impressed  with  the  promise  in  the  young,  smooth- 
shaven  member  from  the  Valley  of  the  Platte.  He  had 
helped  Crisp  in  his  canvass  for  the  Speakership,  and  Crisp 
put  him  on  the  important  Ways  and  Means  Committee— 
an  exceptional  honor,  which,  while  it  gave  him  a  standing, 
exposed  the  Speaker  to  much  criticism. 

But  Bryan  justified  the  judgment  of  the  brilliant 
Georgian,  although  not  until  late  in  the  session.  He  was 
heard  at  last  and  the  speech  he  delivered — on  the  tariff — 
will  be  remembered  and  compared  with  the  brilliant  ora 
tory  of  Bourke  Cockran,  against  whom  he  was  pitted  in 
defence  of  silver  at  a  later  date.  The  debate  on  one  of 
Springer's  popgun  bills  had  run  on  for  weeks.  It  had 
ceased  to  attract  the  public  or  to  interest  the  House. 
Along  toward  the  close  of  an  April  afternoon,  when  the 


LIFE  OF   WILLIAM  JENNINGS   BKYAN.  519 

galleries  were  clear,  the  doorkeepers  dozing  in  their  chairs 
and  the  members  present  were  exchanging  stories  between 
cigar  puffs,  Bryan  arose.  He  pulled  from  his  inside 
pocket  a  few  slips  of  paper  on  which  were  scribbled  notes. 
He  had  scarcely  spoken  twenty  words  before  the  members 
began  to  lean  over  the  rail  to  listen,  and  the  doorkeepers 
roused  from  their  slumbers. 

Bryan  was  pale  and  cool ;  there  was  a  slight  tremor  in 
his  voice.  He  began  to  speak  over  the  heads  of  the  mem 
bers.  A  pretty  young  woman  in  a  neat  brown  dress  had 
entered  the  gallery  as  he  began.  The  young  woman  was 
his  wife.  He  was  speaking  to  her,  looking  to  her,  no 
doubt  for  confidence. 

Bryan's  rich  strong  voice,  melodious  in  tone,  filled  the 
chamber.  The  members  who  had  first  leaned  over  the 
rail  to  listen,  had  taken  seats,  and  for  an  hour  Bryan 
spoke,  introducing  metaphors  and  stories  which  were 
singularly  apt  and  convincing.  Reed  and  several  other 
Republicans  regarded  him  with  curiosity.  They  could 
scarcely  realize  that  the  young  man  possessed  such  powers 
of  oratory.  For  months  he  had  sat  silent  in  his  seat.  Ta 
test  him,  Reed  interrupted  with  questions,  but  Bryan 
was  not  to  be  confused  or  rattled  or  led  away  from  the 
thread  of  his  speech. 

When  he  had  concluded  and  the  cheering  had  subsided, 
Reed  was  the  first  to  cross  the  aisle  and  grasp  his  hand. 
Reed's  example  was  followed.  Every  member,  Democrat 
and  Republican,  moved  up  in  procession  to  Bryan's  seat 
and  shook  his  hand.  From  that  moment  Bryan  had  a 
standing,  commanded  notice  and  exerted  a  strong  in 
fluence. 

No  one  sneered  at  Bryan  after  that,  and  there  were  few 
who  dared  to  risk  the  discomfort  of  tackling  the  lithe 


520  LIFE   OP   WILLIAM  JENNINGS   BRYAN. 

Westerner  who  was  so   quick  and  nimble  on  his  mental 
feet. 

All  through  that  Congress — the  Fifty-second — Bryan 
was  one  of  the  most  prominent  figures  in  the  House,  al 
though  he  was  its  youngest  member.  He  devoted  limit 
less  time  to  tariff  reform,  and  when  he  went  back  to  Ne 
braska  it  was  with  the  knowledge  that  he  had  fought  a 
good  fight. 

When  he  stood  for  reelection  to  the  Fifty-third  Con 
gress  his  opponent  was  Allen  W.  Field.  Conditions  had 
changed  greatly  in  the  district,  and  after  a  desperate  con 
test  Bryan  won  by  a  scant  plurality  of  140  in  a  total  vote 
of  30,000. 

He  reentered  Congress  to  fight  a  new  battle,  for  he  at 
once  joined  the  free  silver  forces,  led  by  Mr.  Bland,  whose 
first  lieutenant  he  became.  He  had  sided  with  Mr.  Bland 
in  the  previous  Congress,  but  it  was  not  until  now  that  he 
became  an  out-and-out  silver  leader.  Before  that  it  had 
been  thought  he  favored  free  coinage  because  of  a  sup 
posed  strong  sentiment  among  his  constituents  favorable 
to  this  legislation.  But  now  he  showed  that  his  heart  and 
soul  were  in  the  cause. 

His  speech  against  the  repeal  of  the,  Sherman  Sil- j 
ver  Coinage  Act  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable  ever 
heard  in  the  House.  For  three  hours  he  held  the  close 
attention  of  the  largest  audience,  both  on  the  floor  and  in 
the  galleries,  drawn  to  the  Capitol  during  that  session. 
The  oldest  members  of  the  House  followed  the  speech 
with  even  more  respectful  interest  than  had  been  accorded 
to  Mr.  Bland's  speech  a  few  days  before,  and  Mr.  Bryan's 
more  attractive  personality  and  his  captivating  eloquence 
fixed  the  attention  of  hundreds  present  who  were  less  in 
terested  in  the  issue  discussed. 


LIFE  OF   WILLIAM  JENNINGS   BRYAN.  521 

After  this  speech  a  prominent  Democratic  member,  an 
administration  man,  pulled  Bryan  into  a  chair  in  the 
House  lobby  and  said  : 

"Bryan,  it  is  a  pity  that  a  man  of  your  great  ability 
should  sacrifice  himself  to  the  silver  cause,  which  offers 
no  future.     Whatever  there  is  of  credit  to  any  one  in  ad-( 
vocating  it,  Bland  has.     Come  East  and  we  will  make  a 
President  of  you." 

But  Bryan  laughed  and  replied:  "No  matter  about 
the  credit,  I  believe  in  free  silver.  I  would  rather  go  back 
to  Nebraska  if  it  fails  than  to  come  East  and  put  aside  my 
principles,  no  matter  what  the  inducement." 

When  the  end  of  his  second  term  in  Congress  ap 
proached  Bryan  declined  a  renomination,  saying  he  pro 
posed  to  return  to  Nebraska  to  practice  law.  It  was  not 
long,  however,  before  he  was  announced  as  the  editor-in- 
chief  of  the  World  Herald  of  Omaha,  in  which  he  was 
to  advocate  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver,  and 
incidentally,  it  was  said,  to  promote  his  candidacy  for  the 
United  States  Senate.  Another  feature  of  his  manage 
ment  was  to  be  a  hostility  to  the  administration  and  all 
that  partook  of  Clevelandism. 

Mr.  Bryan  took  hold  September  1,  1894,  and  all  went! 
well  until  the  Nebraska   Republican  State  Central  Com-' 
mitte  made  a  contract  by   which  it  should  control  two 
columns  in  the  editorial  pages.    Mr.  Bryan  found  that  the 
Republicans  were  using  their  space  to  publish  matter  det 
rimental  to  his  Senatorial  project  and  he  made  a  fight  in 
the  court,  which  wras  decided  in  favor  of  his  enemies. 

Bryan's  aspirations  were  blasted  by  the  election  of  John 
M.  Thurston  to  the  Senate,  and  the  silver-tongued  young 
orator  retired  to  private  life  as  an  "  ex  Congressman." 

He  still  continued,  however,  to  advocate  in  every  way 


522  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM   JENNINGS   BEYAN. 

the  free  coinage  of  silver,  and  made  frequent  trips  through 
the  West  and  South  advocating  it.  In  1895,  he  spoke  in 
Birmingham,  Ala.  As  he  closed  Prof.  H.  P.  Burris,  the 
local  leader  of  the  Populists,  asked  him  if  he  would  sup 
port  a  Democrat  who  held  the  views  of  Cleveland  and 
Carlisle,  if  nominated  on  a  gold  platform  by  the  Demo 
crats  this  year.  With  great  emphasis  he  replied  : 

"  Nothing  in  heaven  above,  on  the  earth  below  or  in 
hell  beneath,  could  make  me  support  a  gold  standard  can 
didate  on  a  gold  standard  platform." 

Just  before  the  Chicago  Convention,  when  asked  if  he 
would  accept  a  compromise  on  the  silver  question  by  the 
Chicago  Convention,  he  said  : 

"  No  compromise  on  the  silver  question  is  either  to  be 
desired  or  tolerated.  Every  State  which  has  declared  for 
silver  has  adopted  a  platform  which  declares  for  free  and 
unlimited  coinage  of  both  gold  and  silver  at  the  present 
legal  ratio  of  16  to  1  without  waiting  for  the  aid  or  con 
sent  of  any  other  nation  on  earth,  and  this  will  be  the 
substance  of  the  Chicago  declaration. 

"  The  silver  Democrats  have  fought  against  great  odds ; 
they  have  had  to  contend  against  the  world,  the  flesh  and 
the  devil,  but  they  have  won  the  fight. 

"The  success  of  our  cause  is  due  to  the  support  it  has 
found  among  the  common  people,  and  any  attempt  to 
modify  or  weaken  the  position  already  taken  in  the  silver 
States  would  rob  the  campaign  of  its  enthusiasm  and  sub 
ject  the  delegates  to  the  charge  of  having  betrayed  their 
constituents." 


PERSON ALISM  AND  HOME  LIFE.. 
A  friend  who  called  on  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Bryan  at  the 


WILLIAM  J.    BRYAN, 


j  jit 


ARTHUR  SEWALL. 


LIFE   OF   WILLIAM  JENNINGS   BKYAN.  525 

Clifton  hotel,  just  after  lie  had  received  the  nomination, 
thus  sketched  the  p*r  : 

"Mr.  Bryan's  handsome  head  was  bent  over  a  writing 
desk  his  dark  hair  fell  back  from  a  broad,  white  brow,  his 
veiled  eyes  followed  the  lightninglike  movements  of  his 
pencil,  and  he  looked  like  the  embodiment  of  strength, 
courage,  decision  and  noble  manhood.  Mrs.  Bryan  stood 
beside  him,  a  fit  companion  for  the  man.  She  is  tall, 
dark-haired,  with  a  clear  complexion  and  a  fine  figure.  In 
relation  to  her  early  life  Mrs.  Brj^an  said: 

"  'I  was  Mary  Elizabeth  Baird  and  I  was  born  in  Pike 
County,  111.,  and  in  1881  was  graduated  with  the  highest 
honors  of  my  class  from  the  Young  Ladies'  School,  at 
Jacksonville,  111. 

" '  In  1884  I  was  married  to  Mr.  Bryan  and  during  the 
twelve  years  of  our  married  life  three  children  have  joined 
our  family  circle.  Our  home  is  just  the  ideal  spot  on 
earth.  My  eldest  daughter,  Ruth,  is  eleven  years  of  age. 
My  boy,  William  J.  Bryan,  Jr.,  is  seven,  and  my  baby  girl 
is  five,  and  we  are,  indeed,  a  happy  family. 

"'I  am  hardly  what  one  would  call  a  society  woman,' 
said  Mrs.  Bryan.  'I  am  president  of  the  Lincoln  Sorosis 
Club  and  take  a  keen  interest  in  everything  that  pertains 
to  the  advancement  of  woman.  I  am  not  an  avowed 
woman  suffragist. 

"  '  I  want  everything  that  will  broaden,  elevate  and  uplift 
women  and  make  them  better  wives,  mothers,  sisters  and 
companions.  If,  after  careful  investigation,  I  find  that 
the  ballot  is  necessary  to  bring  about  this  development,  I 
shall  be  in  favor  of  woman  suffrage. 

"'  I  play  the  piano  only  for  the  amusement  of  my  little 
family.  I  can  swim,  and  I  am  just  taking  my  first  lessons 
«n  a  wheel.  1  love  good  literature  and  endeavor  to  keep 
29 


526  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM  JENNINGS   BRYAN. 

myself  posted  on  the  principal  topics  of  the  day.  In  1887 
I  took  a  course  of  law  at  Union  College,  Chicago,  and  was 
admitted  to  the  bar.  I  did  not  do  this  with  a  view  to  go 
ing  into  the  general  practice  of  law,  but  to  bring  myself 
in  touch  with  my  husband's  work. 

"  '  I  do  not  read  much  law  at  present,  for  since  Mr.  Bryan 
became  so  deeply  interested  in  politics  I  have  given  most 
of  my  attention  to  educating  myself  in  this  direction 
I  have  been  in  attendance  at  the  convention  every  day 
and  have  enjoyed  every  moment  of  it.  It  has  been  glori 
ous,  hasn't  it  ?  The  enthusiasm  is  so  delightfully  inspir 
ing.  Of  course,  I  am  more  pleased  than  I  can  express  at 
the  honor  which  has  been  bestowed  upon  my  husband,  and 
I  feel  unbounded  confidence  in  his  ability  to  win  a  great 
victory.' ' 

As  to  Mrs.  Bryan's  appearance  the  visitor  continued  : 

"She  must  be  seen,  and  when  she  is  seen  she  must  smile 
in  order  to  bring  out  the  perfect  sweetness  of  her  face. 
She  is  a  woman  of  medium  height.  Her  complexion  is 
fair,  her  hair  is  a  light  brown  and  her  eyes,  the  chief 
charm  of  her  face,  are  dark  bluish  gray,  outlined  with 
heavy  dark  lashes.  She  was  dressed  in  a  becoming  cos 
tume  of  dark  blue  cashmere,  trimmed  with  delicate  touches 
of  white  honiton  braid.  A  small  dark  turban  completed 
a  neat  street  costume  and  made  her  appear  just  what  the 
great  American  people  will  find  her  to  be,  a  thoroughly 
womanly  woman,  gracious,  kind,  companionable,  and  a 
woman  capable  of  presiding  with  dignity  over  the  great 
mansion  that  shelters  the  master  of  the  White  House." 

With  full  faith  in  his  own  ability,  he  naturally  looks 
hopefully  toward  a  favorable  destiny.  Two  months  before 
his  nomination,  he  said  to  an  intimate  friend: 

"  I  think  I  shall  be  the  next  President  of  the  United 


LIFE   OF   WILLIAM  JENNINGS   BRYAN.  527 

States.  I  am  confident  that  I  shall  be  nominated  in 
Chicago,  and  if  nominated,  I  am  sure  I  shall  be  elected.  I 
think  McKinley  will  be  the  Republican  nominee,  and  he 
can  be  beaten.  It  is  a  matter  I  have  never  said  much 
about,  but  I  believe  in  destiny,  and  ever  since  I  was  four 
teen  years  of  age  I  have  felt  that  I  was  destined  to  rise  to 
a  position  of  prominence  and  importance." 

An  admirer  thus  describes  Mr.  Bryan's  graces  as  an 
orator: 

"  Bryan  neglects  none  of  the  accessories  of  oratory. 
Nature  richly  dowered  him  with  rare  grace.  He  is  happy 
in  attitude  and  pose.  His  gestures  are  on  Hogarth's  line 
of  beauty.  Mellifluous  is  the  word  that  most  aptly  de 
scribes  his  voice.  It  is  strong  enough  to  be  heard  by 
thousands ;  it  is  sweet  enough  to  charm  those  least  in 
clined  to  music.  It  is  so  modulated  as  not  to  vex  the  ear 
with  monotony,  and  can  be  stern  or  pathetic,  fierce  or 
gentle,  serious  or  humorous  with  the  varying  emotions  of 
its  master.  In  his  youth  Bryan  must  have  had  a  skilful 
teacher  in  elocution,  and  must  have  been  a  docile  pupil. 
He  enriches  his  speeches  with  illustrations  from  the 
classics  or  from  the  common  occurrences  of  every-day  life 
with  equal  felicity.  But  his  crowning  gift  as  an  orator  is 
his  evident  sincerity.  He  is  candor  incarnate,  and  thor-1 
oughly  believes  what  he  says  himself." 

Mr.  Bryan  is  a  man  of  considerable  personal  magnetism 
and  fine  presence.  The  resemblance  between  him  and  the 
lato  Samuel  J.  Randall  has  been  remarked  by  many. 
He  is  about  five  feet  ten  inches  in  height,  weighs  180 
pounds,  and  has  dark  hair  and  dark  eyes.  His  jaw  is 
heavy  and  square,  and  he  is  smooth  shaven.  His  cheek 
bones  are  prominent  and  his  forehead  square. 

He   is  an  exceedingly  pleasant  talker,  and  is  fond  of 


528  LIFE  OF   WILLIAM  JENNINGS   BRYAN. 

dealing  in  well-rounded  phrases.  His  speeches  abound 
with  poetry.  He  is  of  Irish  extraction,  but  his  people 
have  lived  in  this  country  for  more  than  a  hundred  years. 
In  religion  lie  is  a  Presbyterian,  but  believes  in  the  entire 
separation  of  Church  and  State*  He  steadfastly  opposes 
bringing  religion  into  politics  or  politics  into  religion. 

Mr.  Bryan  lives  well  in  a  commodious  dwelling  in  the 
fashionable  part  of  Lincoln.  The  study  in  which  both  Mr. 
and  Mrs.  Bryan  have  desks  is  a  very  attractive  room.  It 
is  filled  with  books,  statuary  and  mementos  of  campaigns. 
There  are  busts  or  portraits  of  noted  men,  and  there  are 
two  butcher  knives  which  Mr.  Bryan  used  in  the  cam 
paign  with  Judge  Field,  to  refute  the  latter's  boasts  of  the 
effects  of  high  protection. 

Mr.  Bryan  has  many  admirers  among  the  Republicans. 
He  has  cultivated  the  enemy.  He  knows,  personally, 
nearly  every  young  man  of  any  prominence  in  southeastern 
Nebraska,  and  he  has  a  way  of  making  friends  feel  that  he 
takes  a  personal  interest  in  their  welfare.  When  he  was 
in  Congress  he  maintained  a  very  large  correspondence 
with  men  of  all  parties  at  home. 

When  he  heard  that  any  acquaintance  of  his  had  been 
promoted  or  married,  or  had  won  distinction  of  any  sort, 
he  immediately  wrote  a  friendly  letter  of  congratulation. 
In  case  of  affliction  he  wrote  consolingly. 

Then  when  he  came  home  and  met  the  people  on  the 
street  he  never  failed  to  grasp  their  hands  warmly  and  make 
personal  inquiry  as  to  their  welfare.  Bryan  never  passes 
a  friend  without  suitable  recognition.  This  has  been  very 
effective  in  giving  him  a  hold  on  the  people. 

Another  thing  that  has  contributed  to  his  popularit}7  is 
his  good  nature.  He  has  come  in  for  a  good  deal  of  criti 
cism,  but  he  has  never  lost  his  temper.  He  has  met  abuse 


LIFE  OF   WILLIAM   JENNINGS   BRYAN.  529 

with  smiles.  He  has  sought  to  placate, to  conciliate.  He 
gets  close  to  people.  He  is  gifted  with  the  politician's 
highest  art. 

NOMINATION  FOR  PRESIDENT. 

The  National  Convention  of  the  Democratic  party  met 
at  Chicago  on  July  7th,  1896.  The  gathering  was  looked 
to  with  profound  interest  by  the  entire  country,  for  it  was 
well  known  that  a  factional  fight  would  be  precipitated 
between  the  "  free  silver  coinage  "  and  "  sound  money  " 
wings  of  the  party,  upon  whose  results  might  depend  the 
further  existence  of  the  party. 

The  contentious  wings  were  divided  sectionally,  the 
"sound  money"  men  representing  the  Eastern  States, 
with  one  or  two  exceptions,  and  the  "free  silver  coinage  " 
men  representing  the  Western  and  Southern  States.  The 
exponents  of  the  former  were  such  leaders  as  Whitney, 
Flowers,  and  Hill,  of  New  York,  Russell,  of  Massachusetts, 
and  others,  who  had  been  trusted  Democratic  counsellors 
in  the  past,  and  who  stood  for  the  financial  views  of  the 
Cleveland  administration.  The  exponents  of  the  latter 
wing  were  such  men  as  Bland  of  Missouri,  Jones  of 
Arkansas,  McLean  of  Ohio,  Boies  of  Iowa,  Biyan  of  Ne 
braska,  Gov.  Altgeld  of  Illinois,  Senator  Tillman  of  South 
Carolina,  and  others,  all  more  or  less  distinguished  for 
their  adherence  to  the  doctrine  of  free  silver  coinage,  to 
the  principle  of  free  trade,  and  to  such  other  theories  of 
government  as  had  been  agitating  the  South  and  West  for 
a  decade. 

Long  before  the  convention  met,  and  during  almost  the 
entire  period  of  creating  delegates  to  it,  it  was  confidently 
asserted  by  the  free  silver  coinage  wing  that  it  would  pre 
vail  in  the  councils  of  the  party,  and  would  no  longer  per- 


530  LIFE    OF    WILLIAM   JENNINGS    BKYAN. 

mit  a  minority  to  dictate  a  policy.  They,  therefore,  came 
into  the  convention  with  resolute  purpose,  and  when  they 
found  that  their  predictions  as  to  strength  and  numbers 
had  been  fulfilled,  their  determination  became  all  the  more 
pronounced.  The  convention  was  to  become  a  battle 
royal  between  contending  forces,  and  a  policy  was  to  be 
launched  which  would  shape  the  party's  destiny  for  the 
future. 

The  silver  men  had  not  only  the* advantage  of  numbers, 
but  they  had  the  moral  advantage  that  accrued  to  them 
from  the  attitude  of  the  gold  men  in  1892,  when,  in  ordet 
to  secure  the  election  of  Mr.  Cleveland,  they  went  into  th^ 
silver  states  and  effected  unions  of  Democrats  and  Popu 
lists  in  order  to  achieve  their  purpose.  They  were,  there 
fore,  now  in  no  position  to  antagonize  effectually  the  very 
sentiments  they  had  once  encouraged  for  ulterior  purposes. 
They  were  surrounded  by  fires  of  their  own  kindling. 
The  legitimate  consequences  of  their  own  political  meth 
ods  had  come  home  to  torment  and  frustrate  them.  They 
were  face  to  face  with  a  catastrophe  of  their  own  shaping. 

From  the  very  start  of  the  Convention,  the  silver  men 
took  high  and  bold  ground.  They  organised  it  by 
electing  Senator  Daniel,  of  Virginia,  as  temporary 
chairman,  over  Senator  Hill,  of  New  York,  though 
it  had  been  customary  to  concede  to  tho  minority 
the  compliment  of  this  office.  The  vote  on  this  innova 
tion  showed  a  strength  of  556  silver  men  to  849  gold 
men,  though  the  real  strength  of  the  former  was  larger, 
owing  to  the  fact  that  many  of  them  doubted  the  propriety 
of  breaking  away  from  a  time  honored  procedure.  This 
test  of  strength  was  made  amid  great  excitement  and 
much  acrimonious  speech-making,  and  -the  result  was  re 
ceived  with  an  outburst  of  cheers  by  the  silver  men,  while 


LIFE   OF   WILLIAM  JENNINGS   BRYAN.  531 

the  gold  men  sat  in  silent  stupefaction,  or  made  known 
their  protest  by  threats  of  a  bolt. 

Mr.  Daniel  accepted  the  honor  conferred  in  a  brilliant 
speech,  whose  key  was  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of 
silver  as  a  measure  of  declaring  the  financial  independence 
of  the  United  States  of  all  other  nations,  and  of  restoring 
lost  prosperity.  The  test  vote  would  also  decide  the  com 
plexion  of  the  platform,  but  it  would  not  decide  the  candida 
ture,  for  as  yet  the  two-third  rule  for  a  nomination  existed. 

A  permanent  organization  was  effected  on  July  8,  by  the 
selection  of  Senator  Stephen  B.  White,  of  California,  as 
permanent  chairman.  In  the  case  of  contested  seats  from 
Michigan,  enough  silver  men  were  seated  to  throw  the 
vote  of  that  state  into  the  silver  column.  There  were  two 
contesting  delegations  from  Nebraska,  Mr.  Bryan's  own 
State. 

The  National  committee  reported  in  favor  of  the  gold 
men,  but  when  the  matter  was  referred  to  the  Credentials 
Committee  the  latter  at  once  reported  in  favor  of  the 
delegates  led  by  Mr.  Bryan.  The  motion  to  adopt  the 
report  in  the  Convention  was  declared  carried  by  a  viva 
voce  vote,  a  demand  for  a  roll-call,  which  was  at  first 
made  by  ex-Governor  Russell,  being  withdrawn  on  the 
statement  of  the  chairman  of  the  Credentials  Committee 
that  the  report  was  unanimous.  The  gold  delegation 
then  retired  to  a  march  tune  by  the  band,  and  the  silver 
delegation  under  Bryan's  lead  was  admitted  to  the  Con 
vention. 

These  radical  changes  were  brought  about  by  a  vote  of 
558  to  368,  and  they  served  to  show  the  earnestness  of 
the  silver  majority,  as  well  as  the  fact  that  it  was  now 
sufficiently  organized  to  remain  coherent  amid  all  the 
exciting  turns  of  the  Convention. 


532  LIFE   OF    WILLIAM  JENNINGS   BRYAN. 

Meanwhile  a  terrific  battle  was  going  on  in  the  Com 
mittee  on  Resolutions.  The  silver  men  were  determined 
that  the  platform  should  be  a  plain  and  unequivocal  state 
ment  of  their  principles,  while  the  gold  representatives 
sought  such  modifications  as  would  serve  to  stave  off  a 
party  breach,  and  reconcile  the  country  to  the  platform 
declarations.  The  result  of  this  struggle  was  a  majority 
and  minority  report  on  the  platform,  with  an  appeal  to 
the  Convention  for  final  settlement. 

When  these  reports  were  made,  it  meant  a  day  of  angry 
struggle  in  the  Convention.  The  silver  men  grew  firmer 
in  their  attitude  and  more  pronounced  in  their  views. 
The  gold  men  tried  all  the  expedients  of  oratory  and  de 
lay  to  accomplish  something  favorable  to  themselves  but 
they  were  opposed  on  every  hand  by  buttresses  upon 
which  they  could  make  no  impression.  Signal  and  sting 
ing  as  their  repeated  defeats  had  been,  they  were,  hence 
forth,  to  be  still  more  crushing  and  humiliating.  The 
silver  men  meant  to  be  complete  masters  of  the  Demo 
cratic  party  and  its  future  destiny.  They  grew  defiant  in 
debate,  and  many  of  them  assumed  attitudes  which  called 
for  rebuke  from  their  own  side. 

This  third  day's  session  of  the  Convention  (July  9) 
was  pivotal  and  crucial.  It  witnessed  the  sullen  depart 
ure  from  the  deliberations  of  many  of  the  gold  delegates. 
It  felt  the  distracting  influence  of  presidential  booms,  the 
most  imposing  of  which  was  in  favor  of  Richard  P.  Bland, 
of  Missouri,  who  had  been  for  years  the  recognized  cham 
pion  of  the  free  silver  cause,  and  whose  nomination  was 
regarded  as  deserved  and  logical,  if  not  inevitable.  It 
heard  the  echoes  of  a  battle  more  desperate  than  any  ever 
before  waged  in  a  Democratic  Convention,  the  memorable 


LIFE   OF    WILLIAM   JENNINGS    BRYAN.  5b3 

Convention  of  I860,  which  sundered  the  party  on  the 
slavery  issue,  alone  excepted. 

Senator  Jones,  of  Arkansas,  read  the  majority  report  of 
the  Committee  on  Platform.  J.  H.  Wade,  of  Ohio,  fol 
lowed  by  reading  the  minority  report.  Both  these  re 
ports  will  be  found  in  place  at  the  end  of  this  article. 
The  issue  was  thus  drawn  in  Convention.  Senator  Till- 
man,  of  South  Carolina,  sprang  to  the  rescue  of  the  ma 
jority  platform  in  a  speech  filled  with  fiery  invective,  and 
most  ultra  denunciation  of  the  Cleveland  administration. 
It  was  so  partisan  and  sectional,  that  Senator  Jones,  of 
Arkansas,  rose  and  gave  a  non-sectional  turn  to  the  dis 
cussion,  by  declaring  that  free  silver  coinage  was  national, 
and  as  a  cause  had  adherents  in  every  State. 

Now  came  the  turn  of  Senator  Hill,  of  New  York.  By 
reason  of  his  ability  and  prominence,  he  was  accorded  an 
anxious  hearing,  and  it  was  known  that  his  effort  was  to 
crown  the  action  of  the  gold  men.  It  was  to  be  their 
final  protest  and  expiring  cry  in  the  Convention,  and  it 
was  to  remain  practically  unanswered  till  Mr.  Bryan 
found  in  it  a  theme  for  that  great  forensic  effort  which 
carried  the  Convention  by  storm  and  made  him  its 
nominee  for  President. 

Mr.  Hill  was  followed  in  equally  eloquent  and  pathetic 
strains  by  Senator  Vilas,  of  Wisconsin,  and  ex  Governor 
Russell,  of  Massachusetts.  The  climax  of  excitement 
was  supposed  to  have  been  reached.  But  not  so.  The 
storm  of  demonstration  that  greeted  Russell's  peroration 
was  quickly  submerged  by  that  which  welcomed  the  ap 
pearance  of  William  J.  Bryan  on  the  stage.  He  had  been 
spoken  of  in  a  general  wa}^  as  a  presidential  possibility, 
but  as  yet  no  concerted  movement  had  been  made  in  his 
behalf.  He  had  been  frequently  called  for  by  the  Con- 


534  LIFE  OF   WILLIAM  JENNINGS   BRYAN. 

ventiou,  but  had  preferred  reserve  to  publicity.  His  time 
had  now  come.  As  he  appeared  more  than  half  the  Con 
vention  was  standing  and  the  air  was  full  of  newspapers 
and  hats.  Four  times  the  cheering  seemed  to  have  spent 
itself  and  each  time  it  rose  again  with  a  roll  of  an  advanc 
ing  wave.  Bryan  stood  with  a  smile  playing  on  his  face 
and  an  uplifted  arm  waiting  for  silence.  While  he  stood 
there  waiting,  hundreds  had  their  first  view  of  a  man 
whose  political  life  in  Congress  and  afterward  had  been 
identified  with  the  movement  for  free  silver. 

He  was  in  face  and  figure  a  Roman  on  the  stage — the 
likeness  of  one  stepped  from  the  tragic  stage.  He  had  a 
clean-cut,  firm  mouth,  a  strong  Roman  nose  and  black 
hair  brushed  back  from  his  forehead  and  falling  over  his 
collar  in  short  curls.  His  appearance  was  that  of  a  plain 
Westerner. 

Even  the  attention  given  to  Tillman  and  Hill  did  not 
equal  the  breathless  eagerness  with  which  the  thousands 
peered  forward  to  catch  the  first  sentence  of  this  young 
man  whom  many  Westerners  appraise  as  their  foremost 
orator.  They  were  not  disappointed.  He  spoke  as  fol 
lows,  nearly  every  sentence  being  received  with  ringing 
applause,  and  at  times  the  approval  being  so  boisterous 
and  continuous  as  to  interrupt  his  torrent  of  eloquence 
for  several  minutes : 

"  Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen  of  the  Convention  : — I 
would  be  presumptuous  indeed  to  present  myself  against 
the  distinguished  gentleman  to  whom  you  have  listened, 
if  this  were  but  a  measuring  of  ability,  but  this  is  not  a 
contest  among  persons.  The  humblest  citizen  in  all  the 
land  when  called  to  arms  in  a  righteous  cause  is  stronger 
than  all  the  whole  hosts  of  error  that  they  can  bring.  I 


LIFE   OF   WILLIAM   JENNINGS   BRYAN.  535 

come  to  speak  to  you  in  defence  of  a  cause  as  holy  as  the 
cause  of  liberty,  the  cause  of  humanity. 

"  When  this  debate  is  concluded  a  motion  will  be  made 
to  lay  upon  the  table  the  resolution  offered  in  commenda 
tion  of  the  Administration  and  also  the  resolution  in 
condemnation  of  the  Administration.  I  shall  object  to 
bringing  this  question  to  a  level  of  persons.  The  indi 
vidual  is  but  an  atom;  he  is  born,  he  acts,  he  dies;  but 
principles  are  eternal  and  this  has  been  a  contest  of  prin 
ciple. 

"  Never  before  in  the  history  of  this  country  has  there 
been  witnessed  such  a  contest  as  that  through  which  we 
have  passed.  Never  before  in  the  history  of  American 
politics  has  a  great  issue  been  fought  out  as  this  issue 
has  been  by  the  voters  themselves. 

"  On  the  4th  of  March,  1895,  a  few  Democrats,  mostly 
members  of  Congress,  issued  an  address  to  the  Democrats 
of  the  nation  asserting  that  the  money  question  was  the 
paramount  issue  of  the  hour ;  asserting  also  the  right  of 
allowing  the  Democratic  party  to  control  the  position  of 
the  party  on  this  issue ;  concluding  with  the  request 
that  all  believers  in  free  coinage  of  silver  in  the  Demo 
cratic  party  should  take  charge  of  and  control  the  policy 
of  the  Democratic  party. 

"  Three  months  later,  at  Memphis,  an  organization  was 
formed  and  the  silver  Democrats  went  forth  openly  and 
boldly  and  courageously  proclaiming  their  belief  and  de 
claring  that  if  successful  they  would  crystallize  in  the 
platform  the  declaration  which  they  had  made  ;  and  then 
began  the  conflict  with  a  zeal  approaching  the  zeal  which 
inspired  the  crusaders  who  followed  Peter  the  Hermit. 
Our  silver  Democrats  went  forth  from  victory  unto 
victory,  until  they  are  assembled  now,  not  to  discuss,  not 


536  LIFE  OF    WILLIAM   JENNINGS   BRYAN. 

to  debate,  but  to  enter  up  the  judgment  rendered  by  them 
to  the  people  of  this  country. 

"In  this  contest  brother  has  been  arrayed  against 
brother,  and  father  against  son.  The  warmest  ties  of  love 
and  acquaintance  and  association  have  been  disregarded. 
Old  leaders  have  been  cast  aside  when  they  refused  to 
give  expression  to -the  sentiments  of  those  whom  the}r 
would  lead,  and  new  leaders  have  sprung  up  to  give 
direction  to  this  cause  of  truth. 

"Thus  has  the  contest  been  waged,  and  we  have  as • 
sembled  here  under  as  binding  and  solemn  instructions  as 
were  ever  fastened  upon  the  representatives  of  a  people. 
We  do  not  come  as  individuals.  Why,  as  individuals  we 
might  have  been  glad  to  compliment  the  gentleman  from 
New  York,  but  we  know  that  the  people  for  whom  we 
speak  would  never  be  willing  to  put  him  in  a  position 
where  he  could  thwart  the  will  of  the  Democratic  party. 
(Cheers.)  I  say  it  was  not  a  question  of  persons,  it  was 
a  question  of  principles,  and  it  is  not  with  gladness,  my 
friends,  that  we  find  ourselves  brought  into  conflict  with 
those  who  are  now  arrayed  on  the  other  side.  The  gen 
tleman  who  just  preceded  me  (Governor  Russell)  spoke  of 
the  old  State  of  Massachusetts.  Let  me  assure  him  that 
not  one  person  in  all  this  Convention  entertains  the  least 
hostility  to  the  people  of  the  State  of  Massachusetts. 

"But  we  stand  here  representing  people  who  are  the 
equals  before  the  law  of  the  largest  citizens  in  the  State 
of  Massachusetts.  (Applause.)  When  you  come  before 
us  and  tell  us  that  we  shall  disturb  your  business  in 
terests,  we  reply  that  you  have  disturbed  our  business  in 
terests  by  your  course.  (Great  applause  and  cheering.) 
We  say  to  you  that  you  have  made  too  limited  in  its  ap 
plication  the  definition  of  business  men.  The  man  who 


LIFE   OF   WILLIAM   JENNINGS   BRYAN.  537 

is  employed  for  wages  is  as  much  a  business  man  as  his 
employer. 

"  The  attorney  in  a  country  town  is  as  much  a  business 
man  as  the  lawyer  in  the  great  metropolis.  The  merchant 
at  a  crossroads  is  as  much  a  business  man  as  the  merchant 
of  New  York.  The  farmer  who  goes  forth  in  the  morn-  j 
ing  and  toils  all  day,  begins  in  the  Spring  and  toils  all 
Summer,  and  by  the  application  of  brain  and  muscle  to 
the  natural  resources  of  this  country  creates  wealth,  is  as 
much  a  business  man  as  the  man  who  goes  upon  the  Board 
of  Trade  and  bets  upon  the  price  of  grain. 

"  The  miners  who  go  a  thousand  feet  into  the  earth  or 
climb  2,000  feet  upon  the  cliffs  and  bring  forth  from  their 
hiding  places  the  precious  metals  to  be  poured  into  the 
channels  of  trade,  are  as  much  business  men  as  the  few 
financial  magnates  who  in  a  backroom  corner  the  money 
of  the  world. 

"We  come  to  speak  for  this  broader  class  of  business 
men.  Ah  !  My  friends,  we  say  not  one  word  against  those 
who  live  upon  the  Atlantic  coast ;  but  those  hardy  pioneers 
who  braved  all  dangers  of  the  wilderness,  who  have  made 
the  desert  to  blossom  as  the  rose — those  pioneers  away  out 
there,  rearing  their  children  near  nature's  heart  where 
they  can  mingle  their  voices  with  the  voices  of  the  birds 
— out  there  where  they  have  erected  schoolhouses  for  the 
education  of  their  young,  and  churches  where  they  praise 
their  Creator,  and  cemeteries  where  sleep  the  ashes  of 
their  dead — are  as  deserving  of  the  consideration  of 
this  party  as  any  people  in  this  country. 

"We  have  petitioned,  and  our  petitions  have  been 
scorned.  We  have  entreated,  and  our  entreaties  have 
been  disregarded,  and  they  have  mocked  and  our  calamity 
came. 


538  LIFE   OF    WILLIAM   JENNINGS   BRYAN. 

"  We  beg  no  longer  ;  we  entreat  no  more  ;  we  petition 
no  more.  We  defy  them. 

"  The  gentleman  of  Wisconsin  has  said  that  he  feared  a 
Robespierre.  My  friends,  in  this  land  of  the  free,  we  need 
fear  no  tyrant  who  will  spring  up  from  among  the  people. 
What  we  need  is  an  Andrew  Jackson  to  stand  as  Jackson 
stood  the  encroachments  of  aggrandizement  of  wealth.  They 
tell  us  that  this  platform  was  made  to  catch  votes.  We 
reply  to  them  that  changing  conditions  make  no  issues ; 
that  the  principles  upon  which  rest  Democracy  are  as 
everlasting  as  the  hills,  but  that  they  must  be  applied  to 
new  conditions  as  they  arise. 

"  Conditions  have  arisen  and  we  are  attempting  to  meet 
those  conditions.  They  tell  us  that  the  income  tax  ought 
not  to  be  brought  in  here ;  that  it  is  a  new  idea.  They 
criticise  us  for  our  criticisms  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States.  My  friends,  we  have  not  criticised.  We 
have  simply  called  attention  to  what  you  know.  If  you 
want  criticisms,  read  the  dissenting  opinion  of  the  court. 
That  will  give  you  criticisms. 

"  They  say  we  passed  an  unconstitutional  bill.  I  deny 
it.  The  income  tax  was  not  unconstitutional  when  it  was 
passed.  It  was  not  unconstitutional  when  it  went  before 
the  Supreme  Court  for  the  first  time.  It  did  not  become 
unconstitutional  until  one  Judge  changed  his  mind,  and 
we  cannot  be  expected  to  know  when  a  Judge  will  change 
his  mind. 

"  The  income  tax  is  a  just  law.  It  simply  intends  to 
put  the  burden  of  Government  justly  upon  the  backs  of 
the  people.  I  am  in  favor  of  an  income  tax. 

"  When  I  find  a  man  who  is  not  willing  to  pay  his  share 
of  the  burden  of  the  Government  which  protects  him,  I 
find  a  man  who  is  unworthy  to  enjoy  the  blessings  of  a 


LIFE   OF   WILLIAN  JENNINGS   BRYAN.  539 

Government  like  ours.  He  says  that  we  are  opposing  the 
national  bank  currency.  It  is  true.  If  you  will  read 
what  Thomas  Benton  said  you  will  find  that  he  said  that 
in  searching  history  he  could  find  but  one  parallel  to 
Andrew  Jackson.  That  was  Cicero,  who  destroyed  the 
conspiracy  of  Cataline  and  saved  Rome.  He  did  for  Rome 
what  Jackson  did  when  he  destroyed  the  bank  conspiracy 
and  saved  America. 

"  We  say  that  in  our  platform  that  we  believe  that  the 
right  to  coin  money  and  issue  money  is  a  function  of  the 
Government.  We  believe  it.  We  believe  it  is  a  part  of 
sovereignty  and  can  no  more  with  safety  be  delegated  to 
private  individuals  than  we  could  afford  to  delegate  to 
private  individuals  the  power  to  make  penal  statutes  or 
levy  laws  for  taxation.  Mr.  Jefferson,  who  was  once  re 
garded  as  good  Democratic  authority,  seems  to  have  a  dif 
ferent  opinion  from  the  gentlemen  who  have  addressed  us 
on  the  part  of  the  minority.  Those  who  are  opposed  to 
the  proposition  tell  us  that  the  issue  of  paper  money  is  a 
function  of  the  bank  and  that  the  Government  ought  to 
go  out  of  the  banking  business. 

"  I  stand  with  Jefferson  rather  than  with  them  and  tell 
them,  as  he  did,  that  the  issue  of  money  is  a  function  of 
the  Government  and  that  the  banks  ought  to  go  out  of 
the  Government  business.  They  complain  about  that 
plank  which  declares  against  the  life  tenure  in  office.  They 
have  tried  to  strain  it  to  mean  that  which  it  does  not  mean. 
What  we  oppose  in  that  plank  is  the  life  tenure  that  is 
being  built  up  at  Washington,  which  excludes  from  party 
representation  in  the  benefits  the  humbler  members  of  our 
society. 

"Let  me  call  the  attention  to  two  or  three  great  things. 
The  gentleman  from  New  York  says  that  he  will  propose 


540  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM  JENNINGS   BKYAN. 

an  amendment  providing  tliat  tins  change  in  these  laws 
shall  not  affect  contracts  already  made.  Let  me  remind 
hi  in  that  there  is  no  intention  of  affecting  those  contracts 
which  according  to  the  present  laws  are  made  payable  in 
gold. 

"  But  if  he  means  to  say  that  we  cannot  change  our 
monetary  system  without  protecting  those  who  have 
loaned  money  before  the  change  was  made,  I  want  to  ask 
him  where,  in  law  or  in  morals,  he  can  find  authority  for 
not  protecting  the  debtors  when  the  act  of  1873  was  passed, 
but  not  insist  that  we  must  protect  the  creditors. 

"  He  says  he  also  wants  to  amend  this  law  and  provide 
that  if  we  fail  to  maintain  a  parity  within  a  year  that  we 
will  then  suspend  the  coinage  of  silver.  We  reply  that 
when  we  advocate  a  thing  which  we  believe  will  be  suc 
cessful  we  are  not  compelled  to  raise  a  doubt  as  to  our 
own  sincerity  by  trying  to  show  what  we  will  do  if  we 
can. 

"  I  ask  him  if  he  will  apply  his  logic  to  us,  why  he  does 
not  apply  it  to  himself.  He  says  that  he  wants  this  coun 
try  to  try  to  secure  an  international  agreement.  Why 
doesn't  he  tell  us  what  he  is  going  to  do  if  they  fail  to 
secure  an  international  agreement? 

"  There  is  more  reason  for  him  to  do  that  than  for  us  to 
fail  to  maintain  the  parity.  They  have  tried  for  thirty 
years  to  secure  an  international  agreement,  and  those 
who  are  waiting  for  it  most  impatiently  don't  want  it  at 
all. 

"Now,  my  friends,  let  me  come  to  the  great  paramount 
issue.  If  they  ask  here  why  is  it  we  say  more  on  the 
money  question  than  we  say  upon  the  tariff  question,  I 
reply  that  if  protection  has  slain  its  thousands  the  gold 
standard  has  slain  its  tens  of  thousands.  If  they  ask  us 


LIFE   OF   WILLIAM  JENNINGS   BRYAN.  541 

why  we  didn't  embody  all  these  things  in  our  platform  which 
we  believe,  we  reply  to  them  that  when  we  have  restored 
the  money  of  the  Constitution,  all  other  necessary  reforms 
will  be  possible,  and  that  until  that  is  done  there  is  no  re 
form  that  can  be  accomplished. 

"  Why  is  it  that  within  three  months  such  a  change  has 
come  over  the  sentiments  of  this  country.  Three  months 
ago,  when  it  was  confidently  asserted  that  those  who  be 
lieved  in  the  gold  standard  would  frame  our  platform  and 
nominate  our  candidate,  even  the  advocates  of  the  gold 
standard  did  not  think  that  we  could  elect  a  President ; 
but  they  had  good  reason  for  the  suspicion  because  there 
is  scarcely  a  State  here  to-day  asking  for  the  gold  stand 
ard  that  is  not  within  the  absolute  control  of  the  Republi 
can  party. 

"But  note  the  change.  Mr.  McKinley  was  nominated 
at  St.  Louis  upon  a  platform  that  declared  for  the  main 
tenance  of  the  gold  standard  until  it  should  be  changed 
into  bimetallism  by  an  international  agreement.  Mr.  Mc 
Kinley  was  the  most  popular  man  among  the  Republican 
party,  and  everybody  three  months  ago  in  the  Republican 
party  prophesied  his  election.  How  is  it  to-day?  Why 
that  man  who  used  to  boast  that  he  looked  like  Napoleon 
(laughter  and  cheers) — that  man  shudders  to-day  when 
he  thinks  that  he  was  nominated  on  the  anniversary  of  the 
battle  of  Waterloo. 

"  Not  only  that,  but  as  he  listens,  he  can  hear  with  ever 
increasing  distinctness  the  sound  of  the  waves  as  they  beat 
upon  the  lonely  shores  of  St.  Helena.  Why  this  change  ? 
Ah  !  my  friends,  it  is  evident  to  every  one  who  will  look 
at  the  matter.  It  is  no  private  character,  however  pure  ; 
personal  popularity,  however  great,  that  can  protect  from 
the  avenging  wrath  of  an  indignant  people  the  man  who 
30 


542  LIFE    OF    WILLIAM   JENNINGS    BRYAN. 

will  neither  declare  that  he  is  in  favor  of  foisting  the  gold 
standard  upon  the  people  or  who  is  willing  to  surrender 
the  right  of  self-government  and  place  legislative  control 
in  the  hands  of  foreign  potentates  and  powers. 

"We  go  forth  confident  that  we  shall  win.  Why? 
Because  upon  the  paramount  issue  in  this  campaign  there 
is  not  a  spot  of  ground  upon  which  the  enemy  will  dare 
to  challenge  battle.  Why,  if  they  tell  us  that  the  gold 
standard  is  a  good  thing,  we  point  to  their  platform  and 
tell  them  that  their  platform  pledges  the  party  to  get  rid 
of  a  gold  standard  and  substitute  bimetallism. 

"  If  the  gold  standard  is  a  good  thing  why  try  to  get 
rid  of  it?  If  the  gold  standard,  and  I  might  call  your  at 
tention  to  the  fact  that  some  of  the  very  people  who  are 
in  this  convention  to-day  and  who  tell  you  that  we  ought 
to  declare  in  favor  of  the  international  bimetallism,  and 
thereby  declare  that  the  gold  standard  is  wrong,  and  that 
the  principle  of  bimetallism  is  better,  these  very  people 
four  months  ago  were  open  and  avowed  advocates  of  the 
gold  standard  and  telling  us  that  we  could  not  legislate 
two  metals  together  even  with  all  the  world. 

"  I  want  to  suggest  this  truth,  that  if  the  gold  standard 
is  a  good  thing  we  ought  to  declare  in  favor  of  its  reten 
tion  and  not  in  favor  of  abandoning  it;  and  if  the  gold 
standard  is  a  bad  thing,  why  should  we  wait  until  some 
other  nations  are  willing  to  help  us  to  let  go  ? 

"Here  is  the  line  of  battle.  We  care  not  upon  which 
issue  they  force  the  fight.  We  are  prepared  to  meet  them 
on  either  issue  or  on  both.  If  they  tell  us  that  the  gold 
standard  is  the  standard  of  civilization,  we  reply  to  them 
that  this,  the  most  enlightened  of  all  the  nations  of  the 
earth,  has  never  declared  for  a  gold  standard,  and  both 
the  parties  this  year  are  declaring  against  it. 


LIFE   OF   WILLIAM   JENNINGS   BRYAN.  543 

"  If  the  gold  standard  is  the  standard  of  civilization, 
why,  my  friends,  should  we  not  have  it  ?  So  if  they  conic 
to  meet  us  on  that,  we  can  present  the  history  of  our  na 
tion  More  than  that,  we  can  tell  them  this,  that  they 
will  search  the  pages  of  history  in  vain  to  find  a  single 
instance  in  which  the  common  people  of  any  land  have 
ever  declared  themselves  in  favor  of  a  gold  standard. 

"They  can  find  where  the  holders  of  fixed  investments 
have.  Mr.  Carlisle  said  in  1878  that  this  was  a  struggle 
between  the  idle  holders  of  idle  capital  and  the  struggling 
masses  who  produce  the  wealth  and  pay  the  taxes  of  the 
country,  and,  my  friends,  it  is  simply  a  question  that  we 
shall  decide  upon  which  side  shall  the  Democratic  party 
fight?  Upon  the  side  of  the  idle  holders  of  idle  capital, 
or  upon  the  side  of  the  struggling  masses  ? 

"  That  is  the  question  that  the  party  must  answer  first, 
and  then  it  must  be  answered  by  each  individual  here 
after.  The  sympathies  of  the  Democratic  party  as  de 
scribed  by  the  platform  are  on  the  side  of  the  struggling 
masses  who  have  ever  been  the  foundation  of  the  Demo 
cratic  party. 

"  There  are  two  ideas  of  Government.  There  are  those 
who  believe  that  if  you  just  legislate  to  make  the  well-to- 
do  prosperous  that  their  prosperity  will  leak  through  on 
those  below.  The  Democratic  idea  has  been  that  if  you 
legislate  to  make  the  masses  prosperous  their  prosperity 
will  find  its  way  up  through  every  class  and  rest  upon  it.  " 

"If  you  come  to  us  and  tell  us  that  the  great  cities  are 
in  favor  of  the  gold  standard,  I  tell  you  that  the  great 
cities  rest  upon  these  broad  and  fertile  prairies.  Burn 
down  your  cities  and  leave  our  farms,  and  your  cities  will 
spring  up  again  as  if  by  magic.  But  destroy  our  farms 


544  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM  JENNINGS   BYBAN. 

and  the  grass  will  grow  in  the  streets  of  every  city  in  this 
country. 

"  My  friends,  we  shall  declare  that  this  nation  is  able  to 
legislate  for  its  own  people  on  every  question  without 
waiting  for  the  aid  or  consent  of  any  other  nation  on  earth 
(applause),  and  upon  that  issue  we  expect  to  carry  every 
single  State  in  the  Union. 

"  I  shall  not  slander  the  fair  State  of  Massachusetts  nor 
the  State  of  New  York  by  saying  that  when  its  citizens 
are  confronted  with  the  proposition,  Is  this  nation  able 
to  attend  to  its  own  business?- — I  will  not  slander  either 
one  by  saying  that  the  people  of  those  States  will  declare 
our  helpless  impotency  as  a  nation  to  attend  to  our  own 
business. 

"  It  is  the  issue  of  1776  over  again.  Our  ancestors, 
then  but  3,000,000,  had  the  courage  to  declare  their  politi 
cal  independence  of  every  other  nation  upon  earth.  Shall 
we,  their  descendants,  when  we  have  grown  to  70,000,000, 
declare  that  we  are  less  independent  than  our  forefathers  ? 

uNo,  my  friends,  it  will  never  be  the  judgment  of  the 
people.  Therefore,  we  care  not  upon  what  lines  the  battle 
is  fought.  If  they  say  bimetallism  is  good,  but  we  cannot 
have  it  till  some  nation  helps  us,  we  reply  that  instead  of 
having  a  gold  standard  because  England  has,  we  shall  re 
store  bimetallism  and  then  let  England  have  bimetallism 
because  the  United  States  has. 

"  If  they  dare  to  come  out  and  in  the  open  defend  the 
gold  standard  as  a  good  thing,  we  shall  fight  them  to  the 
uttermost,  having  behind  us  the  producing  masses  of  this 
nation  and  the  world.  Having  behind  us  the  commercial 
interests  and  the  laboring  interests  and  all  the  toiling 
masses,  we  shall  answer  their  demands  for  a  gold  standard 
by  saying  to  them  you  shall  not  press  down  upon  the  brow 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN.  545 

of  labor  this  crown  of  thorns.  You  shall  not  crucify  man 
on  a  cross  of  gold." 

The  conclusion  of  Mr.  Bryan's  speech  was  marked  by 
the  most  enthusiastic  demonstration  of  the  Convention  up 
to  that  time.  The  whole  Convention  sprang  to  its  feet 
and  20,000  throats  roared,  while  twice  20,000  arms  waved 
frantically.  Handkerchiefs  and  flags  flew  wildly.  Hats 
were  hurled  aloft.  Umbrellas  were  waved.  Men  shouted 
like  maniacs.  From  every  quarter  of  the  hall  came  the 
hoarse  roar. 

Suddenly  a  member  of  the  Texas  delegation  uprooted 
the  banner  of  the  Lone  Star  State,  and  carried  it  to  where 
stood  the  standard  of  Nebraska.  Above  the  roar  rose 
piercing  shrieks,  which  sounded  like  a  volley  of  siege  guns 
above  the  continuous  rattle  of  10,000  small  arms.  Other 
delegates  grasped  the  staffs  of  their  delegations  and  pushed 
their  way  to  the  Nebraska  delegation. 

Soon  the  staffs  of  two-thirds  of  the  States  were  grouped 
about  the  purple  standard  of  Bryan's  State.  Only  the 
standards  of  Connecticut,  Delaware,  Massachusetts,  Maine, 
Minnesota,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  New  Hampshire,  Ver 
mont,  South  Dakota,  Rhode  Island  and  Pennsylvania 
were  left  standing  when  the  demonstration  was  at  its 
height. 

Meantime  the  awful  roar  from  the  galleries  continued. 
The  band  played,  but  the  music  could  not  be  heard  above 
the  Niagara-like  tumult  of  sound.  Like  an  angry  ocean 
it  swept  on,  breaking  at  last,  receding,  falling  back,  only 
to  rise  again.  Delegates  fairly  jumped  for  joy.  Some  of 
them  took  possession  of  the  aisles  and  marched.  Suddenly 
the  State  standards  clustered  at  Nebraska  were  borne 
away  in  single  file  through  the  aisles  of  the  pit. 

After  five  minutes  of  this  turbulence,  the  crowd  sank 


546  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM  JENNINGS   BKYAK. 

back  exhausted.  When  all  were  seated,  Delegate  Sauls- 
bury,  of  Delaware,  climbed  on  to  his  chair.  He  and  his 
three  silver  colleagues  in  that  State  gave  three  cheers  for 
Bryan,  which  was  answered  with  a  shout  from  the  gallery 
of  "  What's  the  matter  with  Bryan  for  President?" 

The  transaction  of  business  was  started  again  by  Sena 
tor  Hill  of  New  York,  but  not  without  considerable  diffi 
culty. 

The  "  ayes  "  on  the  question  were  not  loud,  but  the 
"  noes  "  gave  a  great  shout.  Whereupon,  Senator  Hill, 
with  uplifted  hand  demanded  the  call  of  States. 

The  announcement  of  the  vote,  "ayes"  626,  "noes" 
303,  gave  the  silver  men  grounds  for  applause,  because  it 
was  the  first  test  vote  directly  on  the  financial  question, 
and  showed  six  more  than  the  necessary  two-thirds  to 
nominate. 

Senator  Hill  offered  other  amendments  to  the  platform 
which  were  voted  down  by  the  same  majority.  A  vote  was 
then  taken  on  the  platform  submitted  by  a  majority  of  the 
Committee  on  Resolutions,  and  it  was  adopted  by  628 
for  and  301  against. 

The  great  battle  was  over,  the  party  commitment  de 
cisively  made.  The  laurels  of  the  day  rested  on  the  head 
of  the  "  Boy  Orator  of  the  Platte,"  and  henceforth  he 
was  to  rank  with  the  most  formidable  of  the  aspirants  for 
Presidential  honors.  There  was  destiny  in  his  superb 
oratorical  effort. 

The  evening  session  of  July  9,  was  devoted  to  placing 
candidates  in  nomination.  Mr.  Bland  was  eloquently 
nominated  by  Senator  Vest,  Mr.  Matthews  by  Senator 
Turpie,  Mr.  Boies  by  Senator  White.  Then  Georgia  was 
called,  Colonel  H.  T.  Lewis  rose,  and,  after  a  few  eloquent 
enconiums  submitted  the  name  of  William  J.  Bryan,  of 


LIFE   OF   WILLIAM   JENNINGS   BRYAN.  547 

Nebraska,  as  the  one  for  whom  the  State  would  vote.     "He 
needs  no  speech  to  recommend  him,"  said  Colonel  Lewis. 

The  words  exploded  another  mine  of  the  same  fiery  sort 
which  the  Nebraskan  had  enflamed  with  his  own  oratory  a 
few  hours  before.  Three  or  four  State  delegations  were 
on  their  chairs  leading  the  cheer  with  the  lungs  of  scatter 
ing  delegates  from  other  States  abetting  them.  Nebraska 
seemed  to  furnish  the  galleries  with  a  hero,  for  they  were 
making  the  great  chorus  of  the  noise.  The  blue  banner 
with  the  placard,  "  William  J.  Bryan  Club,  of  Nebraska ; 
16  to  1,"  emblazoned  in  silver  letters  was  lifted  above 
Nebraska's  seats. 

The  standards  of  Georgia,  North  Carolina,  Louisiana, 
Michigan  and  South  Dakota  rallied  around  the  blue  and 
silver  emblem,  and  then  the  standard-bearers  started 
a  march  around  the  pit. 

When  order  was  partially  restored,  T.  F.  Klutz,  of 
North  Carolina,  seconded  the  nomination  of  William  J. 
Bryan,  and  in  this  he  was  followed  by  G.  F.  Williams  of 
Massachusetts,  and  Thos.  Kernan  of  Louisiana. 

The  work  of  balloting  for  a  nominee  was  postponed  till 
Friday,  July  10th.  The  indications  now  all  pointed  to 
Bryan  though  several  other  candidates  were  to  be  placed 
in  the  field.  It  was  to  be  as  exciting  a  day  as  the  previous 
one,  though  without  its  acerbities.  A  melancholy  and 
painful  part  of  the  proceedings  was  the  declination  of  so 
many  delegates  to  join  in  them,  through  disgust  at  the  plat 
form  and  their  treatment  by  the  majority.  New  York 
and  New  Jersey  delegates  remained  passive  in  their  seats, 
and  Connecticut,  Wisconsin,  Delaware,  Michigan,  and 
Rhode  Island  cast  only  partial  or  scattering  votes. 

The  first  ballot  showed  that  the  heroes  in  the  contest 
were  Bland  and  Bryan,  and  that  a  clarification  of  the  situa- 


548 


LIFE   OF    WILLIAM   JENNINGS    BRYAN. 


tion  could  hardly  be  other  than  in  favor  of  Bryan,  for  the 
Bland  strength  must  have  its  limit,  wnile  that  of  Bryan 
could  have  none  short  of  a  nomination.  The  ballots  were 
taken  in  quick  order  and  with  the  following  results : 

FIRST  BALLOT. 

Bland 237 

Bryan                  -                                              -  137 

Boies 67 

Blackburn          ......  83 

McLean     -------  54 

Matthews           .-.-.-  37 

Stevenson          .-••--  5 

Teller                 8 

Pattison 94 

Russell       -•-»..-  2 
Pennoyer           ...... 

Tillman     ....---  17 

Hill 

Campbell  -------  1 

179 


Not  voting 
Total  voting 


SECOND  BALLOT. 


Bland 

Bryan 

Boies 

Blackburn 

McLean 

Matthews  - 

Stevenson  - 

Teller 

Pattison     - 

Pennoyer  - 

Hill 

Not  voting 

Total  voting 


751 


281 

197 

37 

41 

53 

34 

10 

8 

100 

8 

1 

160 

770 


LIFE   OF   WILLIAM   JENNINGS   BRYAN. 


549 


THIRD  BALLOT. 


Bland 

-     291 

Bryan 

-     219 

Boies          .... 

36 

Blackburn 

-      27 

54 

Matthews  - 

-      84 

Stevenson  - 

9 

Pattison     ----- 

•       97 

Hill            

a 

Not  voting         .... 

-    162 

Total  voting       - 

-     768 

FOURTH  BALLOT. 

Bland 

-     241 

-     280 

Boies          - 

33 

Blackburn          -        - 

-       27 

McLean     - 

-       46 

Matthews  - 

-       36 

Stevenson  - 

6 

Pattison    ----- 

-       96 

Hill           - 

1 

Not  voting 

-     162 

Total  voting     . 

-     766 

THE  FIFTH  AND  DECISIVE 

BALLOT. 

Bryan                  -         -         - 

-    528 

Bland          ..... 

-      77 

Boies          - 

.      36 

Matthews           .         .         .        . 

.      30 

Scattering          - 

5 

Not  voting         -         ... 

-    254 

Total  voting 


-    676 


550  LIFE   OF    WILLIAM   JENNINGS    BKYAN. 

Mr.  Bryan  received  the  announcement  of  his  nomination 
with  all  the  composure  and  calmness  of  a  man  who  had 
been  used  to  such  things  during  a  longer  life  than  his. 
His  handsome  black  eyes  were  perhaps  slightly  more 
dilated  than  ordinarily  when  the  bulletin  carrying  the 
nomination  message  was  handed  to  him,  but  otherwise  he 
manifested  no  change  of  countenance  or  manner.  He 
was  at  the  time  sitting  chatting  with  two  newspaper 
friends  in  his  parlor  at  the  Clifton  House. 

"  If,"  said  he,  "  this  is  true,  I  want  to  do  that  which  I 
have  for  some  time  had  in  contemplation  in  this  emer 
gency."  He  then  turned  to  the  parlor  table,  and  with  a 
lead  pencil  wrote  on  a  scrap  of  soft  paper  supplied  by 
one  of  his  newspaper  visitors  the  following : 

To  the  American  People : — In  order  that  I  may  have  no 
ambition  but  to  discharge  faithfully  the  duties  of  the 
office,  I  desire  to  announce  that,  if  elected  President,  I 
shall  under  no  circumstances  be  a  candidate  for  re 
election.  W.  J.  BRYAN. 

During  the  evening  a  public  reception  was  arranged  for 
him  at  his  hotel,  at  which  he  sounded  the  keynote  of  his 
campaign  in  the  following  vigorous  language : 

"  There  shall  be  no  signs  of  4  Keep  off  the  grass  '  when 
you  come  around,  boys,"  he  began  good-naturedly  to  the 
jostling  thousands  on  the  street.  Then  he  asked :  "Is 
this  the  Bland  Club  ?  "  A  yell  in  the  affirmative  answered 
his  inquiry. 

"  Then  I  want  to  say  to  the  friends  of  Bland  that  if 
the  Convention  had  chosen  as  their  nominee  the  man 
whose  name  is  inscribed  on  your  banners  he  would  have 
no  more  loyal  supporter  than  I.  The  fact  that  he  was 


LIFE   OF   WILLIAM   JENNINGS    BRYAN.  551 

not  chosen  cannot  be  taken  as  the  slightest  reflection  upon 
his  great  ability.  No  man  more  deserves  of  the  Conven 
tion  its  love,  its  honor  and  its  confidence  than  Richard  P. 
Bland." 

Another  great  shout  went  up  from  the  crowd  and  for 
several  minutes  the  speaker  could  not  proceed.  When 
quiet  was  again  restored  he  went  on.  "But  circum 
stances  contributed  much  in  shaping  the  results  of  this 
Convention.  When  the  campaign  is  over  I  think  it  can 
be  said  that  no  mistake  has  been  made. 

"But  it  depends  upon  you,  upon  the  plain  people. 
Abraham  Lincoln  once  said  that  the  Lord  must  love  the 
plain  people  because  he  made  so  many  of  them.  If  we 
win  in  this  great  fight  it  will  be  because  the  plain  people 
believe  that  we  will  bring  to  them  exact  and  equal 
justice. 

"We  raise  no  plea  against  the  power  and  the  just  due 
accorded  to  intelligence  and  to  .education,  but  we  insist 
that  when  the  Government  comes  in  contact  with  the 
people  there  must  be  equal  aid,  exact  justice  to  all  alike, 
rich  and  poor,  great  and  humble. 

"  The  issue  of  this  campaign  is  the  money  question 
(long  continued  applause),  and  we  cannot  be  driven  from 
our  faith  by  the  charge  that  we  advocate  dishonest 
money.  The  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  at  the 
ratio  of  16  to  1,  independent  of  any  nation  on  the  face 
of  the  earth,  will  not  give  us  dishonest  money. 

"It  will  not  give  us  a  dollar's  worth  of  value  to  one 
and  another  to  another  man.  It  will  give  to  the  man 
who  toils,  the  same  as  to  the  man  who  holds  the  mort 
gage.  It  will  give  us  a  coin  that  sails  upon  prosperity. 
This  is  to  be  a  fight  of  the  campaign,  and  you,  my  friends, 
are  to  do  the  fighting. 


552  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM  JENNINGS   BRYAN. 

"I  once  heard  a  story  of  a  man  at  a  hotel  \vho  could 
not  sleep  because  the  man  in  the  room  above  walked  the 
floor  all  night.  At  last  the  man  below,  in  despair,  asked 
his  friend  above  why  he  continued  to  walk  the  floor 
throughout  the  night.  The  friend  replied:  4I  owe 
$10,000,  and  it  is  due  next  week.  I  think  it  is  about 
time  to  walk  the  room  all  night.'  'But  my  friend,  why 
don't  you  go  to  sleep  and  let  the  other  man  do  the  walk- 
ing?' 

"Now,  a  great  many  people  seem  to  think  that  the 
candidate  must  do  all  the  walking  of  the  floor  and  all  the 
fighting.  But  this  is  your  fight.  It  is  more  important  to 
the  people  that  they  should  select  their  officers  than  it  is 
to  the  candidate  that  they  should  elect  themselves.  It  is 
for  you  to  say  who  your  hired  man  will  be.  The  officers 
of  the  people  are  their  servants. 

"  Why  should  you  not  be  careful  in  selecting  the  man 
who  serves  you  in  a  public  capacity,  when  you  give  great 
care  in  selecting  those  who  serve  you  in  a  private  ca 
pacity?  I  want  you  to  go  home  and  feel  that  this  cause 
is  your  cause.  It  is  the  cause  of  the  people,  the  plain 
people.  If  we  fight  as  we  should,  we  shall  deserve  to 
win.  I  thank  you  my  friends." 

Mr.  Bryan's  nomination  drew  a  variety  of  comment 
from  his  party.  The  silver  men  regarded  it  as  eminently 
fitting,  and  as  calculated  to  lead  to  certain  victoiy.  The 
gold  men  did  not  withhold  their  admiration  for  his  private 
worth  and  great  forensic  ability,  but  they  bitterly  de 
nounced  the  platform  which  had  been  adopted,  and  ex 
pressed  in  unmeasured  terms  their  hostility  to  the  princi 
ples  therein  incorporated.  They  regarded  them  as  un- 
Democratic  and  revolutionary,  and  as  impossible  for  sup 
port.  This,  however,  had  evidently  been  anticipated  and 


LIFE   OF   WILLIAM  JENNINGS   BEYAN.  553 

discounted,  for  Mr.  Bryan  took  the  optomistic  view  that 
as  soon  as  the  passions  of  the  hour  had  cooled  the  full 
party  strength  would  rally  to  his  support.  In  this  he  was 
encouraged  by  the  number  and  character  of  the  congratu 
lations  that  poured  in  upon  him  by  telegraph  and  letter 
from  men  of  all  factions  and  parties,  without  regard  to 
geographic  limits. 

Space  does  not  permit  the  printing  of  these  congratula 
tions,  nor  a  setting  forth  of  the  character  of  the  criticisms 
mentioned  in  connection  with  the  platform.  One  char 
acteristic  of  the  latter,  however,  is  consonant  with  im 
partial  history,  and  that  was  the  confession  that  Demo 
cratic  leaders  were  not  blameless  for  the  situation  with 
which  they  found  themselves  confronted.  For  the  three 
Cleveland  campaigns  they  had  sowed  dragon's  teeth,  in 
sending  speakers  to  the  country  to  tell  the  people  that 
they  were  being  ground  down  by  oppressive  laws  which 
protected  monopolies  and  which  made  the  rich  richer  and 
the  poor  poorer.  Cleveland  himself  it  was  said  made  this 
mistake,  never  losing  an  opportunity  to  say  to  the  masses 
that  they  were  being  frightfully  burdened  by  unjust  tax 
ation.  These  campaign  arguments  and  plausible  and 
ponderous  pleas  of  Cleveland  created  much  discontent, 
and  added  to  that  which  already  existed,  but  the  great 
mistake,  as  admitted  by  some  of  those  who  were  in  part 
responsible  for  it,  was  that  which  was  made  in  1892. 

After  Mr.  Bryan's  departure  from  Chicago,  and  on  his 
way  home  to  Lincoln,  he  visited  Salem,  his  birthplace. 
The  journey  was  a  continuous  series  of  ovations,  hardly 
less  enthusiastic  than  those  that  awaited  him  at  Salem, 
and  again  on  his  arrival  at  Lincoln,  where  the  populous 
turned  out  irrespective  of  party  to  proclaim  their  satis 
faction  over  his  nomination.  These  occasions  gave  him 


554  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM   JENNINGS   BRYAN. 

opportunity  for  eloquent  and  stirring  speeches,  in  which 
he  fully  sustained  the  reputation  for  oratory  he  had  so 
splendidly  confirmed  in  the  Convention  and  before  the 
party  that  had  honored  him  with  the  nomination  for 
President. 


LIFE  OF  ARTHUR  SEW  ALL. 


ARTHUR  SEWALL,  nominee  of  the  Democratic  Party 
for  Vice-President,  sprang  from  an  old  and  distinguished 
family  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic.  His  ancestors 
came  to  this  country  in  1654,  and  his  grandfather, 
Dummer  Se wall,  was  a  soldier  in  the  Revohitionary  War, 
He  was  settled  at  York,  Maine,  and  moved  thence  to 
Bath,  Maine,  in  1762,  where  he  purchased  the  tract  of 
land  on  which  to  this  day  is  located  the  Sewall  mansions 
and  shipyards. 

William  D.  Sewall,  the  father  of  Arthur,  entered 
upon  the  business  of  ship-building  at  Bath,  in  1825, 
and  his  shipyards  soon  became  famous  the  world  over 
for  the  staunch,  fleet  and  beautifully  modeled  vessels  it 
turned  out.  From  its  first  product,  the  pretty  little 
sail-ship,  Diana,  launched  in  1825,  to  the  exquisitely 
lined  monster,  the  steel  steamer,  Dirigo,  launched  in 
1894,  the  Sewall  shipyards  have  easily  led  the  country 
in  designs  for  merchantmen,  and,  at  this  writing,  the 
Sewall  ship-building  firm  can  boast  that  it  owns  ths 
largest  sailor  merchantman  afloat. 

Arthur  Sewall  was  born  in  Bath,  Me.,  Nov.  25,  1835, 
He  was  liberally  educated,  and  at  once  entered  the  ship^ 
building  business  with  his  father,  in  the  early  fifties, 
This  step  meant  that  his  future  destiny  was  to  be  in 
separable  from  the  creation  and  sailing  of  American 
ships,  for  the  Sewalls  made  ships  not  only  for  others 

(555) 


556  LIFE    OF   ARTHUR    SEWALL. 

but  for  themselves,  and  out  of  the  great  number  they  have 
built  since  the  establishment  of  their  plant,  they  have 
owned  and  sailed  ninety-five. 

Arthur  Sewall  succeeded  to  his  father's  business  in  con- 
I  junction  with  his  brother,  under  the  firm  name  of  E.  and 
A.  Sewall.  Since  then  the  firm  has  been  changed  and  ex 
panded  by  the  introduction  of  his  son,  William  D.  Sewall, 
and  his  nephew,  Samuel  S.  Sewall,  the  firm  name  being 
A.  Sewall  &  Co. 

Through  natural  taste  for  his  business,  aided  by  full 
acquaintance  with  its  details  and  an  interest  in  maritime 
affairs,  Arthur  Sewall  has  made  a  conspicuous  success  in 
his  calling.  But  the  prominence  it  has  given  him  in  a 
business  way,  not  only  in  the  merchant  marine  but  among 
home  associates,  measures  but  little  in  comparison  with 
the  high  place  he  has  attained  ill  the  world  of  affairs  out 
side  of  his  shipbuilding  occupation. 

No  single  occupation,  however,  intricate  and  taxing, 
could  limit  energy  and  ability  such  as  his.  He  extended 
his  business  prowess  to  various  other  enterprises  and  be 
came  successful  in  all,  adding  greatly  to  his  civic  and 
political  influence  as  well  as  to  his  material  means.  In 
time  he  came  to  rank  among  Maine's  most  substantial 
capitalists  and  his  advice  and  managerial  powers  were  in 
request  by  nearly  every  important  corporation  in  his 
county  and  vicinity.  He  was  for  nine  years  president  of 
the  Maine  Central  Railroad,  and  resigned  in  1893,  but 
only  to  give  place  to  a  successor  who  fully  represented  his 
business  policy  respecting  the  management  of  the  road, 
and  who  shared  his  tact  in  carrying  it  out. 

He  is  a  director  in  many  railroads  of  his  own,  and  ad 
joining  states,  and  was  at  one  time  prominent  in  the  man 
agement  of  the  Mexican  Central  and  Sonora  Railway.  He 


LIFE   OF   ARTHUR   SEWALL.  557 

is  also  president  of  the  Fourth  National  Bank  of  Maine, 
and  a  director  and  trusted  advisor  of  the  leading  manu 
facturing  concerns  of  Sagadahock  County.  In  all  his 
numerous  business  ventures  he  liar,  shown  himself  to  be  a 
keen,  progressive  man  of  affairs.  Under  his  management 
he  changed  the  Main  Central  from  a  third  rate  to  a  first- 
class  railroad,  with  steel  rails  and  all  modern  equipments. 

Though  a  lifelong  Democrat,  he  has  never  felt  bound  to 
follow  blindly  the  tenets  of  his  part}',  but  has  always  had 
an  opinion  of  his  own,  especially  respecting  matters  relating 
to  finance,  the  tariff  and  merchant  marine.  Thus,  when 
the  question  of  admitting  the  steamships  City  of  New 
York  and  City  of  Paris  to  American  registry  was  up  in 
Congress,  and  was  exciting  shippers  and  shipbuilders  all 
over  the  country,  he  stepped  forward  as  one  of  the 
largest  builders  of  sailing  ships  in  the  country  and  showed 
so  conclusively  that  the  measure  under  discussion  would 
prove  a  step  toward  a  revival  of  our  merchant  marine,  as  to 
convince  such  Republicans  as  Senator  Fry  and  Congress 
man  Dingley,  and  secure  their  indorsement. 

When  a  few  years  ago  he  completed  that  magnificent 
fleet  of  ships,  of  which  the  Roanoke  is  a  type,  he  decided, 
and  he  was  the  first  New  England  shipbuilder  to  do  so  that 
the  time  of  wood  in  the  ocean  marine  was  past;  that  the 
age  of  steel  had  come.  After  a  prolonged  visit  to  the 
great  yards  in  England  and  Ireland  he  returned  to  Bath 
and  put  up  a  complete  modern  steel  plant. 

The  part  of  his  whole  life,  and  that  in  which  he  takes  the 
greatest  interest,  is  his  career  as  a  shipbuilder  and  ship 
owner.  His  belief  in  the  future  of  American  shipping  has 
never  flagged,  even  when  he  saw  so  many  of  the  associates 
of  his  youth  go  out  of  the  business. 

For  the  past  eight  years  Mr.  Sewall  has  been  Maine's 
31 


558  LIFE   OF   AKTHUIi   SEWALL. 

representative  on  the  Democratic  National  Committee 
until  a  short  time  ago,  when  Dr.  S.  H.  C.  Gordon 
succeeded  him.  He  was  an  original  Cleveland  man  and 
followed  the  career  of  the  Buffalo  statesman  up  until  a 
couple  of  years  ago  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  ho 
shared  something  of  the  protection  views  of  the  late  Samuel 
J.  Randall.  Ever  since  the  greenback  victory  which 
swept  over  Maine,  Mr.  Sewall  has  been  a  close  student  of 
financial  question,  and  this  has  crystallized  in  him  to  a 
thorough  belief  in  bimetallism  and  the  free  coinage  of 
both  silver  and  gold.  Mr.  Sewall  was  a  candidate  for 
Unites  States  Senator  against  Senator  Eugene  Hale  in 
1893. 

In  1859  Mr.  Sewall  married  Emily  Duncan  Crooker, 
daughter  of  a  prominent  citizen  of  Bath.  Three  children 
were  born  to  them.  Harold  Sewall,  former  Consul  - 
General  to  Samoa,  William  Sewall,  a  junior  member  of 
the  shipbuilding  firm,  and  Demmer  Sewall  who  died  in 
infancy.  Harold  Sewall  was  sent  to  Samoa  at  the  time 
of  the  Samoan  outbreak,  by  President  Cleveland.  Later 
he  became  a  Republican  and  at  the  recent  Convention  in 
St.  Louis  he  headed  a  Reed  Republican  Club  from  Bath. 

Though  Mr.  Sewall,  born  in  1835,  is  over  sixty  years  of 
age,  he  does  not  look  to  be  over  forty-five.  He  is  a 
splendid  example  of  physical  manhood,  carries  himself 
with  a  soldierly  bearing  and  is  what  might  be  termed  a 
fine  looking  man.  His  hair  and  mustache  are  slightly 
tinged  with  gray,  but  the  wrinkles  of  age  have  scarcely 
made  their  appearance  on  his  face. 

All  who  know  hini  accord  to  him  the  highest  business 
ability,  honesty,  persistency  and  foresight.  His  manners 
are  straight  forward  even  to  brusqueness,  and  in  the  ex 
pression  of  his  thoughts  for  the  public  ear,  he  makes  no 


LIFE   OF   ATJTHUR    SEWALL. 

pretentious  to  oratory  or  magnetism.  Though  not  a 
society  man,  in  the  ordinary  acceptation  of  that  term,  he 
is  lovable  and  loyal  when  once  his  acquaintance  is  made. 
Always  a  large  employer  of  labor,  he  has  ever  treated  it 
justly,  and  thereby  escaped  the  trouble  of  protest  by 
strikes  and  other  violent  means.  He  is  a  practical  work 
man  himself,  and  when  occasion  required  could  pick  up 
tools  and  show  a  man  how  his  work  should  be  done. 

In  religion,  Mr.  Sewall  is  a  member  of  the  Swedenbor- 
gian  Church,  and  a  liberal  contributor  to  the  church  in 
his  parish.  He  finds  his  social  outlet  in  occasional  visits 
to  the  Sagadahock  Club  of  Bath,  of  which  he  is  a  mem 
ber.  He  is  also  a  member  of  the  Dunlap  Commandery, 
Knight  Templars,  but  is  not  active  in  its  councils.  He  is 
distinctively  a  home  man,  and  in  this  shares  the  tastes  of 
his  wife,  who  is  in  many  ways  a  remarkable  woman. 
Bright,  well  educated,  with  a  peculiar  grace  and  charm  of 
manner  when  she  wants  to  show  it,  her  reticence  deprives 
her  of  what  the  world  calls  popularity.  Mrs.  Sewall,  after 
attending  several  New  England  schools,  was  sent  to  the 
famous  Ipswich  Institution,  where  she  finished  her  educa 
tion.  She  traveled  in  Europe  for  several  years  after  that 
and  returned  to  America  an  unusually  accomplished  girl. 
Mrs.  Sewall  has  an  artistic  temperament,  to  which  a  large 
collection  of  water  colors,  landscape  photographs  and 
sketches  made  by  her  on  two  continents  bear  witness. 
Gifted  with  the  power  of  observation  and  with  the  ability 
to  recognize  the  interesting,  her  reminiscences  of  European 
life  are  charming  whenever  they  are  called  up  in  the  com 
panionship  of  her  intimate  friends.  Mrs.  Sewall's  health 
has  not  been  good  for  several  years,  though  she  is  in  no 
sense  an  invalid,  and  she  is  compelled  to  exercise  care  and 


500  LIFE   OF   ARTHUR   SEW  ALL. 

lias  not  been  so  prominent  in  society  as  might  otherwise 
have  been  the  case. 

She  has  been  a  student  and  a  wide  reader,  and  is  profi 
cient  in  French,  which  has  always  been  a  favorite  lan 
guage  with  her.  She  is  thoroughly  acquainted  with  this 
country,  having  visited  every  part  of  it.  She  has  crossed 
the  Pacific  on  every  transcontinental  line,  and  her  camera 
has  caught  for  her  bits  of  scenery  in  almost  every  corner 
of  the  hind.  She  is  an  expert  amateur  photographer,  and 
has  received  diplomas  for  her  work  in  Paris,  New  York 
and  Boston. 

The  visitor  to  the  Sewall  mansion  ascends  a  smooth 
walk  across  a  sloping  lane,  and  on  the  wide  porch  over 
looks  the  Kennebec  and  the  yards  where  the  Sewalls,  father 
and  son,  have  turned  out  a  hundred  ships,  and  he  sees 
every  evidence  of  good  trade  in  the  grounds  that  surround 
the  mansion. 

The  house  is  one  that  evidently  cost  its  owner  much 
money  and  thought,  still  it  is  not  what  the  world  calls  a 
handsome  one.  There  is  an  air  of  comfort  and  refine 
ment,  and  little  show  about  it.  Mrs.  Sewall's  taste  is  seen 
everywhere  about  the  house — in  the  books  in  the  library, 
in  the  pictures  on  the  wall,  and  in  the  curtains  and  rugs. 
Outside  in  the  grounds  and  the  stable  it  is  Mr.  Sewall's 
idea  that  is  dominant  every  where.  They  have  divided  the 
task  of  home  making,  and  apparently  it  is  a  success.  Mr. 
Sewall  is  very  fond  of  his  ground  and  garden,  and  none 
handsomer  is  to  be  seen  in  Maine.  He  is  also  fond  of  good 
horses,  and  his  stable  is  well  stocked  with  blooded  animals. 
He  is  often  seen  behind  a  pair  of  handsome  blacks  in  the 
streets  or  on  the  country  roads  near  the  city,  in  fact,  his 
time  is  divided  between  his  office,  his  home  and  the  road 
when  he  is  in  Bath. 


LIFE   OF  ARTHUR   SEWALL.  561 

When  Mr.  Sewall  went  as  a  delegate  to  the  Chicago 
Convention  of  1896,  he  carried  along  with  him  pronounced 
convictions  as  to  free  silver  coinage,  but  no  thought  of  be 
coming  a  candidate  for  the  Vice  Presidency.  Always  will 
ing  to  serve  his  party,  he  had  no  ambitions  to  fill  public 
office.  But  circumstances  were  such  that  the  trend  of 
sentiment  toward  his  candidacy  became  inevitable.  His 
conspicuous  position  in  the  councils  of  his  party,  the  fact 
that  Mr.  Bryan,  of  Nebraska,  had  been  placed  at  the  head 
of  the  ticket,  thus  rendering  the  choice  of  an  Eastern  run 
ning-mate  desirable,  and  the  additional  fact  that  there 
were  many  aspirants  for  the  honor  of  second  place  in 
Western  sections,  whose  differences  could  not  be  recon 
ciled,  all  pointed  to  Mr.  Sewall  as  the  candidate  in  whom 
centred  the  best  elements  of  availability  and  the  sound 
est  reasons  for  choice. 

His  name  was  presented  to  the  Convention  by  his  friend, 
William  R.  Burk,  of  California,  in  the  following  brief  and 
pointed  speech : 

"  Mr.  Chairman  and  members  of  the  Convention  :— 
What  I  shall  say  to  you  at  this  juncture  I  know  in  one  re 
spect  will  commend  itself  to  you.  Taking  into  account 
the  great  mission  which  has  called  us  into  convention,  it 
seems  to  me  that  we  should  consider  matters  far  beyond 
the  reach  of  this  great  body.  We  should  consider  that 
there  are  people  whom  we  represent,  who  have  to  vote  on 
this  great  question.  Therefore,  geographical  considera 
tions  should  prompt  us,  as  well  as  the  question  of  ability. 
It  would  not  become  me  to  say  aught  of  any  gentleman 
whose  name  has  been  brought  before  you  in  this  connec 
tion. 

"But  it  seems  to  me  that  when  we  come  to  make  up  the 
remaining  portion  of  this  ticket,  we  should  consider  those 


562  LIFE   OF   ARTHUR   SEWALL. 

States  beyond  the  Blue  Ridge  Mountains.  And  in  that 
connection  I  present  a  candidate  who  represents  every 
element  which  is  presented  to  you  in  your  platform  and  in 
your  distinguished  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  Mrc  Wil 
liam  J.  Bryan.  I  take  pleasure  in  presenting  for  your 
careful  consideration  the  name  of  Arthur  Sewall,  of  Maine. 
And,  Mr.  President,  it  may  be  well  said  of  him  in  con 
nection  with  the  great  questions  involved  in  this  matter 
and  the  interests  which  are  before  you,  that  he  will  fulfill 
the  pledges  which  have  been  made  by  your  platform.  You 
will  make  no  mistake  in  nominating  him."  (Applause.) 

Among  the  other  candidates  whose  names  had  been 
placed  in  nomination,  were  those  of  Sibley,  Penna.;  Mc 
Lean,  Ohio ;  Williams,  Mass.;  Boies,  Iowa ;  Bland,  Mo.; 
Blackburn,  Ky.;  Daniel,  Va.  Tb  ballots  cast  resulted  as 
follows : 

FIRST  BALLOT. 

Sibley, 163 

Sewall, 100 

McLean, Ill 

Williams,  (Mass.,) 76 

Boies, 20 

Bland, 62 

Clark, 50 

Lewis, 11 

Williams,  (111.), 22 

Blackburn, 20 

Daniel,        .......  11 

Scattering, 24 

Absent  or  not  voting,         ....  260 

SECOND  BALLOT. 

Sibley, 113 

Sewall, 37 


LIFE   CF    ARTHUR   SEWALL.  563 

McLean,               164 

Williams,  (Mass.),       .....  16 

Bland,                   288 

Clark,                   22 

Williams,  (ill.), 13 

Scattering, 22 

Absent  or  not  voting,          ....  255 


THIRD  BALLOT. 


Siblcy, 

Sewall, 

McLean, 

Williams,  (Mass 

Bland, 

Clark, 

Scattering, 


50 
97 

210 
iy 

255 
22 
25 


Absent  or  not  voting,          ....     255 

FOURTH  BALLOT. 

Sewall, 261 

McLean, 298 

Clark,          .                  46 

Daniel, 54 

Scattering, 21 

Absent  or  not  voting,          ....  250 

On  the  fifth  ballot  the  name  of  Mr.  McLean,  who  had 
reached  the  limit  of  his  strength,  was  withdrawn  and  the 
ballot  was  practically  unanimous  for  Mr.  Sewall.  He  was 
warmly  congratulated  over  his  nomination  by  his  friends 
at  Chicago,  and  at  once  became  the  recipient  of  hundreds 
of  congratulatory  telegrams  from  all  parts  of  the  country. 
On  his  return  home  he  was  received  with  an  ovation  by 
the  people  of  Bath,  without  distinction  of  party,  who  were 
delighted  over  the  fact  that  so  distinguished  an  honor  had 
been  conferred  on  their  fellow  townsman. 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM. 


WE,  the  Democrats  of  the  United  States,  in  National 
convention  assembled,  do  reaffirm  our  allegiance  to  those 
great  essential  principles  of  justice  and  liberty  upon 
which  our  institutions  are  founded,  and  which  the  Demo 
cratic  party  has  advocated  from  Jefferson' s  time  to  our 
own — freedom  of  speech,  freedom  of  the  press,  freedom 
of  conscience,  the  preservation  of  personal  right,  the 
equality  of  all  citizens  before  the  law,  and  the  faithful 
observance  of  constitutional  limitations. 

During  all  these  years,  the  Democratic  party  has 
resisted  the  tendency  of  selfish  interests  to  the  centrali 
zation  of  governmental  power,  and  steadfastly  maintained 
the  integrity  of  the  dual  scheme  of  government  estab 
lished  by  the  founders  of  this  republic  of  republics. 
Under  its  guidance  and  teachings,  the  great  principle  of 
local  self-government  has  found  its  best  expression  in 
the  maintenance  of  the  rights  of  the  States,  and  in  its 
assertion  of  the  necessity  of  confining  the  general  gov 
ernment  to  the  exercise  of  the  powers  granted  by  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

Recognizing  that  the  money  system  is  paramount  to 
all  others  at  this  time,  we  invite  attention  to  the  fact 
that  the  Federal  Constitution  names  silver  and  gold 
together  as  the  money-metals  of  the  United  States,  and 
that  the  first  coinage  law  passed  by  Congress,  under  the 
Constitution,  made  the  silver  dollar  the  monetary  unit 
564 


THE   DEMOCRATIC    PLATFORM.  565 

and  admitted  gold  to  free  coinage  at  a  ratio  based  upon 
the  silver  dollar  unit. 

We  declare  that  the  act  of  1873  demonetizing  silver 
without  the  knowledge  or  approval  of  the  American  peo 
ple  has  resulted  in  the  appreciation  of  gold  and  a  corres 
ponding  fall  in  the  price  of  commodities  produced  by  the 
people ;  a  heavy  increase  in  the  burden  of  taxation,  and 
of  all  debts,  public  and  private ;  the  enrichment  of  the 
money-lending  class  at  home  and  abroad ;  prostration  of 
industry  and  impoverishment  of  the  people. 

We  are  unalterably  opposed  to  monometallism,  which 
has  locked  fast  the  prosperity  of  an  industrial  people  in 
the  paralysis  of  hard  times.  Gold  monometallism  is  a 
British  policy,  and  its  adoption  has  brought  other  nations 
into  financial  servitude  to  London.  It  is  not  only  un- 
American,  but  anti-American,  and  it  can  be  fastened  on 
the  United  States  only  by  the  stifling  of  that  spirit  and 
love  of  liberty  which  proclaimed  our  political  independ 
ence  in  1776  and  won  it  in  the  War  of  the  Revolution. 

We  demand  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  both 
gold  and  silver  at  the  present  legal  ratio  of  16  to  1  with 
out  waiting  for  the  aid  or  consent  of  any  other  nation. 
We  demand  that  the  standard  silver  dollar  shall  be  a 
full  legal  tender  equally  with  gold  for  all  debts,  public 
and  private,  and  we  favor  such  legislation  as  will  prevent 
for  the  future  the  demonetization  of  any  kind  of  legal 
tender  money  by  private  contract. 

We  are  opposed  to  the  policy  and  practice  of  surrender 
ing  to  the  holders  of  obligations  of  the  United  States  the 
option  reserved  by  law  to  the  Government  of  redeeming 
such  obligations  in  either  silver  coin  or  gold  coin. 

We  are  opposed  to  the  issuing  of  interest-bearing  bonds 
of  the  United  States  in  time  of  peace,  and  condemn  the 


5G6  THE    DEMOCRATIC    PLATFORM 

trafficking  with  banking  syndicates,  which,  in  exchange 
for  bonds  and  at  an  enormous  profit  to  themselves,  supply 
the  Federal  Treasury  with  gold  to  maintain  the  policy  of 
gold  monometallism. 

Congress  alone  has  the  power  to  coin  and  issue  money, 
and.  President  Jackson  declared  that  this  power  could 
not  be  delegated  to  corporations  or  individuals.  We 
therefore  demand  that  the  power  to  issue  notes  to  circu 
late  money  be  taken  from  the  National  Banks  and  that 
all  paper  money  shall  be  issued  directly  by  the  Treasury 
Department  and  be  redeemable  in  coin  arid  receivable  for 
all  debts,  public  and  private. 

We  hold  that  tariff  duties  should  be  levied  for  purposes 
of  revenue,  such  duties  to  be  so  adjusted  as  to  operate 
equally  throughout  the  country,  and  not  discriminate 
between  class  or  section,  and  that  taxation  should  be 
limited  by  the  needs  of  the  Government  honestly  and 
economically  administered.  We  denounce  as  disturbing 
to  business  the  Republican  threat  to  restore  the  McKinley 
law,  which  has  been  twice  condemned  by  the  people  in 
national  elections,  and  which,  enacted  under  the  false  plea 
of  protection  to  home  industry,  proved  a  prolific  breeder 
of  trusts  and  monopolies,  enriched  the  few  at  the  expense 
of  the  many,  restricted  trade,  and  deprived  the  producers 
of  the  great  American  staples  of  access  to  their  natural 
markets.  Until  the  money  question  is  settled  we  are 
opposed  to  any  agitation  for  further  changes  in  our  tariff 
laws,  except  such  as  are  necessary  to  make  up  the  deficit 
in  revenue  caused  by  the  adverse  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court  on  the  income  tax. 

There  would  be  no  deficit  in  the  revenue  but  for  the 
annulment  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  a  law  passed  by  a 
Democratic  Congress  in  strict  pursuance  of  the  uniform 


THE   DEMOCRATIC   PLATFORM.  567 

decisions  of  that  court  for  nearly  one  hundred  years, 
that  court  having  under  that  decision  sustained  constitu 
tional  objections  to  its  enactment  which  have  been  over 
ruled  by  the  ablest  Judges  who  had  ever  sat  on  that 
bench. 

We  declare  that  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress  to  use  all 
the  constitutional  power  which  remains  after  that  de 
cision,  or  which  may  come  from  its  reversal  by  the  court 
as  it  may  hereafter  be  constituted,  so  that  the  burdens  of 
taxation  may  be  equally  and  impartially  laid  to  the  end 
that  wealth  may  bear  its  proportion  of  the  expenses  of  the 
Government. 

We  hold  that  the  most  efficient  way  of  protecting 
American  labor  is  to  prevent  the  importation  of  foreign 
pauper  labor  to  compete  in  the  home  market,  and  that  the 
value  of  the  home  market  to  our  American  farmers  and 
artisans  is  greatly  reduced  by  a  vicious  monetary  system 
which  depresses  the  prices  of  their  products  below  the 
cost  of  production  and  thus  deprives  them  of  the  means 
of  purchasing  the  products  of  our  home  manufactures. 

The  absorption  of  wealth  by  the  few,  the  consolidation 
of  our  leading  railroad  systems,  and  the  formation  of  trusts 
and  pools  require  a  stricter  control  by  the  Federal  Gov 
ernment  of  those  arteries  of  commerce.  We  demand  the 
enlargement  of  the  powers  of  the  Interstate  Commerce 
Commission  and  such  restrictions  and  guarantees  in  the 
control  of  railroads  as  will  protect  the  people  from  robbery 
and  oppression. 

We  .denounce  the  profligate  waste  of  the  money  wrung 
from  the  people  by  oppressive  taxation  and  the  lavish  ap 
propriations  of  recent  Republican  Congresses,  which  have 
kept  taxes  high,  while  the  labor  that  pays  them  is  unem 
ployed  and  the  products  of  the  people's  toil  are  depressed 


5G8  THE   DEMOCRATIC   PLATFORM. 

in  prices  till  the}7  no  longer  repay  the  cost  of  production. 
We  demand  a  return  to  that  simplicity  and  economy  which 
befit  a  Democratic  Government  and  a  reduction  in  the 
number  of  useless  offices,  the  salaries  of  which  drain  the 
substance  of  the  people. 

We  denounce  the  arbitrary  interference  by  Federal 
authorities  in  local  affairs  as  a  violation  of  the  Constitu 
tion  of  the  United  States  and  a  crime  against  free  institu 
tions,  and  we  especially  object  to  Government  by  injunc 
tion  as  a  new  and  highly  dangerous  form  of  oppression,  by 
which  the  Federal  Judges,  in  contempt  of  the  laws  of  the 
States  and  rights  of  citizens,  become  at  once  legislators, 
Judges  and  executioners,  and  we  approve  the  bill  passed 
at  the  last  session  of  the  United  States  Senate,  and  now 
pending  in  the  House,  relative  to  contempts  in  Federal 
courts  and  providing  for  trials  by  jury  in  certain  cases  of 
contempt. 

No  discrimination  should  be  indulged  in  by  the  Gov 
ernment  of  the  United  States  in  favor  of  any  of  its  debtors. 
We  approve  of  the  refusal  of  the  Fifty -third  Congress  to 
pass  the  Pacific  railroads  funding  bill,  and  denounce  the 
effort  of  the  present  Republican  Congress  to  enact  a  sim 
ilar  measure. 

Recognizing  the  just  claims  of  deserving  Union  soldiers, 
we  heartily  indorse  the  rule  of  the  present  Commissioner 
of  Pensions  that  no  names  shall  be  arbitrarily  dropped 
from  the  pension  roll,  and  the  fact  of  enlistment  and  serv 
ice  should  be  deemed  conclusive  evidence  against  disease 
and  disability  before  the  enlistment. 

We  favor  the  admission  of  the  Territories  of  New  Mex 
ico  and  Arizona  into  the  Union  as  States,  and  we  favor 
the  early  admission  of  all  the  Territories  having  the  nec 
essary  population  and  resources  to  entitle  them  to  State- 


THE   DEMOCRATIC    PLATFORM.  569 

hood,  and  while  they  remain  Territories  we  hold  that  the 
officials  appointed  to  administer  the  government  of  any 
Territory,  together  with  the  District  of  Columbia  and 
Alaska,  should  be  bona  fide  residents  of  the  Territory  or 
district  in  which  their  duties  are  to  be  performed.  The 
Democratic  party  believes  in  home  rule,  and  that  all  pub 
lic  lands  of  the  United  States  should  be  appropriated  to 
the  establishment  of  free  homes  for  American  citizens. 

We  recommend  that  the  Territory  of  Alaska  be  granted 
a  delegate  in  Congress,  and  that  the  general  land  and 
timber  laws  of  the  United  States  be  extended  to  said 
Territory. 

We  extend  our  sympathy  to  the  people  of  Cuba  in  their 
heroic  struggle  for  liberty  and  independence. 

We  are  opposed  to  life  tenure  in  the  public  service.  We 
favor  appointments  based  upon  merit,  fixed  terms  of  office, 
and  such  an  administration  of  the  civil  service  laws  as  will 
afford  equal  opportunities  to  all  citizens  of  ascertained 
fitness. 

We  declare  it  to  be  the  unwritten  law  of  this  Republic, 
established  by  custom  and  usage  of  one  hundred  years, 
and  sanctioned  by  the  examples  of  the  greatest  and  wisest 
of  those  who  founded  and  have  maintained  our  Govern 
ment,  that  no  man  should  be  eligible  for  a  third  term  of 
the  Presidential  office. 

The  Federal  Government  should  care  for  and  improve 
the  Mississippi  River  and  other  great  waterways  of  the 
Republic,  so  as  to  secure  for  the  interior  States  easy  and 
cheap  transportation  to  tide  water.  When  any  waterway 
of  the  Republic  is  of  sufficient  importance  to  demand  aid 
of  the  Government,  such  aid  should  be  extended  upon  a 
definite  plan  of  continuous  work  until  permanent  improve 
ment  is  secured. 


570  THE  DEMOCRATIC   PLATFORM. 

Confiding  in  the  justice  of  our  cause  and  the  necessity 
of  its  success  at  the  polls,  we  submit  the  foregoing  declara 
tion  of  principles  and  purposes  to  the  considerate  judg 
ment  of  the  American  people.  We  invite  the  support  of 
all  citizens  who  approve  them  and  who  desire  to  have  then? 
made  effective  through  legislation  for  the  relief  of  the' 
people  and  the  restoration  of  the  country's  prosperity. 

The  following  paragraph  was  added  to  the  preamble : 

"  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  guarantees  to 
every  citizen  the  rights  of  civil  and  religious  liberty.  The 
Democratic  party  has  alwa}rs  been  the  exponent  of  politi 
cal  liberty  and  religious  freedom,  and  it  renews  its  obli 
gations  and  reaffirms  its  devotion  to  these  fundamental 
principles  of  the  Constitution." 

And  this  plank  was  inserted : 

"  We  are  in  favor  of  the  arbitration  of  differences  be 
tween  employers  engaged  in  interstate  commerce  and  their 
emploj-ees,  and  recommend  such  legislation  as  is  necessary 
to  carry  out  this  principle." 


LIFE  OF  JOSHUA  LEVERING. 


PROHIBITION  CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENT,  WITH  PLAT 
FORM  AND  CONVENTION  PROCEEDINGS. 

JOSHUA  LEVERING,  the  nominee  of  the  Prohibition 
Party  for  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States  in  1896, 
was  born  in  Baltimore,  Md.,  on  September  12,  1845.  His 
present  residence  in  the  city  was  the  spot  of  his  birth.  He 
has  always  resided  in  Baltimore,  and  his  fortunes  have  al 
ways  been  closely  linked  with  the  city's  growth  and  wel 
fare. 

His  father  was  Eugene  Levering,  one  of  Baltimore's 
oldest  and  most  extensive  merchants,  who  was  for  years 
engaged  in  the  business  of  exporting  flour,  provisions  and 
other  American  products  to  the  different  ports  of  Brazil, 
and  importing  coffee  from  the  same. 

Joshua  Levering  was  acquiring  his  education  in  the  pri< 
vate  schools  of  his  native  city  when  the  Civil  War  broke 
out.  Its  exigencies  compelled  him  to  close  his  school 
career  and  turn  his  attention  to  gainful  pursuits.  He  en 
tered  upon  a  clerical  life,  which  he  continued  till  1866, 
when  he  and  his  two  brothers  entered  business  with  their 
father,  under  the  firm  name  of  E.  Levering  &  Co.  The 
father  died  in  1870,  since  which  time  the  business  has 
been  carried  on  jointly  by  the  three  brothers,  in  a  much 
enlarged  form,  the  firm  having  several  branch  houses  in 
Brazil. 

Mr.  Levering  married  Martha  W.  Keyser,  daughter  of 

(571) 


572  LIFE    OF    JOSHUA    LEVERING. 

Charles  Marls  Keyser,  of  Baltimore,  in  1870.  The  issue 
of  this  marriage  was  three  sous  and  four  daughters.  Mrs 
Levering  died  in  May,  1888.  In  March,  1892,  Mr.  Lever 
ing  married  his  first  wife's  sister,  Margaret  I.  Keyser,  who 
died  in  August,  1895. 

Though  actively  and  arduously  engaged  in  a  large  and 
responsible  business,  few  citizens  of  Baltimore  hold  more 
conspicuous  place  in  the  work  that  counts  for  a  great  city's 
social  estate,  philanthropy,  moral  and  mental  status,  and 
general  enterprise.  Of  excellent  judgment,  boundless  en- 
energy,  unswerving  probity,  and  pleasing  demeanor,  his 
life  has  been  a  series  of  rapid,  complimentaiy  steps  to  the 
highest  esteem  of  his  fellow  men,  the  implicit  confidence 
of  the  public,  and  the  most  responsible  civic  and  political 
trusts. 

In  1857,  at  the  early  age  of  twelve  years,  he  united 
with  the  Baptist  Church,  under  the  preaching  of  Rev. 
Jacob  Knapp,  and  in  1871,  became  a  constituent  member 
of  the  Eutaw  Place  Baptist  Church  of  Baltimore,  which 
connection  he  has  since  retained.  He  has  been  Super 
intendent  of  the  Sunday  school  of  this  church  since  1881. 

He  easily  ranks  as  one  of  the  most  energetic,  liberal  and 
prominent  members  of  his  denomination,  and  in  1888  was 
a  prime  mover  and  helper  in  the  organization  of  the 
American  Baptist  Educational  Society,  whose  treasurer 
he  became,  and  which  responsible  post  he  has  held  ever 
since.  In  1885  he  was  elected  President  of  the  Young 
Men's  Christian  Association  of  Baltimore,  and  has  been 
unanimously  reflected  ever  since. 

He  was  once  elected  as  Vice  President  of  the  Southern 
Baptist  Convention.  In  1886,  he  was  chosen  President 
of  the  House  of  Refuge  of  Maryland,  and  in  appreciation 
of  his  useful  and  satisfactory  services  in  this  charitable 


LIFE   OF   JOSHUA   LEVEltLNG.  573 

field  he  has  been  reflected  to  the  same  responsible  posi 
tion  annually  ever  since. 

He  also  holds  the  honorable  position  of  President  of  the 
Board  of  Trustees  of  the  Southern  Baptist  Theological 
Seminary,  at  Louisville,  Ky.,  is  Vice  President  of  the 
American  Baptist  Publication  Society,  and  is  one  of  the 
directors  of  the  Maryland  Trust  Company  and  of  the 
Provident  Savings'  Bank  of  Baltimore. 

In  1884  he  connected  himself  with  the  Prohibition 
cause  and  has  ever  since  been  one  of  its  ablest,  most 
earnest  and  consistent  exponents.  The  same  qualities  of 
head  and  heart,  the  same  energy  and  devotion  to  purpose, 
that  have  endeared  him  to  his  fellow  men  and  imposed  on 
him  so  many  business  trusts  and  civic  honors,  soon  opened 
for  him  wide  avenues  to  political  distinction.  He  be 
came  a  trusted  counsellor  and  favorite  leader  in  his  party, 
and,  in  1887,  presided  as  chairman  of  the  Prohibition 
Convention  of  his  State.  He  occupied  the  same  post  of 
honor  and  responsibility  in  the  State  Convention  of  1893. 
In  1888,  he  was  a  delegate  of  his  party  to  the  National 
Prohibition  Convention  at  Indianapolis,  and  in  1892  he 
was  a  delegate  to  the  National  Convention  at  Cincinnati. 
On  the  latter  occasion  he  declined  the  honor  of  a  nomina 
tion  for  the  Vice  Presidency  of  the  United  States  in  favor 
of  Dr.  E.  B.  Cranfill. 

In  1891,  Mr.  Levering  received  the  nomination  of  his 
party  for  State  Controller,  and  in  1895  he  was  nominated 
by  his  party  for  Governor  of  the  State  of  Maryland. 
After  an  energetic  campaign  he  increased  the  Prohibition 
vote  of  his  State  to  8,000,  a  gain  of  fifty  per  cent,  over 
any  previous  vote  cast  for  a  Prohibition  nominee  in  the 
State. 

After  so  rapid  a  rise  in  the  councils  and  esteem  of  his 
32 


574  LIFE   OF   JOSHUA  LEVEEING. 

party,  it  was  but  natural  that  liis  name  should  be  con 
spicuous  in  the  National  Convention  of  1896,  in  connec 
tion  with  the  highest  honors  at  its  disposal,  This  Con 
vention  met  in  Pittsburg,  on  May  27  and  28,  1896.  It 
was  the  seventh  National  Convention  in  the  history  of 
the  party,  and  one  of  the  largest  and  most  broadly  repre 
sentative.  It  was  also  to  be  one  of  greater  excitement 
and  intensity  of  feeling  than  any  other. 

Long  before  it  assembled  there  was  manifest  a  factious 
disposition  in  the  party  respecting  the  dominant  questions 
of  free  coinage  of  silver  and  woman's  suffrage.  The  ad 
vocates  of  the  first  of  these  two  principles,  became  known 
as  "  broad-gagers."  They  insisted  that  what  they  advo 
cated  should  be  incorporated  in  the  National  platform. 
Their  opponents,  that  is,  those  who  insisted  that  the  plat 
form  should  not  be  weighted  with  embarrassing  ques 
tions,  became  known  as  "narrow-gagers,"  or  "straight 
Prohibitionists." 

The  battle  royal  for  the  control  of  the  party  manage 
ment  and  for  the  shaping  of  its  future  policy  upon  the 
above  lines,  began  in  the  Committee  on  Platform.  In 
that  tribunal  every  inch  of  ground  was  hotly  contested, 
but  without  evidence  of  other  than  some  satisfactory 
agreement  in  the  end,  until  a  vote  was  reached  on  the 
plank  favoring  the  free  coinage  of  silver.  This  test 
showed  the  free  silverites,  or  "  broad-gagers "  to  be  in  a 
minority  in  the  Committee,  and  led  to  a  presentation  to 
the  Convention  of  a  majority  and  minority  report. 

The  scene  of  battle  thus  shifted,  its  bitterness  was 
speedily  renewed  by  the  introduction  of  the  majority  and 
minority  reports  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions. 


LIFE  OF  JOSHUA   LEVEEING.  O<5 

THE  MAJORITY  REPORT. 

The  Prohibition  party,  in  National  Convention  as 
sembled,  at  Pittsburg,  Pa.,  May  27,  1896,  acknowledg 
ing  Almighty  God  as  the  source  of  all  power  in  Govern 
ment,  do  hereby  declare: 

44  First— We  hold,  with  the  United  States  Supreme 
Court,  that  the  statistics  of  every  State  show  a  greater 
amount  of  crime  and  misery  attributed  to  the  use  of 
ardent  spirits  obtained  at  retail  liquor-saloons  than  to  any 
other  source.  We  maintain  that  the  liquor  dealers  cor 
rupt  legislation,  debauch  voters,  bribe  officials,  intimidate 
public  men,  control  political  parties,  and  make  good  gov 
ernment  in  the  centres  of  population  impossible. 

"  Second — We  are  unalterably  opposed  to  the  alcholic 
drink  traffic,  and  declare  for  the  suppression  of  the  manu 
facture,  sale,  importation,  exportation,  and  transportation 
of  intoxicating  liquors  for  beverage  purposes.  We 
utterly  reject  all  plans  for  regulating  or  compromising 
with  this  traffic,  whether  such  plan  be  Local  Option, 
taxation,  license,  or  public  control. 

"Third — We  call  the  attention  of  wage-earners  to  the 
fact  that  the  enormous  waste  caused  by  the  liquor  traffic 
is  inevitably  at  the  cost  of  production,  and  we  maintain 
that  success  for  the  Prohibition  party  will  remove  this 
great  burden  from  industry. 

"Fourth — We  stand  unequivocally  for  good  govern 
ment  honestly  and  economically  administered  in  every 
detail.  We  stand  for  fullest  protection  of  the  elective 
franchise,  which  is  the  basis  of  our  civil  liberties.  With 
the  destruction  of  the  liquor  power,  the  greatest  cor- 
rupter  and  debaucher  of  votes  and  voters  will  have  dis 
appeared,  and  the  people  and  their  representatives  will  be 
free  to  promote  the  best  interest  of  all. 

"  Fifth — There  is  no  greater  peril  to  the  nation  than  the 
competition  of  political  parties  for  the  liquor  vote,  and 
any  party  not  openly  opposed  to  the  saloon  will  engage  in 
such  competition,  court  the  favor  of  the  criminal  classes, 


576  LIFE   OF   JOSHUA  LEVERING. 

and   barter   away   public   morals   and  the  purity   of  the 
ballot. 

"  Sixth — We  call  upon  voters  to  enforce  the  declara 
tions  of  the  churches  against  the  liquor  traffic  by  support 
ing  the  Prohibition  party,  which  aims  to  settle  the  only 
political  question  upon  which  the  churches  make  de 
liverances;  and  we  maintain  that  a  new  era  of  political 
righteousness  will  come  when  the  voting  members  of  the 
churches  stand  at  the  ballot-box  in  State  and  National 
elections  for  principles  and  candidates  of  the  Prohibition 
party." 

Those  opposed  to  divisive  issues  wanted  to  stop  right 
here,  but  the  "  broad-gage  "  folks  wanted  to  say  more  and 
presented  the  following  as  a  minority  report : 

THE  PLATFORM  WHICH  THE  MINORITY  WANTED. 

"  First — That  all  money  be  issued  by  the  Government 
only  and  without  the  intervention  of  any  private  citizen, 
corporation  or  banking  institution.  It  should  be  based 
upon  the  wealth,  stability,  and  integrity  of  the  nation,  and 
be  a  full  legal  tender  for  all  debts,  public  and  private,  and 
should  be  of  sufficient  volume  to  meet  the  demand  of  the 
legitimate  business  interests  of  the  country,  and  for  the 
purpose  of  honestly  liquidating  all  our  outstanding  coin 
obligations.  We  demand  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage 
of  silver  and  gold  at  a  ratio  of  16  to  1,  without  consulting 
any  other  nation. 

"  Second — Land  is  the  common  heritage  of  the  people, 
and  should  be  preserved  from  monopoly  and  speculation. 
All  unearned  grants  of  land  subject  to  forfeiture  should 
be  reclaimed  by  the  Government,  and  no  portion  of  the 
public  domain  should  hereafter  be  granted  except  to 
actual  settlers.  Continuous  use  being  essential  to  tenure. 

"Third — Railroads,  telegraph,  and  other  monopolies 
should  be  owned  and  operated  by  the  Government,  giving 
to  the  people  the  benefit  of  service  and  product  there 
from  at  cost. 


LIFE   OF   JOSHUA   LEVEEING.  577 

"Fourth — The  national  constitution  should  be  so 
amended  as  to  allow  the  national  revenues  to  be  raised  by 
equitable  adjustment  of  taxation  on  the  properties  and  in 
comes  of  the  people,  and  import  duties  should  be  levied 
only  as  a  means  of  securing  equitable  commercial  relations 
with  other  nations. 

44  Fifth — The  contract  convict  labor  system,  through 
which  speculators  are  enriched  at  the  expense  of  the  state, 
should  be  abolished. 

44  Sixth — Believing  that  the  free  expression  of  the 
popular  will  is  essential  in  representative  Government,  we 
favor  the  adoption  of  the  initiative  and  referendum. 

44  Seventh — No  citizen  should  be  denied  the  right  to 
vote  on  account  of  sex. 

4'  Eighth — All  citizens  should  be  protected  in  their 
right  to  one  day's  rest  without  opposing  any  one  who 
consciently  observes  any  other  than  the  first  day  of  the 
week. 

44  Ninth — American  public  schools  taught  in  the  English 
language  should  be  maintained,  and  no  public  funds 
should  be  applied  to  sectarian  institutions. 

44  Tenth — The  President,  Vice  President,  and  Senators 
of  the  United  States  should  be  elected  by  the  vote  of  the 
people. 

44  Eleventh — Ex-soldiers  and  sailors  should  be  granted 
pensions  graded  upon  disability  and  time  of  services,  not 
merely  as  a  debt  of  gratitude,  but  for  services  rendered  in 
the  preservation  of  the  Union. 

"  Twelfth — Our  immigration  laws  should  be  so  secure 
as  to  exclude  paupers  and  criminals ;  immigrants  wishing 
to  become  citizens  should  be  required  to  register  in  a 
court,  and  the  right  of  franchise  should  not  be  granted 
until  five  years  thereafter. 

44  Thirteenth — None  but  citizens  should  be  allowed  to 
vote  in  any  state,  and  naturalized  citizens  should  not  be 
allowed  to  vote  for  one  year  after  naturalization  papers 
are  issued.  " 

The  fourteenth  plank  referred  to  international  arbitra 
tion,  and  the  fifteenth  plank  asked  for  the  cooperation,  of 
all  citizens  in  support  of  the  platform, 


578  LIFE    OF   JOSHtfA   LEVERING. 

The  conflict  opened  over  a  motion  to  make  the  minority 
report  a  part  of  the  majority  report.  The  "  broad-gagers," 
or  free  silverites,  carried  this  by  a  vote  of  492  to  310.  The 
platform  was  then  taken  up  and  considered  section  by 
section.  When  the  free  silver  plank  was  reached  it  gave 
rise  to  a  prolonged  and  heated  debate,  which  engaged  the 
best  minds  in  the  convention  and  proved  an  opportun 
ity  for  such  an  exhibition  of  eloquence  as  is  seldom  wit 
nessed.  The  result  was  the  defeat  of  the  free  silver  plank 
by  a  vote  of  387  to  427.  j 

Now  came  the  most  interesting  episodes  of  the  Conven 
tion,  and  of  a  kind  which  must  prove  far  reaching  in  their 
effects  on  the  future  of  the  Prohibition  party.  One  was 
the  leap  of  the  Convention  from  a  compound  to  a  simple 
platform. 

This  leap  was  taken  on  motion  of  R.  H.  Patton,  of 
Springfield,  111.,  a  free  silver  advocate,  who  moved  as  a 
substitute  for  all  planks  adopted  or  proposed  a  single  issue 
platform.  This  was  the  occasion  for  another  interesting 
debate,  free,  however,  from  the  acrimonies  of  the  former 
one.  The  majority  drifted  strongly  to  the  single  issue 
idea,  which  was  given  the  following  form,  and  made  the 
sentiment  of  the  Convention  by  a  decisive  vote  : 

THE  PROHIBITION  PLATFORM. 

*'  We,  the  members  of  the  Prohibition  party,  in  national 
convention  assembled,  renewing  our  declaration  of  alle 
giance  to  Almighty  God  as  the  rightful  ruler  of  the  uni 
verse,  lay  down  the  following  as  our  declaration  of  political 
purpose. 

"  The  Prohibition  party,  in  national  convention  assem 
bled,  declares  its  firm  conviction  that  the  manufacture, 
exportation,  importation,  and  sale  of  alcoholic  beverages 
has  produced  such  social,  commercial,  industrial,  andpolit- 


LIFE   OF   JOSHUA   LEVEEING.  57!) 

ical  wrongs  and  is  now  so  threatening  to  the  perpetuity  of 
all  our  social  and  political  institutions,  that  the  suppres 
sion  of  the  same  by  a  national  party  organized  therefor,  is 
the  greatest  object  to  be  accomplished  by  the  voters  of  our 
country,  and  is  of  such  importance  that  it,  of  right,  ought 
to  control  the  political  actions  of  all  our  patriotic  citizens 
until  such  suppression  is  accomplished. 

"  The  urgency  of  this  course  demands  the  union  with 
out  further  delay  of  all  citizens  who  desire  the  prohibition 
of  the  liquor  traffic  ;  therefore  be  it 

"  Resolved,  That  we  favor  the  legal  prohibition  by  state 
and  national  legislation  of  the  manufacture,  importation 
and  sale  of  alcoholic  beverages.  That  we  declare  our 
purpose  to  organize  and  unite  all  the  friends  of  Prohibi 
tion  into  one  party,  and  in  order  to  accomplish  this  end  we 
deem  it  of  right  to  leave  every  Prohibitionist  the  freedom 
of  his  own  convictions  upon  all  other  political  questions, 
and  trust  our  representatives  to  take  such  action  upon 
other  political  questions  as  the  changes  occasioned  by 
Prohibition  and  the  welfare  of  the  whole  people  shall 
demand.  " 

The  convention  did  not  feel  like  leaving  out  the  usual 
suffrage  plank,  which  had  for  so  many  years  held  an 
honored  place  in  the  platform,  so,  upon  motion  of  Mrs. 
2lla  A.  Boole,  of  New  York,  it  passed  the  following  reso 
lution,  the  vote  being  almost  unanimous : 

Resolved,  "  The  right  of  suffrage  ought  not  to  be 
abridged  on  account  of  sex.  " 

Another  episode  was  the  withdrawal  of  the  "broad- 
gagers  "  from  further  participation  in  the  Convention,  and 
the  setting  up  of  a  new  Prohibition  party  with  candidates 
representing  its  principles. 

The  regular  Convention  was  now  free  to  complete  its 
work,  which  it  proceeded  to  do  with  harmonious  earnest 
ness.  The  trend  of  sentiment  had  all  along  pointed  to 
Mr.  Levering  as  the  one  to  be  honored  with  the  nomina- 


580  LIFE   OF   JOSHUA  LEVERING. 

tion  for  the  Presidency.  His  name  was  presented  to  the 
Convention  by  his  friend  Mr.  W.  F.  Tucker,  of  Baltimore, 
who  in  part  said  : 

"Maryland  has  the  honor  of  presenting  a  man  as  stand 
ard-bearer  of  the  Prohibition  party  who,  back  in  1884,  did 
not  hesitate  to  go  out  and  work  for  that  matchless  man, 
John  P.  St.  John,  and  since  that  time  he  has  been  work 
ing  and  voting  the  Prohibition  ticket.  Until  a  few  mo 
ments  ago  he  refused  to  allow  his  name  to  be  used.  He 
will  not  sit  at  home  expecting  the  people  to  do  his  work, 
nor  confine  his  work  to  the  state  of  Maryland  or  the 
South,  but  he  will  devote  his  time  to  work,  so  the  people 
of  the  United  States  will  know  he  is  the  standard-bearer 
of  the  Prohibition  party.  I  hereby  present  the  name  of 
Joshua  Levering,  as  candidate  for  the  nomination  of  this 
convention." 

Perhaps  no  nomination  in  any  national  convention  was 
ever  seconded  so  numerously  or  eloquently.  The  follow 
ing  eulogium  by  Mr.  Hipp,  of  Arizona,  will  serve  as  a 
sample  of  all : 

"  The  candidate  whom  I  favor  is  worthy  to  lead  us  in 
so  great  a  cause.  A  prince  among  men,  he  stands  one  of 
the  leaders  of  the  great  church  to  which  he  belongs.  In 
education,  in  home  and  foreign  missionary  enterprises,  in 
every  kind  of  philanthropic  work,  he  stands  without  a 
peer. 

"  His  high  character  and  standing  as  a  Christian  man  will 
add  strength  to  our  cause,  and  thousands  upon  thousands 
of  votes  to  our  party. 

"  I  therefore  heartily  second  the  nomination  of  that 
spotless  son  of  the  Southland,  Joshua  Levering,  of  Mary 
land." 

The  name  of  the  Ex-Governor  L.  C.  Hughes,  of  Arizona, 
was  also  presented  to  the  Convention,  but  it  did  not  serve 


LIFE   OF   JOSHUA   LEVERING.  581 

to  deflect  the  strong  current  of  sentiment  in  favor  of  Mr. 
Levering,  whose  nomination  was  made  unanimous,  amid 
the  wildest  enthusiasm.  On  being  introduced  to  the  Con 
vention  by  the  chairman,  Mr.  Stewart,  Mr.  Levering  ac 
cepted  the  trust  imposed  and  the  honor  conferred,  in  the 
folio  wing  language : 

"I  would  be  less  than  human  if  my  heart  did  not  beat 
quirk,  and  every  nerve  pulsate  with  deep  emotion  as  I 
stand  before  you  as  the  candidate  against  the  legalized 
liquor  traffic  of  this  country.  When  an  honor  comes  as 
.1  sacrifice  for  humanity  such  as  this  is,  it  is  an  honor 
worth  wearing.  I  feel  my  own  unfitness  for  it,  and  would 
shrink  from  its  acceptance  but  for  one  reason,  and  that  is 
that  the  secular  press  have  come  to  realize  that  we  are 
earnest  in  our  purpose  and  do  us  justice  in  saying  that  we 
are  honest.  Therefore  I  feel  that  I  would  waive  my  pri 
vate  interest  and  yield  to  your  wishes.  I  am  tempted  to 
cry  out,  as  did  the  servant  of  the  Almighty,  when  he  was 
called  to  lead  the  children  of  Israel  out  of  Egypt — 4  Who 
am  I  that  I  should  be  called  to  lead  the  children  out  of 
the  wilderness  ? ' 

"  Friends,  trusting  in  the  God  of  battles,  and  trusting 
in  you  and  those  you  represent,  I  am  prepared  to  stand 
here  and  accept  this  sacred  trust,  and  to  the  extent  of  my 
ability  I  assure  you  that  wherever  the  fight  is  thickest,  the 
white  flag  of  Prohibition  will  be  planted.  We  may  not 
succeed  in  planting  our  flag  in  the  White  House,  but  I 
think  we  will  come  near  it ;  but  if  we  do  the  Government 
shall  not  be  run  in  the  interest  of  any  trust  or  individual. 
I  want  to  remind  you  that  this  great  responsibility  is 
yours,  and  the  success  of  the  campaign  is  not  on  the 
standard-bearers  so  much  as  on  the  rank  and  file.  Let  us 
hive  the  faith  to  believe  that  right  is  might.  God  and 
humanity  expect  every  Prohibitionist  to  do  his  duty." 


LIFE  OF  HON.  HALE  JOHNSON. 
PROHIBITION  CANDIDATE  FOR  VICE  PRESIDENT. 


THE  subject  of  this  biographic  sketch  was  born  in  Mont 
gomery  County,  Indiana,  August  21,  1847.  He  resided 
there,  receiving  such  education  as  the  schools  of  the  place 
afforded,  till  the  breaking  out  of  the  War  of  the  Rebellion, 
when,  though  quite  a  youth,  he  enlisted  in  the  135th  In 
diana  Volunteers,  and  served  in  the  cause  of  the  Union  till 
the  end  of  the  war. 

In  1865  he  moved  to  Illinois,  and  took  up  the  study  of 
law.  On  his  admission  to  the  bar  he  made  Newton,  111., 
his  permanent  residence.  He  soon  acquired  a  lucrative 
practice  there,  which  he  still  enjoys.  Commensurate  with 
his  rise  at  the  bar  was  his  growth  in  the  confidence  and  es 
teem  of  his  community.  He  became  an  active  member  of 
the  Republican  party,  and  was  promised  the  honor  of  an 
election  to  the  State  Legislature,  but  on  his  failure  to  se 
cure  the  adoption  of  a  Prohibition  plank  in  the  platform 
of  that  party,  in  1884,  he  left  it  for  the  Prohibition  part}% 
with  which  he  has  cooperated  ever  since. 

In  1884,  he  attended  the  National  Prohibition  Conven 
tion  at  Pittsburg,  where  he  favored  the  nomination  of 
John  P.  St.  John  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  lie 
has  always  been  regarded  by  his  party  as  one  of  its  ablest 
exponents  and  most  earnest  workers.  Nor  is  he  less  a 
worker  in  other  directions.  He  is  a  devoutand  highly  es 
teemed  member  of  the  Christian  Church,  a  past-corn- 
(582) 


LIFE   OF   HON.   HALE   JOHNSON.  583 

mander  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  and  a  colonel 
in  the  Veteran  Commandery. 

He  was  a  delegate  to  the  Prohibition  National  Conven 
tion  of  1896,  at  Pittsburg,  May  27th  and  28th,  where, 
during  the  heated  controversy  between  the  "broad-gage  " 
and  "  narrow-gage  "  factions,  he  distinguished  himself  by 
a  masterly  effort  to  harmonize  the  antagonistic  forces. 
The  impression  he  made  on  the  Convention  proved  to  be 
so  deep  that  he  was  singled  out  as  the  one  most  fitting  to 
bear  the  honors  of  a  nomination  for  the  Vice  Presidency 
of  the  United  States. 

His  name  was  presented  to  the  Convention  in  an  elo 
quent  speech  by  Chairman  Dickie.  His  running  oppo 
nent  was  ex-Governor  L.  C.  Hughes,  of  Arizona,  whose 
name  had  been  before  the  Convention  as  a  candidate  for 
the  Presidency.  The  ballot  resulted  in  809  votes  for  John 
son  and  132  for  Hughes.  The  motion  to  make  the  nomi 
nation  unanimous  was  carried  without  dissent.  The  final 
result  was  the  signal  for  an  ovation  such  as  had  crowned  the 
nomination  of  Joshua  Levering  as  candidate  for  President. 
Mr.  Johnson  was  escorted  to  the  platform  and  introduced 
to  the  Convention,  when  he  accepted  the  responsible  trust 
and  acknowledged  the  high  honors  in  one  of  his  characteris 
tically,  eloquent  and  inspiring  speeches. 


THE  NATIONAL  PARTY  AND  PLATFORM 

OF  1896. 


THE  NATIONAL  PARTY  was  formed  of  those  who 
bolted  the  Prohibition  Convention  at  Pittsburg,  in  May, 
1896.  The  bolting  body  was  known  in  Convention  as 
"  Broad  Gagers."  They  nominated  the  following  ticket  at 
Pittsburg : 

For  President,  CHARLES  E.  BENTLEY,  of  Nebraska. 
For  Vice  President,  JAMES  H.  SOUTHGATE,  of  North 
Carolina. 

Their  Platform  and  appeal  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  are  as  follows : 

LIBERTY,  JUSTICE,  EQUALITY. 

To  the  People  of  the  United  States  : 

The  inalienable  right  of  each  citizen  to  affiliate  with 
that  political  party  which  he  regards  as  the  best  ex 
ponent  of  his  own  views,  will  hardly  be  questioned  in  a 
free  country. 

Neither  will  it  be  disputed  that  this  right  involves  the 
right  of  any  body  of  citizens  to  organize  a  new  party, 
whenever  they  are  unable  to  find  among  existing  parties 
one  which  they  regard  as  a  satisfactory  exponent  of  their 
views. 

But  when  a  new  party  is  organized  and  other  citizens 
(584) 


THE  NATIONAL   PARTY   AND   PLATFORM.  585 

are  invited  to  sunder  former  party  ties  in  order  to  give  it 
support,  it  is  but  just  and  proper  that  those  concerned  in 
the  organization  of  such  new  party  should  present  to  the 
people  a  fair  statement  of  the  reasons  for  its  organ izatii  n 
and  of  the  grounds  on  which  support  for  its  ticket  is 
claimed. 

The  National  Party  was  organized  at  Pittsburg,  Pa., 
on  May  29,  1896.  There  were  present  participating  in 
the  organization  of  this  party  over  three  hundred  men  and 
women,  representing  twenty-seven  States.  The  purpose 
of  this  party  is  to  secure  control  of  the  government  in 
State  and  Nation,  and  so  administer  it  that  "Liberty, 
Justice  and  Equality"  may  prevail. 

The  principles  and  purposes  of  this  party  are  set  forth 
in  the  following  platform  : 

The  National  party,  recognizing  God  as  the  author  of 
all  just  power  in  government,  presents  the  following 
declaration  of  principles,  which  it  pledges  itself  to  enact 
into  effective  legislation  when  given  the  power  to  do  so. 

1.  The  suppression  of  the  manufacture  and  sale,   im 
portation,  exportation  and  transportation  of  intoxicating 
liquors   for   beverage    purposes.      We    utterly   reject  all 
plans   for   regulating  or  compromising  with   this  traffic, 
whether  such  plans  be  called  local  option,  taxation,  license 
or  public   control.     The  sale  of  liquors  for  medicinal  and 
other  legitimate  uses  should  be  conducted  by  the  State, 
without  profit,  and  with  such  regulations  as  will  prevent 
fraud  or  evasion. 

2.  No  citizen  should  be  denied  the  right  to  vote  on 
account  of  sex. 

3.  All  money  should  be  issued  by  the  general  Govern 
ment  only,  and  without  the  intervention  of  any  private 
citizen,  corporation  or  banking  institution.     It  should  be 


586  THE   NATIONAL   PARTY  AND   PLATFORM. 

based  upon  the  wealth,  stability  and  integrity  of  the 
Nation.  It  should  be  a  full  legal  tender  for  all  debts, 
public  and  private,  and  should  be  of  sufficient  volume  to 
meet  the  demands  of  the  legitimate  business  interests  of 
the  county.  For  the  purpose  of  honestly  liquidating  our 
outstanding  coin  obligations,  we  favor  the  free  and  un 
limited  coinage  of  both  silver  and  gold,  at  the  ratio  of  16 
to  1,  without  consulting  any  other  nation. 

4.  Land   is  the    common    heritage    of  the   people  and 
should  be  preserved  from  monopoly  and  speculation.     All 
unearned  grants  of  land,  subject  to  forfeiture,  should  be 
reclaimed  by  the  Government,  and  no  portion  of  the  public 
domain  should  hereafter  be  granted  except  to  actual  set 
tlers,  continuous  use  being  essential  to  tenure. 

5.  Railroads,  telegraphs  and  other  natural  monopolies 
should  be  owned  and  operated  by  the  Government,  giving 
to  the  people  the  benefit  of  service  at  actual  cost. 

6.  The  national  constitution  should  be  so  amended  as 
to  allow  the  national  revenues  to  be  raised  by  equitable 
adjustment  of  taxation  on  the  properties  and  incomes  of 
the  people,  and  important  duties  should  be  levied  as  a 
means  of  securing   equitable    commercial    relations  with 
other  nations. 

7.  The    contract  convict  labor  sj^stem,  through  which 
speculators  are  enriched  at  the  expense  of  the  State,  should 
be  abolished. 

8.  All  citizens  should  be  protected  by  law  in  their  right 
to  one  day  of  rest  in  seven,  without  oppTessing  any  who 
conscientiously  observe  any  other  than  the  first  day  of  the 
week. 

9.  The  American  public  schools,  taught  in  the  English 
language,    should   be    maintained,  and   no    public  funds 
should  be  appropriated  for  sectarian  institutions. 


THE    NATIONAL   PARTY   AND    PLATFORM.  587 

10.  The  President,  Vice  President  and  United  States 
Senators  should  be  elected  by  direct  vote  of  the  people. 

11.  Ex-soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  United  States  army 
and   navy,   their   widows   and  minor  children,  should  re 
ceive   liberal  pensions,  graded  on  disability  and  term  of 
service,  not  merely  as  a  debt  of  gratitude,  but  for  service 
rendered  in  the  preservation  of  the  Union. 

12.  Our  immigration  laws  should  be  so  revised  as  to  ex 
clude  paupers  and  criminals.     None  but  citizens   of  the 
United  States  should  be  allowed  to  vote  in  any  State,  and 
naturalized  citizens  should  not  vote  until  one  year  after 
naturalization  papers  have  been  issued. 

13.  The  initiative  and  referendum,  and  proportional  rep 
resentation,  should  be  adopted. 

14.  Having   herein   presented   our  principles  and  pur 
poses,  we  invite  the  cooperation  and  support  of  all  citi 
zens,  who  are  with  us  substantially  agreed. 

Very  largely  the  men  and  women  who  organized  the 
National  party  had  previously  acted  with  the  Prohibition 
party,  and  had  been  in  attendance  upon  the  National  Con 
vention  of  that  party  in  session  in  Pittsburg  during  the 
two  days  preceding.  They  withdrew  from  the  party  and 
that  convention  because  it  had  refused  to  take  a  stand  in 
defence  of  the  principlesof  "Libertj^,  Justice  and  Equality," 
and  had  adopted  a  platform  which  utterly  ignored  every 
reform  issue  of  the  day  except  the  prohibition  of  the  liquor 
traffic. 

Those  who  organized  the  National  party  were  fully 
aware  of  the  magnitude  of  the  liquor  evil  and  were  of 
one  accord  in  the  belief  that  it  must  be  destroyed.  But 
they  also  recognized  the  fact  that  there  are  other  great 
evils  afflicting  this  nation,  and  that  silence  by  a  political 
party  in  reference  to  wrongs  resulting  from  political 


588  THE   NATIONAL   PARTY   AND   PLATFORM. 

action  is  sanction,  and  that  sanction  of  the  oppression  and 
degradation  of  the  people  by  the  powers  of  injustice  and 
wrong  is  a  crime. 

The  women  of  America,  recognized  as  citizens  by  the 
Constitution  and  laws,  are  yet  denied  that  right  which 
inheres  in  citizenship,  "  the  freeman's  ballot,"  and  are  re 
fused  all  voice  in  the  Government  which  they  are  taxed  to 
support  and  compelled  to  obey. 

Silence  in  reference  to  such  a  violation  of  the  principles 
of  civil  liberty  is  a  crime. 

The  Government  of  the  country  has  been  for  years  com 
pletely  dominated  by  the  money  power  of  America  and 
Europe.  This  money  power  has  controlled  Congresses, 
Legislatures  and  Presidents,  and  secured  legislation  which 
enables  a  pampered  few  to  live  in  luxury  on  the  labor  of 
the  many.  It  has  put  poverty,  wretchedness  and  vagrancy 
where  there  should  be  peace,  prosperity  and  plenty.  It 
has  crippled  our  industries,  fostered  monopolies,  organized 
trusts,  increased  the  burdens  of  public  and  private  debts, 
robbed  every  man  and  woman  engaged  in  any  legitimate 
occupation,  reduced  millions  to  pauperism  and  suffering, 
and  created  a  spirit  of  unrest  and  discontent  which  threat 
ens  our  existence  as  a  nation. 

Silence  in  regard  to  such  a  perversion  of  the  province 
of  Government  is  a  crime. 

And  as  the  Prohibition  Party  was  silent  in  regard  to  all 
these  political  crimes  except  the  liquor  traffic,  it  was  im 
possible  to  remain  in  the  party  without  giving  silent  sanc 
tion  to  these  crimes. 

But  to  what  party  could  those  who  recognized  this  fact 
turn  ? 

Under  the  alternate  dominance  of  the  Republican  and 
Democratic  parties  have  these  evils  grown  to  their  present 


THE   NATIONAL   PARTY  AND   PLATFORM.  589 

magnitude.  It  were  folly  to  look  for  relief  to  the  parties 
which  had  created  and  nurtured  the  evils  from  which 
relief  was  sought. 

The  People's  party  is  making  a  brave  stand  against  the 
aggressions  of  monopoly,  but  is  as  silent  on  the  liquor 
question  as  the  Prohibition  party  is  on  the  monopoly  ques 
tion. 

And  in  all  four  of  these  parties  there  was  not  to  be 
found  one  to  champion  the  civil  rights  of  womanhood. 

Under  these  circumstances,  to  support  either  the  Re 
publican  or  Democratic  parties  was  to  assist  in  perpetuat 
ing  all  the  legislation  which  has  brought  the  country  to  its 
present  condition. 

To  support  the  People's  party  was  to  consent  to  the 
continuance  of  the  liquor  traffic,  and  the  disfranchisement 
of  woman,  in  order  to  strike  a  blow  at  our  financial  and 
industrial  system. 

To  support  the  Prohibition  party  was  to  consent  to  the 
disfranchisement  of  women  and  the  continuance  of  our 
present  financial  and  industrial  system,  in  order  to  strike 
a  blow  at  the  liquor  traffic. 

What  could  those  persons  do  who  were  unwilling  to 
compromise  with  two  great  public  wrongs  in  order  to  strike 
a  third  one  ? 

They  were  compelled  to  either  disfranchise  themselves 
and  neglect  their  duties  as  citizens,  or  organize  a  party 
which  should  be  true  to  the  right  on  all  the  great  political 
questions  of  the  day,  and  which  should  uphold  the  banner 
"  Liberty,  Justice  and  Equality,"  for  all  people,  of  all  sexes 
and  all  classes. 

That  party  has  been  organized.  It  is  called  the  National 
party.  Its  platform  of  principles  is  before  you.  It  in 
vites  all  citizens  who  desire  the  good  of  the  whole  people 
33 


590  THE  NATIONAL  PAETY  AND  PLATFORM. 

and  the  overthrow  of  all  political  wrongs,  to  unite  at  the 
ballot  box  next  November  and  elect  Charles  E.  Bentley 
and  James  H.  Southgate,  President  and  Vice  President  of 

this  Republic. 

L.  B.  LOGAN,  Chairman. 

JOHN  P.  ST.  JOHN,  Vice  Chairman. 

D.  J.  THOMAS,  Secretary. 

A.  M.  TODD,  Treasurer. 

HELEN  M.  GOUGAR. 

JOHN  LLOYD  THOMAS. 

R.  S.  THOMPSON. 

National  Executive  Committee. 
July  4, 1896. 


LIFE  OF  CHARLES  E.  BENTLEY. 


Charles  E.  Bentley,  of  Nebraska,  nominee  of  the 
National  party  for  President  in  1896,  was  born  in  the 
town  of  Warner's,  Onondaga  County,  New  York,  April 
30,  1841.  His  forefathers  were  of  sturdy  New  England 
stock,  and  his  grandparents  migrated  to  Warner's  in 
1809,  carving  out  of  the  forest  the  farm  of  100  acres 
which  has  been  ever  since  a  Bentley  possession. 

Mr.  Bentley  is  the  eldest  and  only  survivor  of  a  family 
of  six  children.  His  parents  were  of  decided  literary 
tastes,  and  the  father  was  of  an  active  political  turn,  being 
a  pronounced  Whig  and  Republican.  The  son  received 
his  education  in  the  common  schools  of  his  vicinage 
and  in  seminary  courses  at  Elbridge  and  Cazenovia, 
New  York, 


JOSHUA  LEVEEING, 


- 


IIAI.lv  JOUXvSOX. 


THE   NATIONAL   PARTY   AND   PLATFORM.  593 

In  1863  he  married  Miss  Persis  Freeman,  of  Bald- 
winsville,  N.  Y.,  and  in  1866  moved  to  Clinton,  Iowa, 
where,  for  twelve  years,  he  was  nearly  all  the  time  en 
gaged  in  public  service,  being  City  Clerk  and  Treasurer, 
and  Secretary  of  the  Board  of  Education.  In  1878,  he 
moved  to  Nebraska  and  settled  on  a  farm  at  Surprise, 
in  Butler  County.  Here  his  family  grew  up  about  him, 
and  received  their  education,  judiciously  tempered  with 
farm  work.  The  farm  became  a  model  one,  and  the 
family  grew  into  importance  as  leaders  of  organizers 
and  workers  in  the  cause  of  education,  temperance, 
Christianity  and  good  morals. 

In  1890,  Mr.  Bentley  moved  his  family  to  Lincoln, 
Neb. ,  the  better  to  carry  on  his  own  philanthropic  work 
and  round  out  the  education  of  his  children.  As  early 
as  1884,  Mr.  Bentley  ceased  to  cooperate  with  the  Re 
publican  party,  and  joined  the  Prohibition  party.  He 
was  chairman  of  the  first  Prohibition  Convention  ever 
held  in  Nebraska,  and  has  often  been  similarly  honored 
since.  He  was  often  a  candidate  of  his  party — twice  for 
the  legislature,  once  for  governor,  once  for  congress,  and 
once  for  the  United  States  Senate — and  in  every  in 
stance  led  his  ticket  in  the  number  of  votes  received  or 
strength  accorded. 

Such  was  his  courage,  executive  ability  and  popu 
larity,  that  in  1892  he  was  chosen  a  member  of  the 
National  Prohibition  Committee.  At  the  State  Con 
vention  of  1895  and  at  that  of  1896  the  delegates  to  the 
National  Convention  were  instructed  to  vote  for  him  for 
President.  With  some  reluctance  he  assented  to  the  use 
of  his  name  at  Pittsburgh,  where  he  conspicuously  rep 
resented  the  u  broad  gauge  "  principles  of  his  party. 

Mr.  Bentley  is  and  has  been  a  sturdy  and  determined 


094  THE  NATIONAL  PARTY  AND  PLATFORM. 

advocate  of  woman  suffrage.  No  party  can  hold  him 
in  political  leading  that  in  open  opposition  or  silent, 
cowardly,  evasion,  denies  to  women  the  right  of  the 
ballot.  Mr.  Bentley  retains  at  Surprise  the  pastorial 
charge  of  the  Baptist  Church,  over  which  he  has  pre 
sided  since  he  personally  led  in  its  organization  in  1880. 
He  also  preaches  as  supply  for  the  church  at  Friend, 
Neb.  The  doors  of  his  church  have  always  been  opened 
for  every  righteous  reform.  His  plain  uncompromising 
declarations  of  truth  as  he  preaches  political  righteous 
ness  and  denounces  parties  that  have  made  a  "Covenant 
with  Death,"  are  in  refreshing  contrast  to  the  timid 
time-serving  utterances  of  the  average  license  party 
preacher. 

In  personal  appearance  Mr.  Bentley  is  a  man  of  more 
than  average  attractions,  gifted  with  splendid  physique, 
a  genial  manner,  forcefulness  of  expression  and  those 
rare  gifts  of  oratory  which  come  from  a  direct  statement 
of  the  truth.  He  is  a  leader  by  virtue  of  his  natural 
endowments,  coupled  with  the  experience  which  he  has 
had  all  these  years. 


UFE  OF  JAMES  H.  SOUTHGATE. 


James  H.  Southgate,  nominee  of  the  National  party 
for  Vice  President,  was  born  in  Norfolk,  Va.,  the  iath 
of  July,  1859,  moved  to  North  Carolina  in  1861,  and  has 
lived  in  Franklin,  Iredell,  Orange  and  Durham  counties 
in  said  State,  the  last  mentioned  for  20  years.  Was 
prepared  for  College  by  Maj.  D.  H.  Hamilton,  of  Hills- 
boro,  and  the  Horner  and  Graves  Military  Academy  of 


THE  NATIONAL  PARTY  AND   PLATFORM.  595 

the  same  place.  Was  a  student  at  the  University  of  N. 
C.  during  the  years  1876-79  inclusive,  and  on  leaving 
College  studied  the  banking  business  and  opened  the 
first  set  of  banking  books  ever  opened  in  Durham. 
Went  in  partnership  with  his  father,  J.  Southgate,  in 
the  general  insurance  business,  in  1882.  Was  married 
in  that  year  to  Kate  Shephard,  oldest  daughter  of  B. 
and  M.  H.  Fuller.  Mrs.  Southgate  died  in  February, 
1893.  Two  children  survive  her,  Mena,  aged  n,  and 
Tom,  aged  5. 

Is  an  ex-president  of  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.  Convention  of 
N.  C.,  and  is  now  a  member  of  its  State  Executive  Com 
mittee,  and  has  been  for  a  number  of  years.  Was  Sec 
retary  of  the  first  State  Convention  ever  held  in  the  in 
terest  of  that  order  in  N.  C.  in  the  year  1877.  Has 
been  a  member  of  the  Executive  Committee  of  the 
State  Sunday  School  Association  for  nearly  10  years, 
and  is  now  the  Treasurer  of  that  body  and  a  Trustee 
and  member  of  the  Executive  Board  of  Trinity  College, 
Durham,  N.  C.,  and  President  of  the  Educator  Publishing 
Co. ,  and  Director  in  the  Morehead  Banking  Co.  Has 
been  a  member  of  the  State  Executive  Committee  of 
the  Prohibition  party  for  nearly  a  decade,  and  was 
elected  Chairman  of  the  State  Executive  Committee  of 
that  party  of  1892. 


THE  PEOPLE'S  PARTY. 


CANDIDATES  AND  PLATFORM  OF  1896. 

The  second  National  Convention  of  the  Peoples '  or 
Populist  party  met  at  St.  I/ouis  on  July  22, 1896.  This 
new  party  met  in  first  National  Convention  at  Omaha, 
July  4,  1892,  and  nominated  General  Weaver  for  Presi 
dent,  who  received  over  1,000,000  votes. 

The  first  platform  of  the  People's  party  was  adopted 
at  Cincinnati  May  20,  1891,  and  was  based  on  the  Ocala 
platform,  adopted  in  Florida  the  year  previous. 

The  St.  lyouis  Convention  was  composed  of  1,322  del 
egates,  divided  among  the  respective  States  somewhat 
in  proportion  to  the  strength  of  the  vote  cast  in  1892. 
It  organized  temporarily  by  the  election  of  Senator  But 
ler,  of  N.  Carolina,  as  chairman,  and  permanently  by 
the  election  of  Senator  William  V.  Allen,  of  Nebraska. 

Early  in  the  session  it  was  manifest  that  a  powerful 
sentiment  existed  in  favor  of  ratifying  the  Democratic 
nomination  of  Bryan  and  Sewall.  This  sentiment  was 
greatly  encouraged  by  the  presence  at  the  convention  of 
Mr.  Bryan's  managers,  such  as  Senator  Jones,  of  Ar 
kansas  ,  Chairman  of  the  Democratic  National  Commit 
tee,  and  others.  It  found  equal,  if  not  more  direct  and 
stronger,  encouragement  in  the  members  of  the  Free 
Silver  party,  who  were  also  sitting  in  National  Conven 
tion,  in  St.  Louis,  simultaneously  with  the  Populists, 
and  whose  mission  there  had  been  foreshadowed  as  one 
of  alliance  with  the  Democratic  party,  with  the  hope 

(596) 


597 

that  it  could  be  instrumental  in  inducing  the  Populists 
to  join  in  such  alliance.  Moreover,  it  was  felt  that  it 
would  be  good  practical  politics  to  unite  all  the  Popu- 
listic  and  Free  Silver  party  strength  under  the  Bryan 
Democratic  banner,  since  all  agreed  that  the  question  of 
free  silver  coinage  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  i  was  a  para 
mount  issue,  and  since  the  doctrine  had  found  unequiv 
ocal  sanction  in  the  Democratic  platform  at  Chicago. 

Opposed  to  this  sentiment  was  another,  whose 
strength  could  not  be  ascertained  till  a  test  was  made  in 
Convention,  which  opposed  the  endorsement  of  Bryan 
and  favored  the  nomination  of  straightout  Populistic 
candidates.  This  sentiment  found  its  strongest  sup 
porters  in  the  Southern  States,  where  the  Populists  had 
in  many  places  fought  their  way  to  victory  over  the  heads 
of  the  old  Democratic  party.  They  claimed  that  an 
alliance  with  the  Democrats,  and  a  contribution  of  direct 
support  to  Bryan,  would  eliminate  the  Populist  party  in 
the  South  by  subordinating  it  wholly  to  that  tyranical 
dominion  whence  it  had  escaped  only  after  superhuman 
exertion.  As  ( '  middle-of-the-road ' '  men  they  claimed 
the  right  to  perpetuate  their  organization  in  spite  of  all 
questions  of  expediency. 

A  test  of  strength  came  on  the  second  day  of  the 
Convention  over  the  question  of  electing  a  permanent 
chairman.  The  Bryan  supporters  nominated  Senator 
William  V.  Allen,  of  Nebraska,  for  the  place,  and  the 
4  *  middle-of-the-road ' '  men  nominated  Mr.  Campion,  of 
Maine.  A  test  of  strength  on  this  crucial  question 
showed  758  votes  for  Allen  and  564  for  Campion,  thus 
placing  the  convention  at  the  disposal  of  a  Bryanite  ma 
jority,  and  committing  it  to  an  alliance  with  the  Democ 
racy,  at  least  so  far  as  the  head  of  the  ticket  and  the 
cardinal  plank  in  the  platform  went. 


598  THE  PEOPLE'S  PARTY  AND  PLATFORM. 

Committees  were  now  raised  in  both  the  sitting  con 
ventions  to  confer  with  one  another  over  the  special 
terms  of  alliance.  It  does  not  appear  that  these  com 
mittees  proved  useful  for  the  purposes  intended,  at  least 
the  Silver  party  went  ahead  and  placed  the  Chicago 
nominees  upon  their  ticket  and  then  adjourned,  leaving 
the  Poupulists  to  take  their  own  course. 

The  convention  was  thrown  into  confused  and  acri 
monious  debate  over  the  question  of  indorsing  Bryan 
and  Sewall,  the  Democratic  nominees  at  Chicago.  As 
the  dispute  lengthened  it  became  evident  that  the  dispo 
sition  was  to  throw  Sewall  off  the  ticket,  and  the  order 
of  business  was  changed  so  as  to  nominate  the  Vice 
President  first. 

Several  names  were  placed  in  nomination  for  Vice 
President,  the  most  conspicuous  of  which  were  Mr. 
Sewall  and  Hon.  Thos.  K.  Watson,  of  Georgia.  Not 
withstanding  the  manifestation  of  Bryan  strength  on 
former  tests,  which  strength,  it  was  supposed,  could  be 
transferred  to  Sewall,  a  vote  disclosed  the  fact  that  Mr. 
Watson  had  secured  the  nomination  for  Vice  President 
by  a  fair  majority. 

By  this  heroic  action  the  convention  had  rendered  a 
cloudy  situation  more  obscure,  for  it  became  doubtful 
whether  Mr.  Bryan  would  accept  either  a  nomination  or 
indorsement  after  the  defeat  of  his  Chicago  running 
mate.  This,  however,  did  not  defer  earnest  work  in  his 
behalf,  and  when  nominations  for  President  were  reached 
his  name  was  eloquently  placed  before  the  convention 
by  General  Weaver.  The  name  of  Col.  S.  F.  Norton, 
of  Illinois,  was  also  placed  in  nomination.  A  ballot  dis 
closed  the  fact  that  the  Bryan  sentiment  was  over 
whelming,  and  his  nomination  was  secured  by  a  vote  of 


THE  PEOPLE'S  PARTY  AND  PLATFOBM.  599 

1,042  to  321  for  Norton.     As  the  platform  had  already 
been  adopted,  the  convention  adjourned  on  July  25. 


PEOPLE'S  PARTY  PLATFORM  FOR  1896. 


"The  People's  Party,"  assembled  in  National  con 
vention,  reaffirms  its  allegiance  to  the  principles  declared 
by  the  founders  of  the  Republic,  and  also  to  the  funda 
mental  principles  of  just  government  as  enunciated  in 
the  platform  of  the  party  in  1892. 

4  *  We  recognize  that  through  the  connivance  of  the 
present  and  preceding  administrations,  the  country  has 
reached  a  crisis  in  its  National  life  as  predicted  in  our 
declaration  four  years  ago,  and  that  prompt  and  politic 
action  is  the  supreme  duty  of  the  hour. 

4  *  We  realize  that  while  we  have  political  independ 
ence,  our  financial  and  industral  independence  is  yet  to 
be  attained  by  restoring  to  our  country  the  Constitutional 
control  and  exercise  of  the  functions  necessary  to  a  peo 
ple's  government,  which  functions  have  been  basely 
surrendered  by  our  public  servants  to  corporate  monop 
olies.  The  influence  of  European  money-changers  has 
been  more  potent  in  shaping  legislation  than  the  voice 
of  the  American  people.  Executive  power  and  patron 
age  have  been  used  to  corrupt  our  Legislatures  and 
defeat  the  will  of  the  people,  and  plutocracy  has  been 
enthroned  upon  the  ruins  of  Democracy. 

"To  restore  the  government  intended  by  the  fathers, 
and  for  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  this  and  future  gene 
rations,  we  demand  the  establishment  of  an  economic 
and  financial  system  which  shall  make  us  masters  of  our 


600  THE  PEOPLE'S  PARTY  AND  PLATFORM. 

own  affairs,  and  independent  of  European  control  by  the 
adoption  of  the  following  Declaration  of  Principles: — 

FINANCE. 

"  First. — We  demand  a  National  money,  safe  and 
sound,  issued  by  the  general  Government  only,  without 
the  intervention  of  banks  of  issue,  to  be  a  full  legal  ten 
der  for  all  debts,  public  and  private;  also,  a  just,  equita 
ble  and  efficient  means  of  distribution  direct  to  the  peo 
ple,  and  through  the  lawful  disbursements  of  the  Gov 
ernment. 

4  *  Second. — We  demand  the  free  and  unrestricted  coin 
age  of  silver  and  gold  at  the  present  legal  ratio  of  16  to 
1,  without  waiting  for  the  consent  of  foreign  nations. 

"  Third. — We  demand  the  volume  of  circulating 
medium  be  speedily  increased  to  an  amount  sufficient  to 
meet  the  demands  of  the  business  population  of  this 
country,  and  to  restore  the  just  level  of  prices  of  labor 
and  production. 

l(  Fourth. — We  denounce  the  sale  of  bonds  and  the 
increase  of  the  public  interest-bearing-bond-debt  made 
by  the  present  Administration  as  unnecessary  and  with 
out  authority  of  law,  and  that  no  more  bonds  be  issued 
except  by  specific  act  of  Congress. 

"  Fifth. — We  demand  such  legal  legislation  as  will 
prevent  the  demonetization  of  the  lawful  money  of  the 
United  States  by  private  contract. 

"Sixth. — We  demand  that  the  Government,  in  pay 
ment  of  its  obligations,  shall  use  its  option  as  to  the  kind 
of  lawful  money  in  which  they  are  to  be  paid,  and  we 
denounce  the  present  and  preceding  Administrations  for 
surrendering  this  option  to  the  holders  of  Government 
obligations. 


THE  PEOPLE'S  PARTY  AND  PLATFORM,  601 

u  Seventh. — We  demand  a  graduated  income  tax,  to 
the  end  that  aggregated  wealth  shall  bear  its  just  pro 
portion  of  taxation;  and  we  denounce  the  Supreme 
Court,  relative  to  the  income  tax  law,  as  a  misinterpre 
tation  of  the  Constitution,  and  an  invasion  of  the  right 
ful  powers  of  Congress  over  the  subject  of  taxation. 

"Eighth. — We  demand  that  postal  saving  banks  be 
established  by  the  Government  for  the  safe  deposit  of 
the  savings  of  the  people,  and  to  facilitate  exchange. 

TRANSPORTATION. 

"  Transportation  being  a  means  of  exchange  and  pub 
lic  necessity,  the  Government  should  own  and  operate 
the  railroads  in  the  interest  of  the  people,  and  on  non- 
partisan  basis,  to  the  end  that  all  may  be  accorded  the 
same  treatment  in  transportation,  and  that  the  tyranny 
and  political  power  now  exercised  by  the  great  railroad 
corporations,  which  result  in  the  impairment,  if  not  the 
destruction  of  the  political  rights  and  personal  liberties 
of  the  citizen,  may  be  destroyed.  Such  ownership  is  to 
be  accomplished  gradually,  in  a  manner  consistent  with 
sound  public  policy. 

"  Second.  -&he  interest  of  the  United  States  in  the 
public  highways  built  with  public  moneys  and  the  pro 
ceeds  of  extensive  grants  of  land  to  the  Pacific  railroads 
should  never  be  alienated,  mortgaged  or  sold,  but 
guarded  and  protected  for  the  general  welfare,  as  pro 
vided  by  the  laws  organizing  such  railroads./  The  fore 
closure  of  existing  liens  of  the  United  States  on  these 
roads  should  at  once  follow  default  in  the  payment 
thereof  of  the  debt  of  companies,  and  at  the  foreclosure 
sales  of  said  roads  the  Government  shall  purchase  the 
same  if  it  becomes  necessary  to  protect  the  interests 


602 

therein,  or  if  they  can  be  purchased  at  a  reasonable  price  ; 
and  the  Government  shall  operate  such  railroads  as  pub 
lic  highways  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole,  and  not  in  the 
interest  of  the  few,  under  suitable  provisions  for  the 
protection  of  life  and  property,  giving  to  all  transporta 
tion  interests  and  privileges,  and  equal  rates  for  fares  and 
freight. 

( ( Third. — We  denounce  the  present  infamous  schemes 
for  refunding  these  debts,  and  demand  that  the  laws 
now  applicable  thereto  be  executed  and  administered 
according  to  their  true  intent  and  spirit. 

"  Fourth. — The  telegraph,  like  the  postoffice  system, 
being  a  necessity  for  the  transmission  of  news,  should 
be  owned  and  operated  by  the  Government  in  the  inter 
est  of  the  people. 

I^AND  MONOPOLIES. 

"  First. — The  true  policy  demands  that  the  National 
and  State  legislation  shall  be  such  as  will  ultimately 
enable  every  prudent  and  industrious  citizen  to  secure 
a  home,  and,  therefore,  the  land  should  not  be  monopo 
lized  for  speculative  purposes. 

u  All  lands  now  held  by  railroads  and  other  corpora 
tions  in  excess  of  their  actual  needs  should,  by  lawful 
means,  be  reclaimed  by  the  Government  and  held  for 
actual  settlers  only ;  and  private  land  monopoly,  as  well 
as  alien  ownership,  should  be  prohibited. 

u  Second. — We  condemn  the  frauds  by  which  the  land 
grant  to  the  Pacific  railroad  companies  have,  through 
the  connivance  of  the  Interior  Department,  robbed  mul 
titudes  of  equal  bonafide  settlers  of  their  homes,  and 
miners  of  their  claims,  and  we  demand  legislation  by 
Congress  which  will  enforce  the  exemption  of  mineral 


THE  PEOPLE'S  PARTY  AND  PLATFORM.  603 

land   from  such  grants  after  as  well  as  before  patent. 

"  Third. — We  demand  that  bonafide  settlers  on  all 
public  lands  be  granted  free  homes,  as  provided  in  the 
National  Homestead  Iyaw,  and  that  no  exception  be 
made  in  the  case  of  Indian  reservations  when  opened 
for  settlement,  and  that  all  lands  not  now  patented  come 
under  this  demand. 

u  We  favor  a  system  of  direct  legislation  through  the 
initiative  and  referendum,  under  proper  Constitutional 
safeguards. 

GENERAL  PROPOSITIONS. 

"  First. — We  demand  the  election  of  President,  Vice- 
President  and  United  States  Senators  by  a  direct  vote  of 
the  people. 

"  Second. — We  tender  to  the  patriotic  people  of  Cuba 
our  deepest  sympathy  in  their  heroic  struggle  for  politi 
cal  freedom  and  independence,  and  we  believe  the  time 
has  come  when  the  United  States,  the  great  republic  of 
the  world,  should  recognize  that  Cuba  is  and  of  right 
ought  to  be  a  free  and  independent  State. 

"  Third. — We  favor  home  rule  in  the  Territories  and 
the  District  of  Columbia,  and  the  early  admission  of 
the  Territories  as  States. 

"  Fourth. — All  public  salaries  should  be  made  to  cor 
respond  to  the  price  of  labor  and  its  products. 

u  Fifth. — In  times  of  great  industrial  depression,  idle 
labor  should  be  employed  on  public  works  as  far  as  prac 
ticable. 

"  Sixth. — The  arbitrary  course  of  the  courts  in  assum 
ing  to  imprison  citizens  for  indirect  contempt,  and  rul 
ing  that  by  injunction  should  be  prevented  by  proper 
legislation. 


(K)4  THE  PEOPLE'S  PARTY  AND  PLATFORM. 

"  Seventh. — We  favor  just  pensions  for  our  disabled 
Union  soldiers. 

"Eighth. — Believing  that  the  election  franchise  and 
untrammeled  ballot  are  essential  to  a  Government  of, 
for  and  by  the  people,  the  People's  Party  condemn  the 
wholesale  system  of  disfranchisement  adopted  in  some 
States  as  unrepublican  and  undemocratic,  and  we  declare 
it  to  be  the  duty  of  the  several  State  Legislatures  to 
take  such  action  as  will  secure  a  full,  free  and  fair  bal 
lot,  and  an  honest  count. 

4 'Ninth. — While  the  foregoing  propositions  consti 
tute  the  platform  upon  which  our  party  stands,  and  for 
the  vindication  of  which  its  organization  will  be  main 
tained,  we  recognize  that  the  great  and  pressing  issue  of 
the  pending  campaign  upon  which  the  present  Presi 
dential  election  will  turn,  is  the  financial  question,  and, 
upon  this  great  and  specific  issue  between  the  parties, 
we  cordially  invite  the  aid  and  co-operation  of  all  organ 
izations  and  citizens  agreeing  with  us  upon  this  vital 
question. " 


MARION  BKTLKR. 

Bom  in  Sampson  co.,  N.  C.,  May  20,  1803  ;  graduated  at  University  oT 
N.  C.,  1885;  relinquished  study  of  law  for  farming;  joined  Farmers' 
Alliance  and  edited  Clinton  Caucasian;  elected  to  State  Senate,  1890; 
elected  president  of  Farmers' Alliance,  1891-92;  V.-P.  of  Nat.  Farmers' 
Alliance,  1893;  President  of  same,  1894;  severed  connection  with  Dem. 
party  in  1892,  and  built  up  People's  party  in  1893-94 ;  Chairman  of 
Populist  Committee ;  member  of  Board  of  State  University;  elected  as 
Populist  to  U.  S.  Senate,  1895 ;  Chairman  of  Com.  on  Executive  Expen 
ditures,  and  member  of  Committees  on  Agriculture,  Coast  Defences, 
Epidemic  Diseases,  Fisheries,  and  Post  Offices  and  Roads. 


THOMAS  E.  WATSON 


LIFE  OF  THOMAS  E.  WATSON. 


Thomas  Edward  Watson,  nominee  of  the  People's 
party  for  Vice-President,  was  born  in  Columbia  County, 
Georgia,  on  September  5,  1856.  After  passing  through 
the  public  schools,  he  entered  Mercer  University,  at 
Macon,  Ga.,  in  1872,  but  did  not  complete  a  full  course 
for  lack  of  means.  He  taught  school  for  a  time  and 
then  entered  the  law  office  of  Judge  W.  R.  Mcl^aws,  of 
Augusta,  Ga.  On  his  admission  to  the  bar,  he  began 
practice  at  Thomson,  in  1876. 

In  1880,  at  the  age  of  twenty-four,  he  entered  the 
political  arena  as  a  delegate  to  the  Democratic  State 
Covention,  and  at  once  leaped  into  fame  by  one  of  the 
most  eloquent  speeches  delivered  before  that  body.  In 
1882  he  was  elected  to  the  lower  house  of  the  State  Leg 
islature,  and,  in  1888,  was  a  Democratic  Presidential 
elector-at-large. 

In  1890  he  was  elected  to  Congress  from  the  Augusta 
District  as  a  Democrat,  receiving  5,456  votes,  against 
597  for  Anthony  E.  Williams,  his  Republican  candidate. 
In  this  campaign  he  exhibited  much  force  and  ability  as  a 
speaker,  and  was  a  stern  champion  of  the  principles  in 
culcated  by  the  Farmers'  Alliance. 

In  the  House,  he  distinguished  himself  as  a  fiery  de 
bater,  and  took  a  leading  part  in  several  parliamentary 
battles.  His  unique  personality  and  sanguine  tempera 
ment  attracted  the  attention  of  the  country  at  large. 
He  took  strong  ground  against  the  principles  and 
methods  of  both  political  parties,  and  thus  in  turn  won 
the  applause  of  both. 

In  1892,  he  became  the  nominee  of  the  People's  party 

(607) 


608  LIFE   OF   THOMAS   E.   WATSON. 

for  Congress  in  his  district.  He  began  his  campaign  by  the 
publication  of  a  book  which  contained  charges  against 
the  morality  of  members  of  the  House.  An  investigation 
followed,  pending  which  Watson  defended  the  truth  of 
his  charges  with  great  ability,  but  a  majority  of  the  in 
vestigating  committee  found  them  without  warrant. 

Throughout  his  second  campaign,  he  championed  the 
cause  of  the  farmer,  poor  man,  and  negro,  as  against 
the  rich,  and  held  a  series  of  exciting  debates  with  his 
opponent,  which  resulted  in  much  ill-feeling  at  the 
time.  Able  as  he  was  upon  the  stump,  he  could  not 
stem  the  tide  which  set  in  against  him,  because  of  his 
liberal  notions,  and  he  was  defeated  at  the  election  by  a 
vote  of  17,772  to  12,333. 

In  1894,  he  again  tried  conclusions  with  his  old  oppo 
nent,  Mr.  Black,  and  this  time  as  a  straighter  than  ever 
Populist.  Though  he  made  a  splendid  campaign,  he 
was  again  doomed  to  defeat  by  20,942  to  13,498  votes. 
There  were  charges  and  counter-charges  of  fraud,  and 
Mr.  Black,  declining  to  enter  on  a  term  about  which 
there  was  a  dispute,  resigned  his  seat.  This  enabled 
the  two  competitors  to  make  another  appeal  to  the  peo 
ple.  It  was  made  at  a  special  election  held  October  2d, 
1895,  and  resulted  in  another  defeat  for  Watson  by  a 
vote  of  10,193  to  8, 637. 

In  1878,  Mr.  Watson  was  married  to  Miss  Georgia 
Durham,  and  has  two  children.  In  appearance  he  is 
slender,  angular  and  youthful  looking.  His  head  is 
crowned  with  a  luxuriant  crop  of  auburn  hair.  His 
physical  appearance  by  no  means  denotes  the  fiery  zeal, 
persistent  enery,  great  mental  activity,  and  wonderful 
oratorical  powers  of  the  man  who  even  excels  his  run 
ning  mate  on  the  Populist  ticket  in  his  speedy  march  to 
fame  and  in  superb  rhetorical  force. 


NATIONAL  SILVER  PARTY. 


CANDIDATES  AND  PLATFORM  FOR  1896. 

The  National  Silver  Party  met  in  its  first  National 
Convention  at  St.  Louis  on  July  22, 1896,  simultaneously 
with  the  meeting  of  the  People's  party,  with  which  it 
was  in  close  political  affiliation.  This  new  party  owed 
its  existence  to  the  American  Bimetallic  League,  which 
on  February  22, 1895,  at  Chicago,  appointed  a  committee 
of  congressmen,  with  Hon.  William  M.  Stewart,  of 
Navada,  at  their  head,  to  promote  u  the  equal  use  of 
gold  and  silver."  There  was  established  at  Washington 
an  executive  committee  of  the  league,  or  party,  whose 
head  and  active  spirit  was  ex- Congressman  A.  Judson 
Warner,  of  Marietta,  Ohio,  afterwards  of  Washington. 
Minor  leagues  were  formed  throughout  the  country,  all 
with  a  common  view,  and  these  became  consolidated 
under  the  name  of  the  American  Bimetallic  Union. 

This  union,  league  or  party  was  encouraged  and  grew 
on  the  hypothesis  that  neither  of  the  leading  political 
parties  would  favor  its  principles  in  their  conventions; 
but  after  the  adoption  of  a  free  silver  coinage  platform 
by  the  Democratic  party  at  Chicago,  and  the  nomina 
tion  of  Bryan  and  Sew  all,  it  found  in  both  platform  and 
in  those  candidates  what  it  wanted,  and  forthwith  issued 
the  following  proclamation  and  indorsement  through  its 
Executive  Committee ; 

(609) 


610         THE   NATIONAL   SILVER   PARTY   AND   PLATFORM. 

CHICAGO,  ILJ,.,  July  12. 

1  *  To  the  members  of  the  American  Bimetallic  Union 
and  of  all  affiliated  unions  and  leagues  throughout  the 
United  States,  and  all  other  friends  of  bimetallism  : 

* '  Whereas,  The  American  Bimetallic  Union,  being  a 
consolidation  of  the  American  Bimetallic  I/eague,  the 
National  Bimetallic  Union,  the  National  Silver 
Committee,  and  other  bimetallic  organizations, 
called  a  conference  at  Washington,  D.  C.,  on  the 
22d  day  of  January  last,  at  which  conference  it  was 
determined  that  the  people  in  the  approaching  election 
should  have  the  opportunity  to  vote  for  candidates  for 
President  and  Vice- President,  and  for  members  of  Con 
gress,  committed  unequivocally  to  the  restoration  of  the 
unrestricted  coinage  of  both  gold  and  silver  on  the 
terms  of  equality  existing  prior  to  1873,  and  to  make 
this  determination  sure,  a  convention  was  called  by  said 
conference  to  meet  at  St.  L,ouis  on  the  22d  day  of  July, 
there  to  place  in  nomination  candidates  for  President 
and  Vice-President,  in  case,  meantime,,  neither  of  the 
two  great  parties — as  then  appeared  doubtful — offered 
acceptable  candidates  on  a  platform  committing  the 
candidates  and  the  party  to  the  restoration  of  the  un 
restricted  coinage  of  both  gold  and  silver  ;  and, 

"  Whereas,  The  Democratic  convention  just  ended  at 
Chicago  has  adopted  a  platform  containing  all  that  bi- 
metallists  have  demanded,  fully  and  unequivocally  ex 
pressed,  and  has  nominated  candidates  of  distinguished 
ability,  and  long  known  as  sincere  adherents  of  our 
cause  ;  therefore  be  it 

"  Resolved,  That  in  the  opinion  of  this  committee 
but  one  duty  remains  for  the  friends  of  this  great  cause 
to  perform,  and  that  is  to  unite  as  one  man  in  support 


THE   NATIONAL    SILVER    PARTY   AND    PLATFORM.  611 

of  the  platform  adopted'  at  Chicago  and  the  candidates 
nominated  thereon,  and  to  work  with  might  and  main 
until  the  election  in  November  to  secure  the  success  of 
this  ticket.  If  this  is  done  we  sincerely  believe  that 
our  cause  will  be  won  and  prosperity  be  restored  to  our 
people. 

' '  The  only  danger  to  be  feared  is  in  a  division  of  our 
own  forces,  which  we  pray  will  not  be  allowed  to  take 
place.  To  divide  our  forces  on  the  eve  of  the  great 
contest  before  us  would  be  unnatural  and  suicidal  ;  and 
for  one  to  lead  a  revolt  in  such  a  cause  and  at  such  a 
time,  would  come  little  short  of  being  a  public  crime. 
We  therefore  appeal  to  all  members  of  the  bimetallic 
union  and  of  affiliated  silver  leagues  and  all  others 
opposed  to  the  continuance  of  the  single  gold  standard, 
regardless  of  party  affiliations,  to  come  to  the  support 
of  the  platform  and  the  splendid  ticket  given  us  at  the 
people's  great  convention  just  held  at  Chicago.  We 
further  urge  upon  all  who  agree  with  us  upon  this  vital 
issue,  to  join  us  at  St.  Louis  on  July  22d,  there  to  in 
dorse  and  ratify  the  work  so  nobly  begun. 

"A.  J.  Warner,  President. 

UR.  C.  Chambers,  First  Vice- President 

"  Henry  G.  Miller,  Second  Vice-President. 

"  Thomas  G.  Merrill,  Treasurer. 

UJ.  B.  Grant,  of  Executive  Committee. 

"H.  F.  Bartine,  of  Executive  Committee. 

"  George  E.  Bowen,  Secretary. " 

This  proclamation  was  of  course  a  commitment,  in 
advance  of  the  forthcoming  convention  of  the  party  to 
the  Democratic  nominees  and  platform,  at  least  so  far  as 
the  latter  represented  free  silver  coinage,  and  when  the 


612         THE   NATIONAL    SILVER   PARTY   AND    PLATFORM. 

convention  actually  assembled  r*t  St.  Louis,  it  soon  made 
known  its  preference  for  Bryan  and  Sewall.  It  also 
raised  a  committee  to  confer  with  a  similar  committee 
on  the  part  of  the  Populists,  then  also  in  National  Con 
vention  at  St.  Louis,  over  the  details  of  an  out  and  out 
alliance  of  all  the  free  silver  coinage  elements  of  the 
country  with  the  Democratic  party. 

These  committees  did  not  prove  very  effective  for  their 
purpose,  and  the  convention  made  haste  to  adopt  its 
platform  and  to  nominate  by  acclamation  the  nominees 
of  the  Chicago  convention,  Bryan  and  Sewall,  tor  Presi 
dent  and  Vice  President. 


THE  NATIONAL  SILVER   PARTY  PLATFORM 

OF   1896. 

First — The  paramount  issue  at  this  time  in  the 
United  States  is  indisputably  the  money  question.  It  is 
between  the  gold  standard,  gold  bonds  and  bank  cur 
rency  on  the  one  side  and  the  bimetallic  standard,  no 
bonds  and  government  currency  on  the  other. 

On  this  issue  we  declare  ourselves  to  be  in  favor  of  a 
distinctively  American  financial  system.  We  are  unal 
terably  opposed  to  the  single  gold  standard,  and  demand 
the  immediate  return  to  the  constitutional  standard  of 
gold  and  silver  by  the  restoration  by  this  government, 
independently  of  any  foreign  power,  of  the  unrestricted 
coinage  of  both  gold  and  silver  into  standard  money  at 
the  ratio  of  1 6  to  i  and  upon  terms  of  exact  equality, 
as  they  existed  prior  to  1873  5  tne  silver  coin  to  be  a  full 
legal  tender,  equally  with  gold,  for  all  debts  and  dues, 
private  and  public,  and  we  favor  such  legislation  as  will 


THE    NATIONAL   SILVER    PARTY    AND    PLATFORM.          613 

prevent  for  the  future  the  demonetization  of  any  kind  of 
legal  tender  money  by  private  contract. 

We  hold  that  the  power  to  control,  and  regulate  a  paper 
currency  is  inseparable  from  the  power  to  coin  money, 
and  hence  that  all  currency  intended  to  circulate  as  mon 
ey  should  be  issued,  and  its  volume  controlled,  by  the 
general  government  only  and  should  be  legal  tender. 

We  are  unalterably  opposed  to  the  issue  by  the  United 
States  of  interest-bearing  bonds  in  time  of  peace,  and 
we  denounce  as  a  blunder  worse  than  a  crime  the  present 
treasury  policy,  concurred  in  by  a  Republican  House, 
of  plunging  the  country  in  debt  by  hundreds  of  millions 
in  the  vain  attempt  to  maintain  the  gold  standard  by 
borrowing  gold  ;  and  we  demand  the  payment  of  all  coin 
obligations  of  the  United  States,  as  provided  by  existing 
laws,  in  either  gold  or  silver  coin  at  the  option  of  the 
government — not  the  option  of  the  creditor. 

The  demonetization  of  silver  in  1873  enormously  in 
creased  the  demand  for  gold,  enhancing  its  purchasing 
power  and  lowering  all  prices  measured  by  that  standard ; 
and  since  that  unjust  and  indefensible  act  the  prices  of 
American  products  have  fallen  upon  an  average  nearly 
50  per  cent.,  carrying  down  with  them  proportionally 
the  money  value  of  all  other  forms  of  property.  Such 
fall  of  prices  has  destroyed  the  profits  of  legitimate  in 
dustry,  injuring  the  producer  for  the  benefit  of  the  non- 
producer,  increasing  the  burden  of  the  debtor,  swelling 
the  gains  of  the  creditor,  paralyzing  the  productive  en 
ergies  of  the  American  people,  relegating  to  idleness 
vast  numbers  of  willing  workers,  sending  the  shadows 
of  despair  into  the  home  of  the  honest  toiler,  filling  the 
land  with  tramps  and  paupers  and  building  up  collossal 
fortunes  at  the  money  centres. 


614         THE   NATIONAL   SILVER   PARTY   AND   PLATFORM. 

In  the  effort  to  maintain  the  gold  standard  the  country 
has  within  the  last  two  years  in  a  time  of  profound 
peace  and  plenty,  been  loaded  down  with  $262,000,000 
of  additional  interest-bearing  debt,  under  such  circum 
stances  as  to  allow  a  syndicate  of  native  and  foreign 
bankers  to  realize  a  new  profit  of  millions  on  a  sin 
gle  deal. 

It  stands  confessed  that  the  gold  standard  can  only  be 
upheld  by  so  depleting  our  paper  currency  as  to  force 
the  prices  of  our  products  below  the  European  and  even 
below  the  Asiatic  level,  to  enable  us  to  sell  in  foreign 
markets,  thus  aggravating  the  very  evils  of  which  our 
people  so  bitterly  complain,  degrading  American  labor 
and  striking  at  the  foundation  of  our  civilization  itself. 

The  advocates  of  the  gold  standard  persistently  claim 
that  the  cause  of  our  distress  is  overproduction;  that 
we  have  produced  so  much  that  it  has  made  us  poor, 
which  implies  that  the  true  remedy  is  to  close  the  fac 
tory,  abandon  the  farm  and  throw  a  multitude  of  people 
out  of  employment,  a  doctrine  that  leaves  us  unnerved 
and  disheartened  and  absolutely  without  hope  for  the 
future.  ] 

We  affirm  it  to  be  unquestioned  that  there  can  be  no 
such  economic  paradox  as  over-production  and  at  the 
same  time  tens  of  thousands  of  our  fellow- citizens  re 
maining  half  clothed  and  half  fed  and  who  are  piteously 
clamoring  for  the  common  necessaries  of  life. 

Second — That  over  and  above  all  other  questions  of 
policy,  we  are  in  favor  of  restoring  to  the  people  of  the 
United  States  the  time-honored  money  of  the  Constitu 
tion—gold  and  silver,  not  one,  but  both — the  money  of 
Washington  and  Hamilton,  and  Jefferson  and  Monroe, 


THE  NATIONAL  SILVER  PARTY   AND   PLATFORM.          615 

and  Jackson  and  Lincoln,  to  the  end  that  the  American 
people  may  receive  honest  pay  for  an  honest  product; 
that  the  American  debtor  may  pay  his  just  obligations 
in  an  honest  standard  and  not  in  a  standard  that  has  ap 
preciated  one  hundred  per  cent,  above  all  the  great  sta 
ples  of  our  country,  and  to  the  end  further  that  silver 
standard  countries  may  be  deprived  of  the  unjust  advant 
age  they  now  enjoy  in  the  difference  in  exchange  be 
tween  gold  and  silver — an  advantage  which  tariff  legis 
lation  alone  cannot  overcome. 

We  therefore  confidently  appeal  to  the  people  of  the 
United  States  to  leave  in  abeyance  for  the  moment  all 
other  questions,  however  important  and  even  momentous 
they  may  appear,  to  sunder,  if  need  be,  all  former  party 
ties  and  affiliate  and  unite  in  one  supreme  effort  to  free 
themselves  and  their  children  from  the  domination 
of  the  money  power — a  power  more  destructive  than 
any  which  has  ever  been  fastened  upon  the  civilized 
men  of  any  race  or  in  any  age.  And  upon  the  consum 
mation  of  our  desire  and  efforts  we  invoke  the  gracious 
favor  of  Divine  Providence. 


T0       ORATION  DEPARTMENT 
RETURNTO:      C^ftsl.in  stacks 


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